711 dumaguete

711 dumaguete Carlyle Acquires Miramis Mining Corp. And Nicola East Property Option, Completes Quesnel Gold Project Field Program, And Provides Corporate Update

OSD Habib Tajik made additional secretary Home Division Muhammad Ayub Chaudhry, Additional Secretary, Interior Ministry, directed to report to Establishment Division The establishment division building can be seen in this picture. — Establishment division website/File ISLAMABAD Appointments and transfers have been made in the federal bureaucracy. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1700472799616-0'); }); Sohail Habib Tajik, OSD in Establishment Division and Police Service Grade-21 officer, has been appointed Additional Secretary Home Division. Salman Chaudhry, Police Service Grade-21 officer awaiting appointment in Establishment Division, has been appointed Additional Secretary Home Division, while Muhammad Ayub Chaudhry, Additional Secretary, Interior Ministry, has been transferred and directed to report to the Establishment Division. Ayub Chaudhry belongs to the Secretariat Group. Gibran Khalil Malik, Senior Joint Secretary Establishment Division, has been transferred and posted as Member (Finance), National School of Public Policy, Lahore. Ambreen Raza, Grade-21 officer of Pakistan Administrative Service posted in National School of Public Policy, Lahore, has been transferred and posted as Additional Secretary Science and Technology Division. Dr Muhammad Tariq Moj, Grade-21 posted at National School of Public Policy, Lahore, has been transferred as Additional Secretary, Ministry of Planning, and Kamran Rehman Khan, Additional Secretary, Planning Division, has been posted as Additional Secretary, Kashmir Affairs and Gilgit-Baltistan Division. Ismatullah Shah, Chief Finance Officer, Establishment Division, has been transferred as Chief Commissioner, Chief Commissionerate for Afghan Refugees, Islamabad. Muhammad Fawad Amir has been posted as Chief Finance Officer, Finance Division. Muhammad Fawad Amir was earlier posted as DG Revenues, Sub Office Lahore. Hassan Sardar Ahmed Khan, Police Service Grade-19 officer, has been transferred from Punjab to Sindh. Muhammad Ahmed, Senior Associate Energy Prime Minister’s Office (Public), has resigned. Contract of Shahid Nadeem, Member Prime Minister’s Inspection Commission, has been extended for one year, which will be counted from December 21 of this month.PAEC gets construction licence for Chashma Nuclear Power Plant Unit-5

Coach Carter’s first game back at Richmond High underscores how times have changedChinese military trials 'robot dogs' armed with machine guns

December 24, 2024 This article has been reviewed according to Science X's editorial process and policies . Editors have highlightedthe following attributes while ensuring the content's credibility: fact-checked trusted source proofread by Idun Haugan, Norwegian University of Science and Technology Iceland has a long and rich literary tradition. With its 380,000 inhabitants, the country has produced many great writers, and it is said that one in two Icelanders writes books. This literary tradition stretches all the way back to the Middle Ages. "Previously, the theory was that Iceland was so dark and barren that the Icelanders had to fill their lives with storytelling and poetry to compensate for this. But Icelanders were certainly part of Europe and had a lot of contact with Britain, Germany, Denmark and Norway, among others," said Tom Lorenz, a Ph.D. research fellow at the Department of Language and Literature at NTNU. He is hunting down hidden and forgotten pieces of Iceland's Sagas' literary history and has published an article in the journal Gripla (in Icelandic). "The Icelanders were part of a common European culture, and Iceland has been a great knowledge society for a long time," he said. Royal lineage We can thank the Icelanders for our relatively good overview of the royal lineage here in Norway, right from the early Viking Age up to the death of Magnus V Erlingsson in 1184. Icelandic "skalds" were skilled and sought after, and Norwegian kings engaged skalds to ensure that their story and their feats would be told and passed on. In the Middle Ages, the Icelanders wrote down these oral traditions both in Latin and in Old Norse. Snorri Sturluson was the last and most important in a long line of saga writers who wrote down the kings' sagas in the 13th century. This is how the kings' sagas were preserved. "In addition to sagas, eddic poems, and skaldic verse, scientific literature and political treaties were also written in Iceland during the Middle Ages," Lorenz said. Valuable vellum Books and texts from this period were written on parchment , which is animal skin that has been carefully processed so it can be written on. In Iceland, only exclusive calfskin was used to make parchment. Calfskin parchment is called vellum, and it took dozens of calves to create enough vellum for one book. Vellum was a very valuable material. If a book became worn out or obsolete, the parchments were reused. Some were used to make tools, among other things, and one fragment that has been preserved was made into a miter—a type of ceremonial headgear worn by the bishop of Skálholt in Iceland. Many parchments were also reused as covers for new books. Unique to Iceland A common method for reusing old manuscript pages was to remove the original text by scraping and polishing so that the parchment could be used to create new books and manuscripts. This is called a palimpsest. "Palimpsests were common in the Middle Ages across Europe, and were particularly widespread in Iceland. Although literarily rich, Iceland was a poor country. The supply of expensive parchment was limited, while the demand was high because the Icelanders had much they wanted to communicate," said Lorenz. In Iceland, parchment was also reused for printing books after Gutenberg invented the printing press in the 15th century. "The fact that there are printed palimpsest books in Iceland and not just handwritten palimpsest parchments is unique in a European context, and this has not been studied before," Lorenz emphasized. Discover the latest in science, tech, and space with over 100,000 subscribers who rely on Phys.org for daily insights. Sign up for our free newsletter and get updates on breakthroughs, innovations, and research that matter— daily or weekly . Abandoning Latin in favor of the vernacular In Iceland, as elsewhere in Europe, texts and books were written in Latin during the Middle Ages, especially liturgical texts used in ecclesiastical contexts. Latin was the predominant written language of Catholic Europe. But then came the rebellious priest Martin Luther, the man who started the great protest movement against the powerful Catholic Church. In the wake of Martin Luther and the Reformation in 1517, many northern European countries converted to Protestantism, including Iceland between 1537 and 1550. The Reformation brought an end to ecclesiastical manuscripts and books being written in Latin. The language of the common man was now to be used. Latin script was scraped off existing parchments so they could be used for new texts written in Icelandic, and these became palimpsests. Old text shines through "In documents and books made from palimpsest parchments, fragments of the old, original text can sometimes be seen beneath the new text," said Lorenz. The texts and words that have been scraped away can also be retrieved using modern techniques, such as infrared rays, but quite