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Texas spotlights unaccompanied migrant children ahead of Trump deportation push
Community TV stations scramble for funding as revenue source continues to shrinkIn the wee hours Sunday at the United Nations climate talks, countries from around the world reached an agreement on how rich countries can cough up the funds to support poor countries in the face of climate change.
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Harris: Fine Gael ‘will gain seats’ amid further fragmentation of Irish politicsNEWCASTLE, England (AP) — Newcastle’s winning run in the English Premier League came to an abrupt end when goals from Thomas Souček and Aaron Wan-Bissaka gave West Ham a surprise 2-0 win at St. James’ Park on Monday. The Hammers rose into 14th place and the pressure on coach Julen Lopetegui was eased. The London club has been inconsistent all season and Monday’s win was just its fourth in 12 league games. West Ham was worth the win in the end but the three points came courtesy of slack defending by the home side. Emerson whipped in an out-swinging corner after 10 minutes and, with Newcastle defenders rooted to the spot, Souček stole in to nod home the opener. Then eight minutes into the second half, captain Jarrod Bowen found Wan-Bissaka in the penalty box and he was left unchallenged and had time to fire an angled drive past Nick Pope. Newcastle brought on Harvey Barnes, and then Callum Wilson returned from a long-term back injury to make his first appearance of the season but to no avail. The defeat ended a three-game winning streak for Newcastle and left the Saudi Arabia-owned club in ninth place, four points outside the top four. AP soccer: https://apnews.com/hub/soccerMELBOURNE, Australia , Dec. 5, 2024 /PRNewswire/ — Coles Group , a leading Australian retailer, announced the successful go-live of its master data management (MDM) solution in partnership with Stibo Systems . The new system, powered by Stibo Systems’ award-winning STEP platform, addresses various pain points in Coles’ data management, transforming product maintenance, digital assets and customer experience across its diverse business channels, including Coles Online and Coles Liquor. “At Coles, our commitment to delivering seamless and reliable shopping experiences for our customers is paramount,” said Anthony Corboy , Head of Commercial Technology at Coles Group. “Being on this journey with Stibo Systems has allowed us to tackle a range of inefficiencies in our data management processes, helping streamline product information and drive a consistent brand experience across our channels. We’re now better equipped to innovate in our digital and in-store offerings, benefitting both our customers and suppliers.” Various challenges to overcome Before adopting Stibo System’s STEP solution, Coles faced a range of challenges including data inconsistency, outdated manual workflow processes, fragmented product maintenance, limited online product detail, inconsistent cross-channel sales, and disjointed distributed digital assets. These challenges presented an opportunity for Coles to enhance its operational efficiency and deliver more consistent product experiences across its various digital channels by implementing a robust data management system. Project goals Coles’ primary goals for this project were to: Strategic business impact With the Stibo Systems solution now in place, Coles is positioned to address the challenges and unlock opportunities in the following areas: “We are thrilled to support Coles Group in realizing their vision for a more integrated and customer-focused data strategy,” said Pradip Mashru, VP, Asia-Pacific & Japan at Stibo Systems. “The successful go-live of our platform at Coles is a testament to the power of MDM in addressing complex business challenges and unlocking new efficiencies. By centralizing data and enhancing its quality, Coles is well-positioned to elevate its customer experience, reduce operational costs and continue to innovate in the retail industry.” About Coles Group Coles Group is a leading Australian retailer with over 1,800 retail outlets across the country. Known for its commitment to innovation, Coles Group is focused on enhancing its digital and in-store experiences to meet evolving customer needs. About Stibo Systems Stibo Systems is a leading enabler of trustworthy data through AI-powered master data management. Built on a robust and flexible platform, our SaaS solutions empower enterprises around the globe to deliver superior customer and product experiences. Our trusted data foundation enhances operational efficiency, drives growth and transformation, supports sustainability initiatives and bolsters AI success. Headquartered in Aarhus, Denmark , Stibo Systems is a privately held subsidiary of Stibo Software Group, which guarantees the long-term perspective of the business through foundational ownership. More at https://www.stibosystems.com . For more information, please contact: Katherine Hahn Public Relations Manager khah@stibosystems.com Logo – https://mma.prnewswire.com/media/2376823/Stibo_Systems_Skagerrak_RGB_Logo.jpg View original content: https://www.prnewswire.com/apac/news-releases/coles-group-chooses-stibo-systems-to-help-improve-its-customer-experience-across-digital-channels-302322008.html SOURCE Stibo Systems
