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hg777 { "@context": "https://schema.org", "@type": "NewsArticle", "dateCreated": "2024-12-28T14:20:20+02:00", "datePublished": "2024-12-28T14:20:20+02:00", "dateModified": "2024-12-28T14:55:17+02:00", "url": "https://www.newtimes.co.rw/article/22901/news/education/100-days-100-stories-new-book-captures-defining-moment-in-rwandas-history-tackles-genocide-denial", "headline": "100 Days, 100 Stories: New book captures ‘defining moment’ in Rwandas history, tackles genocide denial", "description": "To challenge genocide denial narratives through authentic stories of first-hand experiences during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, a...", "keywords": "", "inLanguage": "en", "mainEntityOfPage":{ "@type": "WebPage", "@id": "https://www.newtimes.co.rw/article/22901/news/education/100-days-100-stories-new-book-captures-defining-moment-in-rwandas-history-tackles-genocide-denial" }, "thumbnailUrl": "https://www.newtimes.co.rw/thenewtimes/uploads/images/2024/12/28/67400.jpeg", "image": { "@type": "ImageObject", "url": "https://www.newtimes.co.rw/thenewtimes/uploads/images/2024/12/28/67400.jpeg" }, "articleBody": "To challenge genocide denial narratives through authentic stories of first-hand experiences during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, a genocide survivor published a new book titled “100 Days, 100 Stories: Rwandan Voices on the 1994 Genocide Against the Tutsi.” ALSO READ: Linda Melvern’s new book exposes patterns of Genocide denial Jo Ingabire Moys, a genocide survivor, writer, and film director, led the project as co-writer and editor. The project put together 100 stories from people of diverse ages and backgrounds, each recounting their experiences related to the 1994 Genocide. ALSO READ: Genocide survivor on writing her story to help Rwandans heal The book, conceived as a response to genocide denialism, seeks to preserve memory and inspire hope through shared testimonies. For Ingabire, the volume is more than a compilation of stories but a profound reflection of Rwanda’s collective history. ALSO READ: Grace Uwamahoro honoured for saving Tutsi child “This project is important to me because it captures a defining moment in my people’s history,” Ingabire said. “The genocide against the Tutsi happened when I was five years old, and I needed to understand it as an adult. There are many interesting and reliable resources available on the topic but none beats sitting down with a person, looking them in the eye as they share their personal experience.” Ingabire said that the narrative in the book not only reflects the tragedy of the genocide but also the resilience and hope of Rwandans. According to her, rather than following a linear or chronological approach, contributors were encouraged to focus on moments from their past, present, or future. This creative freedom allowed contributors to choose the form their story took, she said. ALSO READ: A closer look at post-Genocide Rwanda’s Chief Justices She underscored the inclusive storytelling in the book as it incorporates voices from all walks of life. “The book contains stories from Rwandans from all walks of life: survivors, their children, perpetrators and their children, rescuers, bystanders, returnees, and those in the diaspora. It also includes contributions from individuals previously referred to as the Twa,” she explained. ALSO READ: A form of genocide denial that is an insult to Hutu “This inclusivity ensures that the book covers Rwanda’s journey over the past 30 years in a meaningful way. I hope that the readers will appreciate the complexity of life as a Rwandan in light of such a tragedy but also learn of the hopes of the people as they rebuild an identity beyond war and conflict.” Bernard Makuza Ingabire worked closely with institutions like Ibuka, an umbrella organisation for genocide survivors’ associations, to gather survivors' testimonies. ALSO READ: How Ex-Habyarimana soldier risked his life to rescue Tutsi during Genocide “We also tapped into our networks in Rwanda and abroad to find interesting and authentic voices that would give historical context to the collection,” she added. “For instance, we have a story from former Prime Minister [March 2000 to October 2011] Honourable Bernard Makuza and justice campaigner Dafroza [Mukarumongi] Gauthier. We have stories from the city and the countryside, from people who would remember the 1959 revolution to those born after 1994.” ALSO READ: How clergy celebrated Tutsi massacres from All Saints’ Day 1959 to Genocide 1994 1959 is the year the first anti-Tutsi pogroms erupted. November 1, 1959, marked the genesis of an unstable Rwanda, when hundreds of thousands of the Tutsi were killed and millions displaced and forced to flee to neighbouring countries. An excerpt of Makuza’s story, in the book, reads: “On the night of April 6th 1994, I got a call fromPrime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana. She had just heard the news that President Habyarimana’s plane had crashed. She wanted me, her senior adviser, and her other adviser, Ignacius Magorane, to prepare a speech that she would deliver the next day. “She was her usual calm, confident self. She convinced me that although losing the head of state was shocking, we would be safe because the UN were deployed