a lot of the old text can often be read with the naked eye. And it is in the hidden remnants of old Icelandic parchments written in Latin that Lorenz is searching for hidden and forgotten pieces of history. He examines the preserved fragments from these ancient books and also studies the different forms of parchment recycling and reuse. "My goal is to create virtual reconstructions of some of the ancient fragments that have survived to shed new light on previous eras' culture and society," said Lorenz. However, this involves finding the remnants of the palimpsests, and they are few and far between. "Hardly any Latin books from medieval Iceland have survived. Due to their rarity, recycled parchment from disassembled Latin books is one of our most important sources in the history of medieval Icelandic books," said Lorenz. Drained Iceland of medieval literature "I follow Latin traces from Icelandic manuscripts, but the Latin written material has been forgotten. Previous research has focused mostly on texts in Old Norse in Icelandic manuscripts," he said. From the 17th century onwards, Old Norse texts became important in the building of identity, national pride and power in the Nordic countries. In Denmark, the Icelander and archivist Árni Magnússon (1663–1730) was tasked with collecting medieval documents from both Iceland and the rest of the Nordic countries. At this time, Iceland was under Danish rule in the absolute monarchy of Denmark-Norway. Árni Magnússon was particularly interested in texts about Icelandic history. He scoured the market, almost draining Iceland of medieval literature, and built a large collection of handwritten books, the Arnamagnæan Collection. The collection is now part of UNESCO's Memory of the World Program. Tracking down unknown text fragments However, Árni Magnússon was most interested in books written in Old Norse, not in Latin. He used parchments from the Latin books as covers for the Old Norse books. In the early 20th century, the book covers were removed and stored separately, and few people have shown much interest in them—until now. These ancient book covers are among the parchments that Lorenz is studying in his search for hidden and forgotten fragments of history. Between 1971 and 1997, half of Árni Magnússon's book collection was returned from Denmark to Iceland, and half of the original collection of 3,000 manuscripts is now back in its country of origin. However, some medieval manuscripts are still located in archives and museums in Norway, Denmark, and also Sweden. So, Lorenz's search has taken him on a journey through the nooks and crannies of many archives. "I have identified several previously unidentified Latin fragments related to Iceland. These new discoveries contribute to greater knowledge about which theological and liturgical texts were in circulation in medieval Iceland. The texts show that medieval Icelanders followed and participated in European intellectual culture," said Lorenz. The text fragments he has found include hymns, prayers, sermons, hagiographies and church music. It started with the Vikings Lorenz is from Schleswig-Holstein in Germany, which used to be part of Denmark-Norway. He developed an interest in the Viking Age and saga literature at an early age, which led him to study Nordic languages in Kiel. He is now a Ph.D. research fellow at the Department of Language and Literature at NTNU's Center for Medieval Studies. He has also chosen to learn Norwegian Nynorsk in addition to Norwegian Bokmål. "I am fascinated by small phenomena and therefore chose to learn Nynorsk when I started my studies in Norway. It is probably also why I became fascinated and intrigued by the fragments of history that might be contained in the small, hidden and forgotten palimpsests that have remained unknown until now," said Lorenz in fluent Nynorsk. More information: Tom Lorenz, Endurvinnsla og endurnýting í íslenskum uppskafningum frá miðöldum og á árnýöld, Gripla (2024). DOI: 10.33112/gripla.35.1 Provided by Norwegian University of Science and Technology

India announces state funeral for former prime minister SinghThe 2025 economy: 5 things to watchNone

CHARLOTTE, N.C. (AP) — The Charlotte Hornets will be without point guard LaMelo Ball for at least two weeks because of a strained left calf. Ball felt discomfort in his calf after Wednesday night’s loss to the Miami Heat and did not play against the New York Knicks on Friday. The team said he will be reevaluated on Dec. 11, which is two weeks from the date of the original injury. Ball has been hot for the Hornets, averaging 40.3 points in his last four games. He is averaging a career-best 31.1 points and 4.7 3-pointers per game for the season, which ranks second in the NBA. He also is averaging 5.4 rebounds, 6.9 assists and 1.1 steals in 18 starts. Ball has had a history of injury problems, mostly to his ankles, since coming to the league as the No. 3 overall pick in the 2020 NBA draft. The only Hornets player to ever receive a max contract extension, Ball has played in just 202 games with 182 starts in five seasons. The team also said guard Tre Mann’s lower back soreness has been diagnosed as a disk irritation. His absence from the lineup began on Nov. 23 against Milwaukee. He will continue his rehabilitation and be reevaluated in two weeks. “They are competitors and they want to be out there on the court to compete and hoop, but they also want to be out there for their teammates,” Hornets coach Charles Lee said prior to Saturday night's game against the Atlanta Hawks. "I just walked past ’Melo as I was coming in here to do media, and he’s like, ‘I’m going to take care of everything I need to do on this return to play program and I’m going to attack it with the right mindset.’ I have all the confidence in the world in our performance staff and in those guys.” AP NBA: https://apnews.com/hub/NBASilly Nice Cannabis Products: The Perfect Stocking Stuffer for New Yorkers This Holiday SeasonMobile Device Management Market Technological Disruptions and Forecast 2024-2031 11-30-2024 06:16 PM CET | IT, New Media & Software Press release from: SkyQuest Technology The Mobile Device Management Market is experiencing rapid growth, fueled by advancements in hardware, software, and digital infrastructure. With services spanning cloud computing, cybersecurity, data analytics, and artificial intelligence, the market is at the forefront of digital transformation across industries. Emerging technologies such as 5G, blockchain, and IoT are unlocking unprecedented opportunities, driving innovation and expansion. Get a Free Sample Report With Table Of Contents: https://www.skyquestt.com/sample-request/mobile-device-management-market Market Size and Growth: Mobile Device Management Market size was valued at USD 4.8 Billion in 2022 and is poised to grow from USD 5.94 Billion in 2023 to USD 32.79 Billion by 2031, at a CAGR of 23.80% over the forecast period (2024-2031). The most valuable investment indicators are insights into key market trends, making it easier for potential participants to make informed decisions. The research seeks to identify numerous growth opportunities that readers can consider and capitalize on by utilizing all the relevant information. By closely analyzing critical factors that influence growth, such as pricing, production, profit margins, and value chain dynamics, future market expansion can be predicted with greater precision. Key Market Players: Microsoft Corporation IBM Corporation VMware, Inc. Citrix Systems, Inc. BlackBerry