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A video posted to social media by a Texas lieutenant in the Department of Public Safety shows a young girl at the U.S.-Mexico border standing alone. She has traveled from El Salvador, and holds just a Post-It note with a phone number on it. "How old are you?" a trooper asks. The girl holds up two fingers. A second video posted by the same lieutenant shows 60 migrant children who journeyed by themselves to the U.S. arriving in Eagle Pass, Texas. Another image shows an accused smuggler running across the border with a 5-year-old in his arms, reportedly paid to bring the girl to her mother already in the states. The Texas Department of Public Safety, under Republican Gov. Greg Abbott, openly supports President-elect Donald Trump's push to dramatically tighten immigration. Lt. Chris Olivarez began posting photos and videos of child migrants around the time Tom Homan, Trump's point-person on the border, visited Eagle Pass. "I guarantee some are in forced labor, some are in sex trades," Homan said. "We're going to save those children." RELATED STORY | Trump announces former acting ICE Director Tom Homan as new 'border czar' The arrival of unaccompanied minors is not a new phenomenon. Thousands have journeyed across the Mexican border each year, including during the first Trump term, according to a Scripps News review of data from the Department of Health and Human Services. The flow of unaccompanied minors, however, reached record highs during the first years of the Biden administration, as undocumented immigration soared. The numbers have fallen since 2022 but remain elevated today. The federal government tries to quickly place child migrants with a sponsor already in the country, usually a parent or other close family member. The sponsor pledges to care for the minor while ensuring they go through immigration proceedings. However, it is an approach that does not always work. RELATED STORY | Trump's mass deportation plan targets specific groups of immigrants A 2023 joint investigation by Scripps News and the Center for Public Integrity found many children end up disappearing from their sponsor homes. Thousands of unaccompanied minors run away, some winding up in dangerous illegal child labor jobs, or worse. "They've simply vanished into a dark underworld of sex and drug trafficking, forced labor, gang activity and crime," said Rep. Tom McClintock, R-California, during a November congressional hearing. McClintock and other Republicans say the Department of Health and Human Services is to blame for failing to properly vet sponsors. A 2023 report by a Florida grand jury obtained by Scripps News found some sponsor addresses were in fact empty lots or a strip club. One address listed 44 kids assigned to it. Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra says they are doing the best they can with a limited budget. "What we don't do is short-change the vetting process," Becerra said at a November hearing on Capitol Hill. "We make sure that we follow best practices in the child welfare field. "We do background checks on every individual," he added. RELATED STORY | The struggle to locate migrant children missing from US homes Just how many migrant children have disappeared from their sponsors is in dispute. Becerra says a frequently cited estimate of 85,000 missing kids is too high and doesn't account for many children who are safe but just not reachable by HHS officials who make three attempts to contact them. "They may be at school, they may be at a doctor's appointment, they may not have a phone working anymore," Becerra said. Homan and the rest of the Trump administration have not yet laid out what their policy will be for those children who make the perilous journey to the U.S. alone.Save articles for later Add articles to your saved list and come back to them any time. Back when he lived in Newtown, Alan Jones had a wall covered in photographs of himself with the Pick and Stick crew. There were football players, political allies, celebrities and billionaires; the “Moses of the airwaves” had cultivated a powerful fellowship over his first 20-odd years on air, and still had half his radio career to run. Yet even then, some in his orbit had misgivings about getting too close to Jones. “The last place you wanted to end up was on his wall,” said one. Being close to Jones was, as one former staffer put it, “an exhausting thing”. It was like being smiled upon by a capricious emperor. The anointed ones, who ranged from sports stars to musicians to prime ministers and premiers, were graced with favours and largesse. But they had to pay homage or risk it all. Jones’ warning that a failure to respond to a request would “be the end of our friendship”, was