strategically across Kigali. I believed her.” ALSO READ: Agathe Uwiringiyimana, a hero whose entire political career had seen constant threats According to Makuza’s account, Uwilingiyimana knew better than most the dangers “people like us faced.” “As members of the moderate section of the opposition Republican Democratic Movement (MDR), we were seen as traitors by the government and therefore to the Hutu cause. For two years, moderate members of the MDR and other opposition parties had been ‘disappearing’. Many were accused of being ‘inyenzi’.” By that point, Makuza recounted, Habyarimana had been in power for 20 years, and he could no longer hide the long-term effects of the corruption, nepotism and ineptitude of his government. “His regime was driven by divisions and extremism based not just on ethnicity but also on faith and regionalism. Thus, anyone who had a role in government didn’t believe the propaganda being fed to the masses that the country was failing because of Tutsi.” ALSO READ: Habyarimana's role in planning, implementing 1994 Genocide “We knew that we risked our very lives by publicly opposing the governing party, the National Revolutionary Movement for Development (MRND), as well as the Hutu Power section of the MDR party and others with similar extremist ideologies such as the CDR. But we also knew that it was the right thing to do. I had not been raised with these ideologies of hating other people because of their perceived differences.” ALSO READ: My quest is to speak for the voiceless, says Gauthier Besides Makuza and Dafroza, the 242-page volume also has accounts from people like traditional music icon Maria Yohana Mukankuranga, Celine Uwineza, another survivor and author, and Domitilla Mukantaganzwa, the new Chief Justice of Rwanda. By presenting diverse narratives including those from genocide perpetrators, the book confronts genocide deniers’ narratives and exposes how denialism often contradicts historical facts. Tackling denialism head-on “One of the reasons we wanted this book to carry stories from different experiences was to tackle denialism head-on. This is why I chose to include perpetrators’ stories. It was not only to have them acknowledge their role; what I discovered during the story collection is that most of them, even those who were repentant and served their sentences, had revised the truth to find a narrative that they could live with,” she said. “For instance, one woman, infamous for her role in the massacres presented herself as a victim although she was also on record admitting her crimes. But when the story collector, who happened to be a friend she knew before the genocide, challenged her account, she would quickly go back to telling the truth.” ALSO READ: Killing many in a short period; how civilians were prepared for the Genocide Genocide denial, Ingabire added, is prevalent in the diaspora, not necessarily as a political stance but sometimes as a coping mechanism. Her book aims to illuminate such complexities while reaffirming the historical truth. According to Ingabire, the collection, which also includes stories from prominent figures such as Makuza and justice campaigner Dafroza Gauthier, is envisioned as a vital educational tool. Through collaboration with Ishami Foundation which focuses on genocide and Holocaust education, she hopes the book will contribute to genocide education. ‘It can strengthen unity’ Catholic Nun Sr. Marie Josepha Mukabayire, a survivor of the 1994 genocide has also written a book on her life story before, during and after the genocide. Mukabayire who launched her book in Ghana about three months ago told The New Times that sharing personal stories, be it from survivors or perpetrators plays a crucial role in strengthening unity and challenging genocide denialism. She said, “Getting together to tell the story, whether from the perspective of genocide perpetrators, or the survivors, offers an opportunity for people to learn from them. It can strengthen unity.” “Reading the story of a survivor or a perpetrator could challenge those who deny the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi. Maybe it could help change their perspective.” Mukabayire said that people have to live together and embrace the culture of sharing testimonies as it would result in forgiveness. “We have to live together. And somehow, it's good to hear from people who killed others, telling us how they killed people, what they feel now, and how they see the future. Maybe they are traumatized and in need of forgiveness,” she said.", "author": { "@type": "Person", "name": "Vincent Sugira,James Karuhanga" }, "publisher": { "@type": "Organization", "name": "The New Times", "url": "https://www.newtimes.co.rw/", "sameAs": ["https://www.facebook.com/TheNewTimesRwanda/","https://twitter.com/NewTimesRwanda","https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCuZbZj6DF9zWXpdZVceDZkg"], "logo": { "@type": "ImageObject", "url": "/theme_newtimes/images/logo.png", "width": 270, "height": 57 } }, "copyrightHolder": { "@type": "Organization", "name": "The New Times", "url": "https://www.newtimes.co.rw/" } }