Limited SAP SE MobileIron, Inc. Sophos Ltd. Cisco Systems, Inc. Ivanti, Inc. Jamf Region-wise Market Insights The regional analysis offers detailed breakdowns of revenue, sales, and market share for key geographies. This section includes future growth projections, pricing strategies, and other critical metrics. Regions covered in the report: North America: United States, Canada, Mexico Europe: Germany, France, UK, Russia, Italy Asia-Pacific: China, Japan, Korea, India, Southeast Asia South America: Brazil, Argentina, Colombia Middle East & Africa: Saudi Arabia, UAE, Egypt, Nigeria, South Africa For Personalized Insights, Speak with Our Experts: https://www.skyquestt.com/speak-with-analyst/mobile-device-management-market Segments covered in the Mobile Device Management Market include: Component Solution (Device Management, Application Management, Security Management, Others), Services (Professional Services {Consulting Services, Implementation Services, Support Services}, Managed Services) Operating System iOS, Android, Windows, MacOS, Others Deployment Mode On-Premises, Cloud Organisation Size Small and Medium Enterprises, Large Enterprises Vertical Banking, Financial Services and Insurance (BFSI), Telecom, Retail, Healthcare, Education, Transport and Logistics, Government and Public Sector, Manufacturing and Automotive, Others Mobile Device Management Market Size and Scope The Mobile Device Management market has shown significant growth in recent years, fueled by rising demand for power electronics across industries such as automotive, telecommunications, and renewable energy. This market is set to grow further as the global adoption of electric vehicles and renewable energy increases. Mobile Device Management are highly valued for their superior thermal conductivity, electrical insulation, and mechanical strength, making them essential components in power modules and electronic devices. With ongoing technological and manufacturing advancements, the applications of Mobile Device Management are expected to expand, encompassing a broader range of uses in the near future. For a Comprehensive Report on the Mobile Device Management Market 2024, Visit: https://www.skyquestt.com/report/mobile-device-management-market Frequently Asked Questions What are the key global trends influencing the market? Who are the top manufacturers, and what are their strategies? How is the market evolving across regions? What are the major challenges and opportunities in the Mobile Device Management Market? About Us: SkyQuest is an IP-focused Research and Investment Bank and Technology Accelerator. We offer access to technologies, markets, and financing across sectors like Life Sciences, CleanTech, AgriTech, NanoTech, and Information & Communication Technology. We collaborate closely with innovators, entrepreneurs, companies, and investors to help them leverage external R&D sources and optimize the economic potential of their intellectual assets. Our expertise in innovation management and commercialization spans North America, Europe, ASEAN, and Asia Pacific. Contact: Mr. Jagraj Singh Skyquest Technology 1 Apache Way, Westford, Massachusetts 01886, USA (+1) 351-333-4748 Visit our website: Skyquest Technology This release was published on openPR.Learn More About Patio Pressure Washing With Erv's Power Washing 12-27-2024 10:10 PM CET | Politics, Law & Society Press release from: ABNewswire Lancaster, PA - Patios are fun places to spend time alone, with friends, or with family. Whether that time is spent reading a book, having a barbecue, or just sitting around and talking, the patio is supposed to be a place where hours can be spent relaxing. A patio that has been afflicted by dirt, moss, and other unwanted forms of debris will not be as visually appealing. Whether consciously or subconsciously, the human mind will notice this mess, turning a once-soothing patio into a source of frustration. Erv's Power Washing [ https://www.ervspowerwashing.com/ ] recommends patio pressure washing [ https://www.ervspowerwashing.com/pressure-washing-company-in-lancaster-pa/ ] under these circumstances. Read below to learn more about how it works and what your options are. Benefits of Patio Pressure Washing The first and foremost benefit of patio pressure washing is the visual improvement of the patio itself. To understand why pressure washed patios look better, it is important to understand how pressure washing works. Powerful pumps are used to pressurize water; then, this water is sprayed onto the patio's surface using hoses. Since the water is so powerful, it disturbs and removes any debris on the patio, brightening the surface and leaving it in a much more vibrant and attractive state. Another key benefit of patio pressure washing is its ability to preserve the longevity of the surface. What this means is that by regularly pressure washing a patio, the probability of it becoming damaged or eroded by debris is significantly reduced. This prevents the formation of cracks and holes, and it allows property owners to avoid expensive repair bills. How to Do DIY Patio Pressure Washing Some property owners opt to pressure wash their own patios. To prepare for this work, the correct equipment will need to be obtained, including a pump, a connecting hose, and in some cases, treatment chemicals such as sodium hypochlorite. To begin the patio pressure washing process, remove all furniture, decorations, and other items from the patio. Then, select an appropriate amount of water pressure based on the material the patio is constructed from. (For example, wood should be washed with 500 PSI, and concrete should be washed with 2500 PSI.) Take care to pressure wash the entire patio surface to eliminate all dirt and debris in the area. If necessary, treatment chemicals can be used to break down tough stains; once all stains are removed, any objects moved off the patio can be returned to their original positions. Consider Professional Patio Cleaning Services To avoid the various steps involved with DIY patio cleaning-such as equipment acquisition, patio items relocation, and the pressure washing itself-consider scheduling an appointment with a professional exterior cleaning company. Erv's Power Washing is one such example and is proud to pressure wash patios for residential and commercial clients. This allows property owners to spend time handling other responsibilities. It also allows them to avoid time-consuming physical labor that may leave them short on energy. In addition to patios, Erv's Power Washing cleans porches, decks, driveways, sidewalks, and more. About Erv's Power Washing Erv's Power Washing is Lancaster, PA's first choice for pressure washing and exterior cleaning services. The company retains a team of fully trained employees who understand the intricacies of the pressure washing process. They spend each workday delighting residential and commercial clients throughout the community, and they leave patios-and many other surfaces-in spotless condition, which property owners will appreciate. For more information about Erv's Pressure Washing, visit their website [ https://www.ervspowerwashing.com/ ] or call (717) 940-2646. Media Contact Company Name: Erv's Power Washing Contact Person: Ervin Fisher Email:Send Email [ https://www.abnewswire.com/email_contact_us.php?pr=learn-more-about-patio-pressure-washing-with-ervs-power-washing ] City: Lancaster State: Pennsylvania Country: United States Website: https://www.ervspowerwashing.com/ This release was published on openPR.