ominous indeed. This patronage was one of myriad ways Jones transformed himself from an everyday shock jock into The Man Who Ran Sydney. In the era when talkback was king and he had a 20 per cent audience share, he used his intellect, charisma and money to exploit the platform like no one else. “His power isn’t explained by the size of his audience,” says Chris Masters, author of Jonestown . “It’s explained more by how he used it as leverage to advocate for his own interests and the interests of his powerful mates.” For decades, power protected Jones. He bullied his staff, bulldozed elected officials, and was perceived to favour handsome young men. Few were game to challenge him. Those who did paid the price. Jones was a man “drunk on power”, said one former staffer, and he “did not know when to stop”. But his grip loosened as society changed and Jones refused to change with it, as advertisers became reluctant to align themselves with his increasingly fringe views, and as movements such as #MeToo put the anatomy of power under the microscope. Power protected Alan Jones, seen here departing after giving evidence during the inquiry into Cash for Comment. Credit: Brendan Esposito Last year, Jones faced his own reckoning. The Herald’s chief investigative reporter Kate McClymont revealed allegations that he had used his power for sexual gratification, by groping and indecently assaulting young men, including one of his producers, without their consent. One of the men, who has since died, alleged that he “forces himself on young men and uses his power in a predatory way”. Another man, an employee, says he was groped by Jones. “He knew I wasn’t gay so it was about power dynamics,” he said. Police investigated. This week, Jones was charged with 26 offences involving nine alleged victims. He says he is innocent. The charges are before the courts. When one family contacted police a few years ago to raise allegations that Jones had indecently touched a relative, the officers were blunt. It would be the word of a social colossus against that of an ordinary person. Jones was not, the family recalled one of them saying, “Joe Blow from Bunnings”. Talkback radio used to be the only way ordinary people could speak directly to politicians, even if the microphone was controlled by the host. It was a win-win; listeners on so-called Struggle Street could get their problems addressed, politicians could talk directly to the people, and broadcasters were the powerbroker in the middle. “Forget the press gallery,” prime minister Paul Keating once said. “If you educate [broadcaster] John Laws, you educate Australia.” Articulate, relentless, merciless Jones outclassed all his rivals when he first fired up on air in 1985. He was an unlikely success story; a cross between a priest and a schoolmaster, who would sermonise and patronise in a voice so grating he was nicknamed The Parrot. Yet listeners loved it. “He played all the tabloid tricks,” says Masters. “Flatter your public, tell them ‘my listeners are my best researchers’. He ended up generating a kind of cultist following.” He slept three hours a day and seemed to devote the remaining 21 to work. He’d insist that his office reply to every letter. He’d often dictate them himself to his typist. In 1999, he wrote 3000 letters to government in eight months, the Herald learnt under freedom of information laws. Almost 140 of those were to the prime minister, premier, and a handful of ministers. He expected recipients to reply promptly. Failure to do so risked an on-air dressing down. Premiers and prime ministers would put a staff member in charge of responding within 24 hours. They were dubbed the Minister for Alan Jones. Alan Jones was a prolific correspondent with prime ministers, premiers and government ministers. Credit: Dallas Kilponen The line between policy and personal blurred. Once, he was pulled over by NSW Police highway patrol on a trip to Canberra and didn’t realise he was crossing two lanes of the Hume to get to the kerb. He was almost hit by a truck. The next day, he wrote to then-police minister Paul Whelan, attempting to get the “cowboy” officer sacked. “I’m sick and tired of defending the police force when it’s peopled by yahoos like this,” he wrote. He would text politicians at all hours, furiously criticising their decisions and offering unsolicited advice about how those decisions would end in disaster. Once, he flamed a senior NSW minister for what he described as unforgivable ignorance. “Who the f--- do you think you are?” the radio broadcaster told the elected member of parliament. A response that pleased him could lead to benevolence. Another letter, obtained by The Guardian under a similar FOI request 20 years later, involved a back-and-forth with then-Coalition sports minister Stuart Ayres about a sailing issue. Jones approved of Ayres’ actions. “That’s why you are a very good minister,” he wrote. “Is everything OK in the electorate? Yell out if I can help. With best wishes, Alan.” Many argue Jones, himself a failed political candidate for