INDIANAPOLIS (AP) — There's more than just school pride and bragging rights to all that bellyaching over who might be in and who might be out of college football 's first 12-team playoff. Try the more than $115 million that will be spread across the conferences at the end of the season, all depending on who gets in and which teams go the farthest. According to the College Football Playoff website , the 12 teams simply making the bracket earn their conferences $4 million each. Another $4 million goes to conferences whose teams get into the quarterfinals. Then, there's $6 million more for teams that make the semifinals and another $6 million for those who play for the title. Most of this bonanza comes courtesy of ESPN, which is forking over $1.3 billion a year to televise the new postseason. A lot of that money is already earmarked — more goes to the Big Ten and Southeastern Conference than the Big 12 or Atlantic Coast — but a lot is up for grabs in the 11 games that will play out between the opening round on Dec. 20 and the final on Jan. 20. In all, the teams that make the title game will bring $20 million to their conferences, all of which distribute that money, along with billions in TV revenue and other sources, in different ways. In fiscal 2022-23, the Big Ten, for instance, reported revenue of nearly $880 million and distributed about $60.5 million to most of its members. The massive stakes might help explain the unabashed lobbying coming from some corners of the football world, as the tension grows in advance of Sunday's final rankings, which will set the bracket. Earlier this week, Big 12 commissioner Brett Yormark lit into the selection committee, which doesn't have a single team higher than 15 in the rankings. That does two things: It positions the Big 12 as a one-bid league, and also threatens to makes its champion — either Arizona State or Iowa State — the fifth-best among conference titlists that get automatic bids. Only the top four of those get byes, which could cost the Big 12 a spot in the quarterfinals — or $4 million. “The committee continues to show time and time again that they are paying attention to logos versus resumes,” Yormark said this week, while slamming the idea of teams with two losses in his conference being ranked worse than teams with three in the SEC. The ACC is also staring at a one-bid season with only No. 8 SMU inside the cut line of this week's projected bracket. Miami's loss last week all but bumped the Hurricanes out of the playoffs, a snub that ACC commissioner Jim Phillips said left him “incredibly shocked and disappointed." “As we look ahead to the final rankings, we hope the committee will reconsider and put a deserving Miami in the field," Phillips said in a statement. The lobbying and bickering filters down to the campuses that feel the impact. And, of course, to social media. One of the most entertaining episodes came earlier this week when athletic directors at Iowa State and SMU went back and forth about whose team was more deserving. There are a few stray millions that the selection committee cannot really influence, including a $3 million payment to conferences that make the playoff. In a reminder that all these kids are going to school, after all, the conferences get $300,000 per football team that meets academic requirements to participate in the postseason. (That's basically everyone). Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here . AP college football: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-football-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-football

Four members of Congress unveiled a bipartisan bill Friday that would spark changes at the U.S. Center for SafeSport, placing a time limit on resolving cases that can sometimes take years and improving communication between the center and abuse survivors. The Safer Sports for Athletes Act looks to address some of the bigger concerns that have opened the center to criticism since it was established in 2017 to handle sex-abuse cases in Olympic sports and their grassroots cousins. The bill has potential for a fivefold increase of an existing grant to the center, bringing it to $10 million a year. But even if the full amount were approved, it wouldn't solve all of the problems. As before, that grant can only be used for training and education , not investigations and enforcement, which are the focus of complaints about the center , and also of the reforms the lawmakers are seeking. “We’re hoping the combination of appropriations for other activities will free up money for investigations, as well as the streamlining,” said one of the bill's sponsors, Rep. Deborah Ross, D-North Carolina. The center estimates the reforms in the bill could cost more than $4.5 million. It currently operates on a budget of around $21 million a year, most of which comes from the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee and its sports affiliates, known as national governing bodies, or NGBs. “It's really unclear, and I don't think that some parts of the bill jibe with other parts of the bill," SafeSport CEO Ju'Riese Colon said. "We're going to need some more conversation to suss out some of this stuff. Right now, it just doesn't really add up for us.” The center's critics, meanwhile, have long been skeptical about giving more resources to an agency they feel is missing the mark. The bill would also mandate that investigations be concluded within 180 days after a report is made, with possibilities to extend them. Some of the most egregious complaints about the center