In a world context marked by the war in Ukraine, the genocide in Palestine, the return of Donald Trump to the White House and the emergence of a new Right, the debates on war and imperialism, notions that seemed to have been filed in the drawer of memories by a large part of critical theories, are coming back to the forefront. But what do we mean when we speak of imperialism, and what is the relationship between imperialism and capitalism? What is the centrality of the anti-imperialist struggle for socialist strategy in the 21st century? On all these issues, there are important divisions on the Left. In what follows, we will focus in particular on some recent debates. On the one hand, there are those who argue that the Marxist theory of imperialism is obsolete, either because of the transformations of capitalism at the global level, or because it has always been wrong. For Vivek Chibber, editor of Catalyst Magazine and other authors of Jacobin Magazine, it isn’t necessary to build an “anti-imperialist Left,” but the key is to develop “class struggle at home” around “bread and butter” demands, namely, the elementary economic demands of the working class. From another angle, there are those who emphasize the inequalities between the “Global South” and the “Global North” while considering China and Russia as new axes of support for the struggle against imperialism. While the former seeks to recreate a kind of “welfare chauvinism,” the latter “Global South” positions denounce Western imperialism, but align themselves with other powers with strong imperialist traits. In the following, we will address some of these debates, in a counterpoint with Vivek Chibber and John Bellamy Foster. The first position is the one defended by the editors of Jacobin magazine in the United States, a magazine linked to the DSA (Democratic Socialist of America). In several articles, such as here and here , Matías Maiello polemicizes with the recovery of Karl Kautsky’s work by these authors and points out that there is no struggle for socialism without anti-imperialism. The debate is not secondary. In an interview published in the Jacobin Review , Vivek Chibber argued that the theory of imperialism developed by Lenin in his classic pamphlet “Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism” was wrong. For Chibber, as far as this question is concerned, the “Leninist legacy produced much damage” in the Marxist left. His arguments can be synthesized as follows: 1) imperialism must be distinguished from capitalism, to confuse them would be a serious mistake; 2) the idea that capitalism entered a “new stage” characterized by monopolies is wrong; 3) the thesis that the confrontation between “rich countries” would be a constant in the following decades was “spectacularly wrong”; 4) Kautsky was right with his theory of ultra-imperialism when he “predicted that what there would be would be cooperation between capitalist countries, not competition”; 5) Lenin’s errors led to a mistaken position on “bourgeois revolutions” in countries like China and others, which gave rise to support for “anti-feudal” or “anti-imperialist” bourgeois nationalist sectors; and 6) there never existed a “labor aristocracy” in the central countries. Chibber artificially separates imperialism from capitalism , as if the former referred only to the “aggressions” of some nations over others, and the latter to economic or class relations. On that basis, he concludes that anti-imperialism means nothing more than “collective action in your country against militarism and aggression by your government against other countries, and convincing your working class that its material interests are tied to the de-escalation of conflict and the demilitarization of its own state.” We will return to these conclusions, but first let us address their foundations. The Marxist theory of imperialism, developed by Lenin, Luxemburg, and Trotsky, among others, is precisely counter to the idea that imperialism was a “militaristic excess” of some states, which could be contained by diplomatic means, as if wars between powers or colonial plunder were not inscribed in the tendencies of capitalism itself. In this sense, taking up the studies of Hilferding and other Marxist authors on financial capital, Lenin defined that the transformation of “free competition” capitalism into monopoly capitalism had given rise to a new stage of development of the capitalist system, its imperialist stage. And that this opened the way to an epoch marked by the tendency to wars, crises, and also revolutions. Chibber, like other authors, centered his criticisms of Lenin’s theory of imperialism on the definitions of his classic pamphlet “Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism,” focused above all on the economic dynamics of monopoly capitalism and on the inter-imperialist contradictions. While authors like Bellamy Foster rightly point out that to “understand the complex theoretical and historical issues involved” in this theory, one must put this work “in relation to his entire body of writings on imperialism from 1916-1920,” where the political elements and the question of national oppression have much more weight. In the Second International, the debate on imperialism divided the waters between Marxists and revisionists. At the beginning of the 20th century, the sector headed by Bernstein came to propose that there was a progressive, civilizing colonialism, and that there could even be a “socialist colonialism.” These positions were not in the majority and were rejected by different socialist congresses, which approved internationalist resolutions in the face of the possibility of the outbreak of a world war. At that time, Kautsky was still in the left-wing of the International. However, the chauvinist positions were becoming increasingly more pervasive in the leadership of the social democratic parties, gaining a foothold among the trade union bureaucracies and the labor aristocracy. From 1910 onwards, Kautsky moved towards centrist positions that diluted the struggle against imperialism and conciliated with the reformist and social chauvinist wing. Kautsky–as Chibber now proposes–in his analysis of imperialism, separated militarist tendencies from economic tendencies. He argued that capitalist expansion into new regions could be carried out by violent as well as peaceful means. He asserted that “imperialist methods,” which involved clash and confrontation between powers, were more a hindrance than a foothold for capitalist development, so that the capitalists themselves would seek ways to “coordinate” on an international scale. On this basis, Kautsky formulated the theory of “ultra-imperialism.” Just as capitalism had given rise to monopolies, these could give rise to the “cartelization” of the foreign policy of the states. That is to say, a phase that would not be marked by geopolitical and military confrontation between powers, but by their unification in a “Holy Alliance.” Remarkably, the article in which Kautsky formulated these ideas was published in September 1914, a few weeks after the outbreak of the First World War. We need hardly recall that what followed was not anything like greater concord among the states, but several years of imperialist carnage. The brutal tendencies towards military clashes between powers would explode again on a new scale in the Second World War. Yet, even after the whole 20th century passed with two world wars and was plagued by regional wars, Chibber affirms that Lenin was wrong, since from the 1950s onwards, the world had become “more Kautskyan.” However, in the postwar years, what there was was not an “ultra-imperialist” tendency toward harmony among the powers, but a “ Pax Americana” imposed after the defeat of the Axis powers (with the end of the war being a huge demonstration of imperial power with the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki). The post-war “boom,” which followed the previous enormous destruction of productive forces, was not the beginning of a new “ultra-imperialist” epoch as Kautsky announced. The pact with the Stalinist bureaucracy at Yalta and Potsdam allowed imperialism to avoid the danger of revolution in the capitalist center for an entire period (not so in the periphery) and to postpone the confrontations between powers. But that would not last forever. That post-war order was questioned on all its flanks at the end of the 1960s, with a profound workers’ and popular upsurge in the central countries, the capitalist periphery, and the countries behind the “iron curtain” (which was combined with the economic crisis from 1973 onwards). The defeats and deviations of these processes gave way to the neoliberal period, the leap in the internationalization of value chains, and the formation of an