the Liberal Party, was only able to hold so much power because politicians surrendered it to him. Yet those who resisted grovelling found themselves in a bind. “It wasn’t that the ministers lacked courage,” said one former senior NSW Coalition minister. “It’s that you couldn’t convince a cabinet or party room to stand up to him too.” Taking on Jones about one thing meant the broadcaster would attack everything else that minister tried to do. “It subverted your ability to do other things,” he said. “It wasn’t worth the fight.” When Coalition premier Mike Baird backflipped on his plan to shut down greyhound racing after a sustained campaign by Jones, he was photographed arriving at Jones’ apartment at Circular Quay for a dinner of humble pie to win back support. Jones told his listeners the next day that the government would receive “full marks” from him if it reversed the ban. Opposition Leader Tony Abbott with broadcaster Alan Jones after he addressed a rally in Canberra. Credit: Andrew Meares Jones would frequently shower praise on his long-time friend Tony Abbott: the broadcaster was one of two speakers at an event last year marking 10 years since Abbott became prime minister. When Abbott was in the top job, Jones would send him a weekly missive with about 30 dot points, offering advice, warnings, and tips on who was white-anting him, said one person close to him. Staff heard him dictate a sign-off: “Go for the jugular, Tony.” Abbott denies the story. “Mr Abbott ran his own political strategy and famously wrote his own speeches and personally signed off his own media releases,” said a spokesman. Politicians found their own ways of managing him. “There were certain techniques that worked with Alan, like going into the studio in person,” the former minister said. “It was harder for him to be mean to you if you were right in front of him. Colleagues used to say they would take a young male staffer with them [to put Jones in a good mood], like a burnt offering. Writing him a handwritten note; he’d write to you, and what I learnt was that you had to write back yourself, and give him answers to keep him [from speaking about the issue on radio].” The aim was to keep their issue off-air, said the politician. Being lauded could be as dangerous as being rubbished. “If you got praised by him, it was probably because you leaked to him, so your colleagues would be suspicious – and generally rightly so. Alan never did anything without a reason.” Jones might have left politicians so intimidated that they couldn’t sleep before an interview, but no one was more attuned to the vagaries of his mood than those who worked for him. The former teacher and rugby union coach was an exacting boss. One producer remembers sitting in the car park before work in the wee hours of the morning, wondering if he could face it all again that day. “I don’t think he ever said hello to me in all the years I worked for him,” he said. “Every day started with incredible tension.” For their first six months, Jones would put a new producer to a kind of loyalty test involving verbal abuse and the rubbishing of their work. “It was routine humiliation,” said one. Once, when Jones was dissatisfied with the performance of his staff, he made them write to the finance department to say they didn’t deserve to be paid for their day’s work. Another time, Jones found some faxes that had not been replied to, and made staff cancel leave to write back. Alan Jones was a money spinner who called the shots at the stations that employed him. Credit: Nick Moir “The way he blew up at people was a craft,” said another former producer, who – like many people interviewed for this story – spoke on the condition of anonymity because he still feared Jones’ impact on his career. “He never swore, but it was an articulate spray that was like being lashed by lightning. It was personal, it was cruel, it was demeaning. But it wasn’t someone losing control. The sprays were directed at staff, at salespeople, at CEOs. There was no one at 2GB that Jones felt he couldn’t stand over.” Jones was the station’s money-spinner. “What he wanted, he got,” says Mike Carlton, who worked with Jones at 2UE before the breakfast presenter jumped ship to 2GB. “He would just send in his manager, ‘Alan wants this, Alan wants this done’, and management would cave because they were desperate to keep him on side.” Working for Jones was intense. Yet Jones kept staff loyal, partly with occasional explosions of generosity. A Christmas card with $500 inside. Tickets to Wimbledon. A lavish dinner. There was also the sense that, beyond the bullying, the program was doing some good. “A lot of the stuff he pointed out related to stupid government policy, and a lot of it ended up benefiting people who deserved a result,” said a former producer. “That’s where it gets a little bit tricky; without an aggressive champion, they would never have got the result they deserved.” Many wondered what drove him so relentlessly. It wasn’t money for its own sake; those close to him estimate he has given away