have come from people who say it has taken years for their cases to be resolved. The center currently receives about 155 reports a week, which comes to more than 8,000 a year. When fully staffed, it has 77 people on its response and resolution team. “Too many other survivors have also been left waiting for years for SafeSport to investigate or have their cases closed without action,” said soccer player Mana Shim, who helped lawmakers draft the bill. Shim's own case, involving sexual harassment and coercion by her coach, took more than two years for the center to resolve and led to investigations and reforms across American soccer. Other reforms include a requirement for the center to provide victim advocates at no cost for those needing them — a move already underway as part of a menu of changes the center announced earlier this year — and to assign case managers who can give timely updates to victims and the accused. “I have questions around, if the center were to hire and staff the advocates, there might be some conflict of interest with us doing this internally," Colon said. The center was also concerned with one provision that would redefine how arbitration works and another that would change the dynamics of information sharing between the center and the USOPC and NGBs. The other bill sponsors were Reps. Dave Joyce, R-Ohio; Don Bacon, R-Nebraska; and Kathy Castor, D-Florida. The lawmakers positioned the bill as one that will help the Denver-based center, while making clear they are not satisfied with the results so far. “We're going to make sure the center has the resources it needs to effectively respond to thousands of reports it handles annually,” Castor said. “It has unfortunately fallen short." Ross conceded this bill will probably get pushed to the next Congress, which convenes Jan. 3, “but we needed to set the stage as soon as possible.” ___ AP Summer Olympics: https://apnews.com/hub/2024-paris-olympic-games Eddie Pells, The Associated PressJERUSALEM (AP) — Israel’s attorney general has ordered police to open an investigation into Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s wife on suspicion of harassing political opponents and a witness in the Israeli leader’s corruption trial. Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara made the announcement in a terse message late Thursday, saying the investigation would focus on the findings of a recent report by the “Uvda” investigative program into Sara Netanyahu. The program uncovered a trove of WhatsApp messages in which Mrs. Netanyahu appears to instruct a former aide to organize protests against political opponents and to intimidate Hadas Klein, a key witness in the trial. The announcement did not mention Mrs. Netanyahu by name, and the Justice Ministry declined further comment. But in a video released earlier Thursday, Netanyahu listed what he said were the many kind and charitable acts by his wife and blasted the Uvda report as “lies.” “My opponents on the left and in the media found a new-old target. They mercilessly attack my wife, Sara,” he said. He called the program ”false propaganda, nasty propaganda that brings up lies from the darkness.” It was the latest in a long line of legal troubles for the Netanyahus — highlighted by the prime minister's ongoing corruption trial . The pair have also had a rocky relationship with the Israeli media. Netanyahu is charged with fraud, breach of trust and accepting bribes in a series of cases alleging he exchanged favors with powerful media moguls and wealthy associates. Netanyahu denies the charges and says he is the victim of a “witch hunt” by overzealous prosecutors, police and the media. The report obtained correspondence between Sara Netanyahu and Hanni Bleiweiss, a former aide to the prime minister who died of cancer last year. The messages indicated that Sara Netanyahu, through Bleiweiss, encouraged police to crack down violently on anti-government protesters and ordered Bleiweiss to organize protests against her husband's critics. She also told Bleiweiss to get activists in Netanyahu's Likud party to publish attacks on Klein. Klein is an aide to billionaire Hollywood mogul Arnon Milchan and has testified in the corruption case about her role in delivering tens of thousands of dollars worth of champagne, cigars and gifts to Netanyahu for her boss. According to the report, Bleiweiss also was instructed to organize demonstrations outside the homes of the lead prosecutor in the corruption case, Liat Ben-Ari, and then Attorney General Avichai Mandelblit, who had issued the indictments, and protests and social media campaigns smearing political opponents. According to the report, Bleiweiss was a loyal aid to Netanyahu for decades. But while she was ill, it said Sara Netanyahu mistreated her, prompting her to share the messages with a reporter shortly before her death. Sara Netanyahu has been accused of abusive behavior toward her personal staff before. This, together with accusations of excessive spending and using public money for her own extravagant personal tastes, has earned her an image as being out of touch with everyday Israelis. In 2019, she was fined for misusing state funds. National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, who oversees police and has repeatedly said the attorney general, Baharav-Miara should be fired over