Atlanticist global order from which all major powers benefited for several decades. Now, was this the proof that Kautsky was right, that as a result of the internationalization of capital a harmonization of the interests of the powers had been achieved in an “ultra-imperialism”? The disputes between the imperialist states were partially suspended during the period of “globalization,” even with the formation of supranational structures such as the WTO, the European Union, or free trade agreements between regional blocs. But that does not mean that contradictions were eliminated. Chibber confuses here American hegemony (undisputed for a long period) with the historical overcoming of the imperialist epoch. And although the tendencies to clash between powers were largely contained since the second post-war period (there was no new world war), the current crisis of the neoliberal order poses its actualization in a violent way. Chibber’s timing for the defense of the thesis of “ultra-imperialism” does not seem much better than that of Kautsky. At present, it is not difficult to recognize the leap towards greater conflagrations between rival powers, with the return of war to European territory. Mainstream analysts write in the latest Foreign Affairs Magazine about a dynamic towards what they call a “total war,” with Donald Trump’s upcoming presidency adding uncertainty to the global outlook. Imperialism’s warmongering tendencies are also on display in the Middle East, with the brutal genocide in Palestine, Israel’s invasion of Lebanon, and Israel’s escalation with Iran. In Gaza, Netanyahu has deployed old-school colonial violence with state-of-the-art weapons provided by the U.S., Germany, and others. Now, Israel’s massacres and the complicity of Western powers have generated a wave of outrage and solidarity with the Palestinian cause not seen for decades. In the streets and on university campuses in the U.S., UK, France, and Spain, a massive youth movement emerged in support of the Palestinian people and against Zionist crimes. Hundreds of thousands of young people point the finger at their own imperialist governments as accomplices of genocide. In the United States, this led many to break politically with the Democratic Party and “ Genocide Joe,” and refuse to support Kamala Harris as the “lesser evil,” as Bernie Sanders or Alexandra Ocasio Cortez called for. Those who believe that the socialist Left in the U.S. can recreate itself with one foot in and one foot out of the Democratic Party, like Jacobin ‘s editors and DSA leaders suggest, are opposed to fighting for an anti-imperialist Left. The theory of ultra-imperialism served Kautsky to reconcile positions with the chauvinist wing of social democracy, which closed ranks with its own bourgeoisie in the war. It enables Chibber to continue to harbor illusions that the Democrats can be a progressive alternative, should they decide to take up the “bread and butter” agenda to seduce the working class. Let us now return to Chibber’s conclusions about what “anti-imperialism” means. In the interview with Jacobin , he states that it would be to push for “collective action in your country against your government’s militarism and aggression against other countries, and convincing your working class that their material interests are bound up with the de-escalation of conflict and the demilitarization of their own state.” In other words, it would be a matter of demanding, on a national level, that less money be allocated to military budgets, to be reinvested in schools and hospitals. This policy, while partially correct, when considered in isolation from a consistent anti-imperialist program, has enormous contradictions. In the first place, it seeks to obtain partial improvements for a sector of the working class in the central countries, without questioning the imperialist oppression of the semicolonial and dependent peoples. In the United States, paradoxically, it has been Donald Trump who has questioned the billionaire funds destined to the war in Ukraine, demagoguing that these funds should be dedicated to “making America great again.” Second, he generates illusions that militaristic tendencies and greater clashes between powers can be moderated with a little union pressure. And, finally, he believes that all of this would be possible with a Democratic government, if it were to adopt some old-fashioned social-democratic policies. In a recent article, John Bellamy Foster puts forward in a very suggestive way that: It is a sign of the depth of the structural crisis of capital in our time that not since the onset of the First World War and the dissolution of the Second International — during which nearly all of the European social democratic parties joined the inter-imperialist war on the side of their respective nation-states — has the split on imperialism on the left taken on such serious dimensions. He finds that “the gap between the views of imperialism held by the Western left and those of revolutionary movements in the Global South is wider than at any time in the last century.” He goes on to list some of the (contradictory) ideas that characterize what he defines as a Eurocentric Left. These include the denial of national oppression by imperialism and the idea that imperialism “is simply a political policy of aggression of one state against another” as we have already seen in the case of Chibber. This is also often accompanied by the justification of a “humanitarian imperialism aimed at protecting human rights.” He also notes the idea that “imperialist rivalry and exploitation between nations has been displaced by global class struggles within a fully globalized transnational capitalism,” or, in other occasions, the idea that “economic imperialism has been ‘reversed’ with the Global East/South now exploiting the Global West/North.” In the article, Bellamy Foster traces various debates on the Marxist Left about imperialism in the 20th century, from the Second and Third Internationals, to the elaborations of dependency theory, world-system theory, the cultural turn of the post-colonial left, and the more contemporary debates on global value chains and uneven development. He rightly points out that at the heart of all Eurocentric positions is the negation of Engels’ and Lenin’s theses on the labor aristocracy. In response, he responds that “existence of a labor aristocracy at some level is difficult to deny on any realistic basis.” As an example, he points out that the AFL-CIO leadership has historically been linked to the military-industrial complex in the United States and “has worked with the CIA throughout the post-Second World War era to repress progressive unions throughout the Global South, backing the most exploitative regimes.” As part of the “abandonment of the theory of imperialism on the left,” Bellamy Foster mentions among others, Empire by Toni Negri and Michael Hardt; David Harvey’s elaborations on the so-called accumulation by dispossession or the positions of Vivek Chibber, to which we refer. In particular, he argues that Chibber’s attack on the concept of monopoly capital shows “his ignorance of the enormous growth in recent decades in the concentration and centralization of capital associated with successive merger waves, leading to the continuing augmentation of monopoly power, along with the centralization of finance.” Now, while Chibber and other sectors of the Left deny the existence of imperialism from an abstract definition of class, Bellamy Foster tends to make the national question absolute in the periphery, diluting the struggle for class independence in what he calls “the Global South.” Vivek Chibber considers that the “Leninist legacy” has been detrimental to the Left, because in the case of revolutions in the periphery it meant support for the national bourgeoisies, with the idea of “anti-feudal” or “anti-imperialist revolutions.” One of the examples he gives is the support of the Chinese Communist Party to Chiang Kai-shek and his nationalist party, the Kuomintang, during the Revolution of 1925-28. However, what he omits is that there was no continuity between the Marxist theses on imperialism and the policy of Stalinism: the latter took up Menshevik stagism, subordinating the workers vanguard to the leadership of the reactionary Chinese bourgeoisie, which led to the defeat of the revolution. The important lessons on the Chinese Revolution and the opposition to that stagist orientation were the basis for the generalization of the Theory of the Permanent Revolution by Leon Trotsky. For his part, Bellamy Foster correctly questions Chibber for denying the national oppression imposed by imperialism on the “third world” or “Global South.” However, he does so by aligning himself politically with the national bourgeoisies (as in