millions over the years. He would pay friends’ children’s school fees, give them money to buy their first property, cover their health bills. He still pays for the reunions of school football teams he coached in the 1960s. “He’d give it to people who were broke, who needed money for legal fees,” said one person who worked with Jones. He would also allow people to stay in his opulent homes, in Sydney, the Southern Highlands, Brisbane and the Gold Coast. The guest list raised eyebrows; one former producer recalls dropping some briefs over and meeting the “procession of [male] athletes who would stay there”, he says. “Many of them were emotionally needy; quite a few had come from broken homes, and didn’t have supportive family relationships. There was a bit of a theme going through that. Part of it was he didn’t want to be alone.” Jones’ sexuality was scuttlebutt for decades, raised publicly only in double entendre. Jones never commented, not even after being arrested in a London public toilet – that was also a gay beat – for “outraging public decency” (he was cleared). He once told this masthead’s David Leser that he didn’t “believe people should be asked to [comment] in relation to their private lives”. But many, like Masters, believe Jones’ sexuality may be key to understanding his accumulation of power. He grew up in Queensland when homosexuality was illegal, and moved in worlds in which it was spurned, such as schoolboys’ boarding houses when he was a teacher, and rugby union when he was a coach. “There were good reasons for him to don the mask,” says Masters. “We’ve seen this in other powerful men from that era, the power base was built around them as a protective screen. It’s the manipulations – where to go, who you know, who can pull strings – that keeps you safe.” As his power grew, Jones became complacent. His staff and his acolytes were afraid to challenge him. He didn’t verify information he’d been given before presenting it on air, and got things wrong. The end began with his 2012 attacks on Julia Gillard – who stood opposite his good friend Abbott in the parliamentary chamber – when he said she should be tied in a chaff bag and dumped at sea. Within a week of The Sunday Telegraph reporting Jones’ comments to a Young Liberal dinner that Gillard’s father, who had passed away not long before, had “died of shame”, around 70 advertisers backed away from his show and Mercedes-Benz confiscated Jones’ $250,000 sponsored car. Jones apologising for his remarks about Julia Gillard's father dying of shame in 2012. Credit: Dean Sewell The editor who published The Sunday Telegraph ’s story, Neil Breen – who is now a television reporter for Nine, owner of this masthead – paid the price for challenging Jones. “From that day on, it always had an effect on my career,” he said. It angered some of Jones’ supporters at News Limited. It prompted Jones to run interference when Breen worked in radio. It disrupted relationships that still haven’t recovered. “You were just up against forces,” he said. “He was a significant foe.” Jones’ final, self-inflicted blow came in 2019, when he told then-prime minister Scott Morrison to “shove a sock” down the throat of New Zealand’s then-prime minister, Jacinda Ardern. The condemnation was swift and significant, and advertisers – whose business covered his $4 million salary – fled. Jones was already on thin ice due to his alliances with fringe politicians such as then-MP Craig Kelly, and a mammoth defamation payout for blaming a family for the deadly Grantham floods. He resigned from 2GB in 2021. Without his platform, Jones’ power rapidly dwindled. Even if he had stayed on air, his influence may not have protected him from the indecent assault allegations. Over the past decade, abuse of power accusations have all but ended the careers of other once-untouchable men even if they are eventually cleared, like the late cardinal George Pell. The world has changed. Power is a less effective cocoon. While speaking up still requires enormous courage, victims are no longer stigmatised. Where allegations of predatory behaviour were once stifled, police now take so-called silent crimes seriously. Where stars were once allowed to behave as they wanted as long as they brought in money, companies must now actively protect their workers. “There’s been a very important shift in how we operate as a society,” says academic and former journalist Catharine Lumby, who once had a piece critiquing Jones pulled when she wrote for The Bulletin , which was owned by Jones’ good friend Kerry Packer. “The avenues of survivors of assault and harassment are more educated; there’s been a sea change in attitudes.” Those who knew Jones say he would have stayed in front of a microphone until he died if he could have, holding on to the power that kept him safe and the busyness that kept him from introspection. The haunted, brilliant, flawed man “was scared of what came next”, says a former staffer. “He didn’t want any time to look in the mirror. He wanted to fill every day so there was no time for self-reflection.” Start the day with a summary of the day’s most important and interesting stories, analysis and insights. Sign up for our Morning Edition newsletter .