a series of grievances against her, said the latest announcement was another reason for her to be dismissed. “Someone who politically persecutes government ministers and their families cannot continue to serve as the attorney general,” he said. And Justice Minister Yariv Levin, another Netanyahu ally and critic of Baharav-Miara, accused her of focusing on “television gossip.” “Selective enforcement is a crime!” he said in a statement. AP correspondents Eleanor H. Reich in New York and Isaac Scharf in Jerusalem contributed reporting.Looking to burnish communications to the community, the Mohawk Council of Kanesatake (MCK) is planning to move ahead with the creation of a dedicated smartphone app. “I think it’s a step in the right direction because now instead of relying on mailouts, we’re using the technology that’s already in our members’ hands and communicating with them that way,” said MCK chief Amy Beauvais. The app will be used by all MCK departments to deliver updates, job opportunities, and other information pertinent to band members, but it will not replace existing forms of communication, Beauvais said. “A large majority of our members have smartphones, but that isn’t to say we’re going to obliterate the other forms of communication,” she said. “We’re not trying to get rid of anything. We’re just trying to add and improve.” Beauvais presented the option to other Council chiefs after she was approached with the concept by technology company Communikit, which specializes in creating app solutions for First Nations. “I would say I was ecstatic when I found out,” said Beauvais, who has been looking for ways to boost Council’s outreach following her experience at the Indigenous-led First Nations Executive Education (FNEE) program at HEC Montreal. At the school, she worked on a project that envisioned a communications department at the MCK. It’s something she’s now working to put into action, she said, alongside the MCK’s new administrative consultant. Improving communications is a priority, she said, because community members have often complained they don’t know what Council is doing. Communikit’s technology is already being used by other First Nations, including Six Nations of the Grand River, which issues announcements and other information on the app. The suite of features even allows for forms to be filled out, although Six Nations doesn’t currently have any available. “I think to have a one-stop shop is great,” said Six Nations of the Grand River public relations coordinator Darryl Smart. “There are so many different platforms out there and so many ways to get the message out. If you can spread that message to as many people as possible, I think that’s the big one.” He said in his community, too, paper is not going anywhere. He remembers the department pounding the pavement this summer to deliver parking information ahead of homegrown Kanien’kehá:ka National Hockey League star Brandon Montour coming to town with the Stanley Cup. “Physical information will never go away because if you’re in communications, you also have to realize it’s nice to have the tools, but you also have to realize not everyone has these tools,” Smart said. Even social media cannot reach everyone, he noted, especially with the fragmentation of platforms. The communications app is not the only new technology coming soon to Kanesatake, with MCK chief Brant Etienne revealing to The Pines Reporter earlier this year that Council has contracted the services of OneFeather to provide an online voting option in the next MCK election. marcus@easterndoor.com The Eastern Door Marcus Bankuti, Local Journalism Initiative Reporter

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A high-tech medical clinic operated by a telecom giant has opened in Toronto — and it's accepting up to 6,000 patientshe celebrated a spectacular and historic victory by winning the after a thrilling final against the The match, held at the energetic Dignity Health Sports Park in Carson, California, saw the Galaxy secure a dramatic 2-1 victory. The atmosphere was electric as fans filled the stadium, eager to witness another step in the team's journey to the championship, as it was marked by determination and skill, culminating in this unforgettable match. opened the scoring with a brilliant strike, showcasing his agility and precision but the Red Bulls fought back with a goal from , leveling the score and intensifying the game's excitement. How the cup was won It was who ultimately sealed the victory for the Galaxy with a crucial goal, sending the crowd into a frenzy. This win marked the Galaxy's sixth MLS Cup title, reaffirming their legacy as one of the league's most successful franchises. The victory was especially significant as it ended a decade-long drought since their last championship in 2014. The team's resilience and unity throughout the season were evident in their performance, and this championship stands as a testament to their hard work and dedication. As the final whistle blew, the stadium erupted in cheers, and the players celebrated with their fans, basking in the glory of their achievement. The 2024 MLS Cup win is not just a title for the Galaxy as the ten long years of waiting were not expected and now that pain and disappointment is over.NoneNone

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