his defense of Chavism) and with China, which is another bloc with a strong dynamic of imperialist development. On this particular issue, he deploys several arguments. On the one hand, he argues that it is wrong to present “the People’s Republic of China as an imperialist (and straightforwardly capitalist) power in the same sense as the United States, disregarding the role of “socialism with Chinese characteristics” and the whole Chinese road to development, as well as processes of unequal exchange.” He goes on to state that China’s foreign policy is geared towards “promoting the self-determination of nations, while opposing bloc geopolitics and military interventions. Beijing’s threefold Global Security Initiative, Global Development Initiative, and Global Civilization Initiative together constitute the leading proposals for world peace in our era.” For Bellamy Foster it would be necessary to stand politically with the “underdeveloped nations” (he includes China among them) against imperialism. He points out that this would not mean “abandoning the class struggle in the core capitalist nations themselves, quite the contrary.” But what about class struggle in the nations of the “global south”? What he proposes is a new stagism of the 21st century, as if imperialism could be confronted without fighting the national bourgeoisies in Latin America, Asia and Africa. It is as if there were a progressive way out of imperialist warmongering, on the basis of the proposals “for world peace” of the authoritarian Chinese government. A Left that leaves aside the struggle against imperialism, as Chibber proposes, is evidently contrary to the increasingly warlike tendencies of the world situation and also of the international movement in solidarity with Palestine. But the struggle against imperialism and capitalism are intertwined, so it is not possible to recreate a socialist and anti-imperialist perspective without class independence. To deepen these debates seems more and more necessary. Originally published in Spanish in La Izquierda Diario . Translated by Sou Mi. Capitalism China Imperialism Karl KautskyMove over Mercedes: Chinese cars grab Mexican market share A Chinese-made Haval H6 SUV is seen on Reforma Avenue in Mexico City. — AFP/File MEXICO CITY: The growing popularity of Chinese sport utility vehicles and pickup trucks has shaken up Mexico’s luxury car market, hitting sales of traditionally dominant brands such as Mercedes-Benz and BMW. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1700472799616-0'); }); According to industry experts, Mexicans are increasingly switching from traditionally dominant sedans to Chinese vehicles due to a combination of comfort, technology and price. It is no small feat in a country home to factories of foreign brands such as Audi and BMW, and where until a few years ago imported Chinese cars were stigmatised, as in other parts of the world.According to the Mexican Association of Automotive Distributors (AMDA), the high-end segment of the market registered a sales drop of 8.1 per cent from January to November. Audi’s sales slumped by 21.9 per cent, while BMW, which includes the Mini brand, saw no growth in Latin America ́s second-largest economy, home to 129 million people.Mercedes-Benz suffered a 9.8 per cent decline, according to the state-run statistics institute INEGI. In contrast, Motornation, which sells the BAIC, JMC and Changan brands in Mexico, saw an 8.8 per cent increase in sales in the first 11 months of this year, while those of Jetour rose 131 per cent, it said. Chinese firms now control 9.3 per cent of the Mexican market, according to the AMDA.They have brought stiff competition to the pickup truck segment, with many of the features of high-end models offered by premium brands, the association ́s president Guillermo Rosales told AFP. Traditionally, the premium segment included sedan-type vehicles with luxury engines and top-of-the-range features.However, over the past decade consumer preferences have shifted toward utility vehicles such as pickup trucks, minivans and SUVs.Asian brands also benefited from an exemption from import tariffs on electric vehicles that was in effect in Mexico from 2020 until October 1. ‘Simple arithmetic’ As in other Latin American countries, Mexicans are becoming more used to seeing Chinese brands on the streets that were unknown to them until about five years ago.Miguel Reyes, a 71-year-old retiree, said that choosing a Chinese car over others was “simple arithmetic”. “I needed a car that had the necessary technology, such as steering assist, to make driving safer,” Reyes said.As well as the design and comfort, the “competitive” price was another factor, said Reyes, who paid around 550,000 pesos -- roughly $27,000 dollars. A similar model from a traditional brand would have cost him between $40,000 and $50,000, he said. According to Gerardo Gomez, an expert at the data and analytics company JD Power, there are around 30 Chinese brands in Mexico, with vehicles ranging from compacts to luxury cars.“They can offer you anything at any point in the range.” BYD offers an electric pickup truck for more than a million pesos ($50,000) but also a compact car for $17,000.Zeekr, a premium electric brand, sells luxury models for around $40,000. Trump tensions Chinese cars’ growing presence in Mexico, which is itself a major exporter of vehicles, comes at a time when China is a source of contention between the United States, Mexico and Canada, partners in a regional free trade agreement.The Costco board has refused to stop implementing policies of diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) after a group of shareholders expressed concerns about the policies, earning them an outpour of support from social media users supporting their decision. The MAGA morons tried this Once before with Costco during Covid mask requirements and I posted that I would be getting my membership Because of the morons I got Over 100,000 likes. ME with a Tiny account. I Love Costco for standing Up to Bullshit pic.twitter.com/mrlkWw7zHK Good for Costco! DEI is simply nothing more than treating people with respect and dignity. Those complaining about DEI either don’t understand it or feel threatened by it. Just another reason why we love Costco. Shareholders provided the Costco board with a proposal aiming to "report on the risks of maintaining DEI efforts." They voiced concerns that Costco employees may become impacted by "illegal discrimination because they are white, Asian, male or straight." In their response, the company's board noted that their commitment to DEI followed the company's code of ethics, and that it was considered necessary to the overarching success of the company. "Our Board has considered this proposal and believes that our commitment to an enterprise rooted in respect and inclusion is appropriate and necessary," the response reads. "Our success at Costco Wholesale has been built on service to our critical stakeholders: employees, members and suppliers. Our efforts around diversity, equity and inclusion follow our code of ethics." "Having diversity in our supplier base, including attention to small businesses, is beneficial for many of the same reasons diversity benefits our Company," the Board continued. "We believe that it fosters creativity and innovation in the merchandise and services that we offer our members." Costco rejected a proposal by an right-wing investor group to end its DEI efforts.👍 pic.twitter.com/4QbJiXZ3kW Social media users quickly took to online platforms to express their support of Costco, commending the company for upholding its principles. "Costco responded to shareholders requesting that it withdraw from DEI policies. The response was direct and to the point: Costco says, "Our board has considered this proposal and believes that our commitment to an enterprise rooted in respect & inclusion is appropriate & necessary." ❤️COSTCO♥️," wrote one user. Costco responded to shareholders requesting that it withdraw from DEI policies. The response was direct and to the point: Costco says, "Our board has considered this proposal and believes that our commitment to an enterprise rooted in respect & inclusion is appropriate &... pic.twitter.com/4OZBcfVE2q "Yes! At least one company has a spine," said another. Yes! At least one company has a spine. "Good to see. DEI includes the people I work with, who are adults with disabilities. Inclusive businesses help people build lives," wrote a third user. Good to see. DEI includes the people I work with, who are adults with disabilities. Inclusive businesses help people build lives. "Costco being Costco. Still committed to inclusivity," wrote another. Costco being Costco. Still committed to inclusivity. pic.twitter.com/Lum0VgpZuZ Originally published by Latin Times.