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Jake Paul wants “to set the record straight,” when no straightening is required. If anyone would understand that we moved on from his “fight” against Mike Tyson, it should be Paul, who has made a fortune in the split-second entertainment world of social media. Paul’s Most Valuable Promotions issued a statement on Monday to dispel the rumor that his fight at AT&T Stadium on Nov. 15 against Tyson was rigged. The intention is to change the narrative of what was an embarrassing, if highly profitable, evening, and maintain the interest in Paul’s boxing career. The fight was not rigged, and no statement was needed. The fight was simply awful. The statement begins: “Following the wide circulation of incorrect and baseless claims that undermine the integrity of the Paul vs. Tyson event, Most Valuable Promotions (MVP) would like to set the record straight regarding the contractual agreements and the nature of the fight.” “Integrity” and “Tyson v. Paul” have no business of being in the same sentence. “Rigging a professional boxing match is a federal crime in the United States of America. Paul vs. Tyson was a professional match sanctioned by the Texas Department of Licensing and Regulations (TDLR). Both fighters in good faith performed to the best of their abilities with the goal of winning the fight,” the statement said. The Texas Department of Licensing and Regulations did sanction this kitten fight between a Disney kid turned YouTuber against a 58-year-old man with serious health issues. The fight had judges, and Paul was awarded a decision when none was needed. “Best of their abilities” is subjective. After landing one of his first punches, a left to Paul’s head, Tyson looked like he may have something in what was once one of the most feared boxers who ever lived. He flashed some of that old Tyson head movement, but mostly he looked like an old boxer. Because that’s what he is. The event quickly became an awkward money grab embarrassment, an indictment on the ticket-buying audience more than the promoters, who were doing their job, and leaving Netflix blushing over streaming issues. “There were absolutely no restrictions – contractual or otherwise – around either fighter. Each boxer was able to use his full arsenal to win the fight. Any agreement to the contrary would violate TDLR boxing rules,” the statement said. No restrictions is a liberal use of the term. The fight was eight rounds, not 10 or 12. The rounds lasted two minutes, not three. The gloves the boxers used were 14 oz., not 10. President Jimmy Carter could take a few shots from a 14 oz. glove. The statement continues, “Trash talk and speculation are common in sports, and athletes and promoters need to tolerate nonsensical commentary, jokes and opinions. But suggesting anything other than full effort from these fighters is not only naïve but an insult to the work they put into their craft and to the sport itself.” Accusations of rigged outcomes have been hurled at sporting events in the United States since the New York Nine defeated the Knickerbockers 23-1 in four innings, the first recorded baseball game ever played in America, in 1846. The New York Nine did not release a statement to the press that the game was rigged. Such accusations are hallow, but every now and then there is a Chicago Black Sox. “It is further illogical and inane that MVP, in the debut of a hopeful long-term partnership with the world’s biggest streamer—an organization that made its first-ever foray into live professional sports with Paul vs. Tyson—would even so much as consider such a perverse violation of the rules of competition,” the statement said. That’s not how rigged works. You don’t tell the broadcast partner that the live event is staged. Making sure his boss knows he’s working, MVP co-founder Nakisa Bidarian issued his own words to this statement, saying, “This is not the first time Jake Paul has faced unfounded skepticism or outright disbelief as a professional athlete, and frankly, the claim that his bout must have been rigged is just the latest backhanded compliment to come his way.” Paul, 27, beat a 58-year-old man in a fight that looked like two-hand touch. There is no compliment. “From day one in this sport, people have doubted his abilities — unable to reconcile how someone with his background has accomplished so much in such a short time. Jake has not only proven himself repeatedly, but he has continuously set historic records that speak for themselves,” Bidarian wrote. Paul has created a niche for himself in the sport by carefully fighting opponents who are names, but are not boxers. Older guys. Ex-UFC fighters looking for one more check. He’s also spent the necessary time to train, and learn how to box. He knows how to promote himself, and an event. He created “boxing entertainment,” but his fights are not traditional boxing