HALIFAX — Former Halifax mayor Mike Savage has been sworn in as Nova Scotia’s 34th lieutenant-governor. Savage was installed during a ceremony today at the Nova Scotia legislature. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced Savage’s appointment as the King’s representative in Nova Scotia in October. He replaces Arthur J. LeBlanc who had held the position since 2017 and who carried out his last official function on Thursday, presiding over the swearing in of the provincial government’s new cabinet. Savage served 12 years as mayor of Atlantic Canada’s largest city and announced in February that he wouldn’t seek re-election. Previous to becoming mayor, Savage served for seven years as the MP for the federal riding of Dartmouth-Cole Harbour. This report by The Canadian Press was first published Dec. 13, 2024. The Canadian PressData Center Colocation Market Resilience and Growth Forecast 2024-2031 11-30-2024 06:24 PM CET | IT, New Media & Software Press release from: SkyQuest Technology The Data Center Colocation Market is experiencing rapid growth, fueled by advancements in hardware, software, and digital infrastructure. With services spanning cloud computing, cybersecurity, data analytics, and artificial intelligence, the market is at the forefront of digital transformation across industries. Emerging technologies such as 5G, blockchain, and IoT are unlocking unprecedented opportunities, driving innovation and expansion. Get a Free Sample Report With Table Of Contents: https://www.skyquestt.com/sample-request/data-center-colocation-market Market Size and Growth: Global Data Center Colocation Market size was valued at USD 54.17 Billion in 2022 and is poised to grow from USD 62.46 Billion in 2023 to USD 195.09 Billion by 2031, growing at a CAGR of 15.3 % in the forecast period (2024-2031). The most valuable investment indicators are insights into key market trends, making it easier for potential participants to make informed decisions. The research seeks to identify numerous growth opportunities that readers can consider and capitalize on by utilizing all the relevant information. By closely analyzing critical factors that influence growth, such as pricing, production, profit margins, and value chain dynamics, future market expansion can be predicted with greater precision. Key Market Players: Equinix, Inc. (US) Digital Realty Trust, Inc. (US) NTT Communications Corporation (Japan) China Telecom Corporation Limited (China) Verizon Communications Inc. (US) Telehouse (UK) China Unicom (China) AT&T Inc. (US) KDDI Corporation (Japan) Deutsche Telekom AG (Germany) Colt Technology Services Group Limited (UK) Digital Bridge Holdings, LLC (US) Corespace, Inc. (US) Digital Realty Trust, Inc. (US) Region-wise Market Insights The regional analysis offers detailed breakdowns of revenue, sales, and market share for key geographies. This section includes future growth projections, pricing strategies, and other critical metrics. Regions covered in the report: North America: United States, Canada, Mexico Europe: Germany, France, UK, Russia, Italy Asia-Pacific: China, Japan, Korea, India, Southeast Asia South America: Brazil, Argentina, Colombia Middle East & Africa: Saudi Arabia, UAE, Egypt, Nigeria, South Africa For Personalized Insights, Speak with Our Experts: https://www.skyquestt.com/speak-with-analyst/data-center-colocation-market Segments covered in the Data Center Colocation Market include: Type Retail Colocation, and Wholesale Colocation Industry Banking Financial Services, & Insurance (BFSI), IT & telecom, Government & Defense, Healthcare, Research & Academics, Retail, Energy, Manufacturing, and Others End-User Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises (SMEs), Large Enterprises Data Center Colocation Market Size and Scope The Data Center Colocation market has shown significant growth in recent years, fueled by rising demand for power electronics across industries such as automotive, telecommunications, and renewable energy. This market is set to grow further as the global adoption of electric vehicles and renewable energy increases. Data Center Colocation are highly valued for their superior thermal conductivity, electrical insulation, and mechanical strength, making them essential components in power modules and electronic devices. With ongoing technological and manufacturing advancements, the applications of Data Center Colocation are expected to expand, encompassing a broader range of uses in the near future. For a Comprehensive Report on the Data Center Colocation Market 2024, Visit: https://www.skyquestt.com/report/data-center-colocation-market Frequently Asked Questions What are the key global trends influencing the market? Who are the top manufacturers, and what are their strategies? How is the market evolving across regions? What are the major challenges and opportunities in the Data Center Colocation Market? About Us: SkyQuest is an IP-focused Research and Investment Bank and Technology Accelerator. We offer access to technologies, markets, and financing across sectors like Life Sciences, CleanTech, AgriTech, NanoTech, and Information & Communication Technology. We collaborate closely with innovators, entrepreneurs, companies, and investors to help them leverage external R&D sources and optimize the economic potential of their intellectual assets. Our expertise in innovation management and commercialization spans North America, Europe, ASEAN, and Asia Pacific. Contact: Mr. Jagraj Singh Skyquest Technology 1 Apache Way, Westford, Massachusetts 01886, USA (+1) 351-333-4748 Visit our website: Skyquest Technology This release was published on openPR.

Amanda Hernández | (TNS) Stateline.org CHICAGO — Shoplifting rates in the three largest U.S. cities — New York, Los Angeles and Chicago — remain higher than they were before the pandemic, according to a report last month from the nonpartisan research group Council on Criminal Justice. The sharp rise in retail theft in recent years has made shoplifting a hot-button issue, especially for politicians looking to address public safety concerns in their communities. Since 2020, when viral videos of smash-and-grab robberies flooded social media during the COVID-19 pandemic, many Americans have expressed fears that crime is out of control. Polls show that perceptions have improved recently, but a majority of Americans still say crime is worse than in previous years. “There is this sense of brazenness that people have — they can just walk in and steal stuff. ... That hurts the consumer, and it hurts the company,” said Alex Piquero, a criminology professor at the University of Miami and former director of the federal Bureau of Justice Statistics, in an interview. “That’s just the world we live in,” he said. “We need to get people to realize that you have to obey the law.” At least eight states — Arizona, California, Florida, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, New York and Vermont — passed a total of 14 bills in 2024 aimed at tackling retail theft, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures. The measures range from redefining retail crimes and adjusting penalties to allowing cross-county aggregation of theft charges and protecting retail workers. Major retailers have responded to rising theft since 2020 by locking up merchandise, upgrading security cameras, hiring private security firms and even closing stores. Still, the report indicates that shoplifting remains a stubborn problem. In Chicago, the rate of reported shoplifting incidents remained below pre-pandemic levels throughout 2023 — but surged by 46% from January to October 2024 compared with the same period a year ago. Shoplifting in Los Angeles was 87% higher in 2023 than in 2019. Police reports of shoplifting from January to October 2024 were lower than in 2023. Los Angeles adopted a new crime reporting system in March 2024, which has likely led to an undercount, according to the report. In New York, shoplifting rose 48% from 2021 to 2022, then dipped slightly last year. Still, the shoplifting rate was 55% higher in 2023 than in 2019. This year, the shoplifting rate increased by 3% from January to September compared with the same period last year. While shoplifting rates tend to rise in November and December, which coincides with in-person holiday shopping, data from the Council on Criminal Justice’s sample of 23 U.S. cities shows higher rates in the first half of 2024 compared with 2023. Researchers found it surprising that rates went up despite retailers doing more to fight shoplifting. Experts say the spike might reflect improved reporting efforts rather than a spike in theft. “As retailers have been paying more attention to shoplifting, we would not expect the numbers to increase,” said Ernesto Lopez, the report’s author and a senior research specialist with the council. “It makes it a challenge to understand the trends of shoplifting.” In downtown Chicago on a recent early afternoon, potential shoppers shuffled through the streets and