matches. They are also not scripted WWE. “As long as Jake continues to exceed expectations, there will always be those who try to discredit his achievements.” Bidarian said. “We embrace the doubt — it only fuels Jake to work harder and achieve greater success.” Herein lies the “need” for this press statement. Paul wants to continue to fight, but not against fighters who may knock him out. Considering the type of money his fights have generated, he would have no problem finding a line of potential traditional opponents waiting to pummel him through the canvas. He has avoided real fighters for a reason. Because he’s smart. Because he can. Because there is a market for the fights he stages. The fallout from his bout against Tyson is that Paul could have unintentionally knocked out the audience for these matches that are staged, not rigged, which is really why he wants to “set the record straight.” ©2024 Fort Worth Star-Telegram. Visit star-telegram.com . Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.Former All-Star Rico Carty dies at 85
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NEW YORK — More shoppers than ever are on track to use 'buy now, pay later' plans this holiday season, as the ability to spread out payments looks attractive at a time when Americans still feel the lingering effect of inflation and already have record-high credit card debt. The data firm Adobe Analytics predicts shoppers will spend 11.4% more this holiday season using buy now, pay later than they did a year ago. The company forecasts shoppers will purchase $18.5 billion worth of goods using the third-party services for the period Nov. 1 to Dec. 31, with $993 million worth of purchases on Cyber Monday alone. Buy now, pay later can be particularly appealing to consumers who have low credit scores or no credit history, such as younger shoppers, because most of the companies providing the service run only soft credit checks and don't report the loans and payment histories to the credit bureaus, unlike credit card companies. This holiday season, buy now, pay later users can also feel more confident if a transaction goes awry. In May, the CFPB said buy now, pay later company must adhere to other regulations that govern traditional credit, such as providing ways to demand refunds and dispute transactions. To use a buy now, pay later plan, consumers typically sign up with bank account information or a debit or credit card, and agree to pay for purchases in monthly installments, typically over eight weeks or more. The loans are marketed as requiring no or low interest, or only conditional fees, such as for late payment. Klarna, Afterpay and Affirm are three of the biggest buy now, pay later companies. But consumer advocates warn that shoppers who sign up for the payment plans using a credit card can be hit with more interest and fees. That's because individuals open themselves up to interest on the credit card payment, if it's carried month to month, on top of any late fees, interest, or penalties from the buy now, pay later loan itself. Experts advise against using a credit card to pay for these plans for this reason. Consumer watchdogs also say the plans lead consumers to overextend themselves because, for example, not paying full price up front leaves, in the shopper's mind at least, more money for smaller purchases. They also caution consumers to keep careful track of using multiple buy now, pay later services, as the automatic payments can add up, and there is no central reporting, such as with a credit card statement. "Buy now, pay later can be an innovative tool for purchases you're going to make anyway," said Mark Elliott, chief customer officer at financial services company LendingClub. "The challenge is that it does fuel overspending." For merchants, that's part of the appeal. Retailers have found that customers are more likely to have bigger cart sizes or to convert from browsing to checking out when buy now, pay later is offered. One report from the Federal Reserve Bank of New York cited research that found customers spend 20% more when buy now, pay later is available. "The reality is that the increased cost-of-living and inflation have put more people in a situation where they're already relying on revolving credit," Elliott said. "The psychographics of 'buy now, pay later' may be different — people don't think of it as debt — but it is." If a consumer misses a payment, they can face fees, interest, or the possibility of being locked out of using the services in the future. Emily Childers, consumer financial expert for personal-finance technology company Credit Karma, said that internal data shows member credit card balances are up more than 50% for Gen Z and millennial members since March 2022, when the Fed started raising interest rates. "Young people are entering this holiday season already in the red," she said. "And, based on what we're seeing in the data, they're continuing to bury their heads in the sand and spend."Adele says it is time to ‘move on’ after completing her Las Vegas residency