nearby malls, browsing for gifts ahead of the holidays. Edward Johnson, a guard at The Shops at North Bridge, said that malls have become quieter in the dozen or so years he has worked in mall security, with the rise of online retailers. As for shoplifters, Johnson said there isn’t a single type of person to look out for — they can come from any background. “I think good-hearted people see something they can’t afford and figure nothing is lost if they take something from the store,” Johnson said as he patrolled the mall, keeping an eye out for lost or suspicious items. Between 2018 and 2023, most shoplifting in Chicago was reported in the downtown area, as well as in the Old Town, River North and Lincoln Park neighborhoods, according to a separate analysis by the Council on Criminal Justice. Newly sworn-in Cook County State’s Attorney Eileen O’Neill Burke this month lowered the threshold for charging retail theft as a felony in the county, which includes Chicago, from $1,000 to $300, aligning it with state law. “It sends a signal that she’s taking it seriously,” Rob Karr, the president and CEO of the Illinois Retail Merchants Association, told Stateline. Nationally, retailers are worried about organized theft. The National Retail Federation’s latest report attributed 36% of the $112.1 billion in lost merchandise in 2022 to “external theft,” which includes organized retail crime. Organized retail crime typically involves coordinated efforts by groups to steal items with the intent to resell them for a profit. Commonly targeted goods include high-demand items such as baby formula, laundry detergent and electronics. The same report found that retailers’ fear of violence associated with theft also is on the rise, with more retailers taking a “hands-off approach.” More than 41% of respondents to the organization’s 2023 survey, up from 38% in 2022, reported that no employee is authorized to try and stop a shoplifter. (The federation’s reporting has come under criticism. It retracted a claim last year that attributed nearly half of lost merchandise in 2021 to organized retail crime; such theft accounted for only about 5%. The group announced this fall it will no longer publish its reports on lost merchandise.) Policy experts say shoplifting and organized retail theft can significantly harm critical industries, drive up costs for consumers and reduce sales tax revenue for states. Those worries have driven recent state-level action to boost penalties for shoplifting. California Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a package of 10 bills into law in August aimed at addressing retail theft. These measures make repeated theft convictions a felony, allow aggregation of crimes across multiple counties to be charged as a single felony, and permit police to arrest suspects for retail theft even if the crime wasn’t witnessed directly by an officer. In September, Newsom signed an additional bill that imposes steeper felony penalties for large-scale theft offenses. California voters also overwhelmingly approved a ballot measure in November that increases penalties for specific drug-related and theft crimes. Under the new law, people who are convicted of theft at least twice may face felony charges on their third offense, regardless of the stolen item’s value. “With these changes in the law, really it comes down to making sure that law enforcement is showing up to our stores in a timely manner, and that the prosecutors and the [district attorneys] are prosecuting,” Rachel Michelin, the president and CEO of the California Retailers Association, told Stateline. “That’s the only way we’re going to deter retail theft in our communities.” In New Jersey, a bipartisan bill making its way through the legislature would increase penalties for leading a shoplifting ring and allow extended sentences for repeat offenders. “This bill is going after a formally organized band of criminals that deliver such destruction to a critical business in our community. We have to act. We have to create a deterrence,” Democratic Assemblymember Joseph Danielsen, one of the bill’s prime sponsors, said in an interview with Stateline. The legislation would allow extended sentences for people convicted of shoplifting three times within 10 years or within 10 years of their release from prison, and would increase penalties to 10 to 20 years in prison for leading a retail crime ring. The bill also would allow law enforcement to aggregate the value of stolen goods over the course of a year to charge serial shoplifters with more serious offenses. Additionally, the bill would increase penalties for assaults committed against retail workers, and would require retailers to train employees on detecting gift card scams. Maryland legislators considered a similar bill during this year’s legislative session that would have defined organized retail theft and made it a felony. The bill didn’t make it out of committee, but Cailey Locklair, president of the Maryland Retailers Alliance, said the group plans to propose a bill during next year’s legislative session that would target gift card fraud. Better, more thorough reporting from retailers is essential to truly understanding shoplifting trends and its full impact, in part because some retail-related crimes, such as gift card fraud, are frequently underreported, according to Lopez, of the Council on Criminal Justice. Measuring crime across jurisdictions is notoriously difficult , and the council does not track organized retail theft specifically because law enforcement typically doesn’t identify it as such at the time of arrest — if an arrest even occurs — requiring further investigation, Lopez said. The council’s latest report found conflicting trends in the FBI’s national crime reporting systems. The FBI’s older system, the Summary Reporting System, known as SRS, suggests that reported shoplifting hadn’t gone up through 2023, remaining on par with 2019 levels. In contrast, the FBI’s National Incident-Based Reporting System, or NIBRS, shows a 93% increase in shoplifting over the same period. The discrepancy may stem from the type of law enforcement agencies that have adopted the latter system, Lopez said. Some of those communities may have higher levels of shoplifting or other types of property crime, which could be what is driving the spike, Lopez said. Despite the discrepancies and varying levels of shoplifting across the country, Lopez said, it’s important for retailers to report these incidents, as doing so could help allocate law enforcement resources more effectively. “All law enforcement agencies have limited resources, and having the most accurate information allows for not just better policy, but also better implementation — better use of strategic resources,” Lopez said. Stateline staff writer Robbie Sequeira contributed to this report. ©2024 States Newsroom. Visit at stateline.org. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.In line with the comprehensive strategic partnership between the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the People’s Republic of China, a delegation from Zhuzhou City in China’s Hunan Province has visited Nigeria to explore new areas of cooperation between both countries. The delegation, led by the Mayor of Zhuzhou City, Mao Tengfei, was warmly received by Joseph Tegbe, he Director-General of the Nigeria-China Strategic Partnership (NCSP). Expressing his excitement at the partnership between both countries, Mayor Mao gave an overview of Zhuzhou City, highlighting its industrial and technological advancements. According to him, the city is a major hub for production, commodity export, ceramics, fireworks, electricity generation, and high-speed rail, among others. The delegation included Senior Officials of the City and members of the Chinese Business Community including Diana Cheng, the CEO of the CIG group. The Mayor used the opportunity to formally inform the Global Liaison of the Strategic Partnership of Zhuzhou City’s interest in increasing cooperation with Nigeria in these areas, with a focus on commodity export, industrial production, and infrastructure development. He also discussed potential collaborations in science and technology, education, and culture. While welcoming the delegation, Tegbe, the Director-General of the Nigeria-China Strategic Partnership reiterated President Bola Tinubu’s commitment to strengthening ties with China. The Director-General led a promising conversation on various ways to enhance cooperation, including the signing of Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs), the establishment of joint working groups, and exchange programmes. According to Tegbe, enhanced cooperation between Nigeria and Zhuzhou City, as well as other Chinese entities, would bring numerous benefits, including increased trade and investment, job creation, improved infrastructure, knowledge transfer, and cultural exchange

SHAREHOLDER ALERT: Pomerantz Law Firm Investigates Claims On Behalf of Investors of PepGen Inc. - PEPG