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Guidewire Software (NYSE:GWRE) Stock Price Expected to Rise, Robert W. Baird Analyst SaysThere was an odd atmosphere on Capital Hill . or signup to continue reading A taut electric vibe tussled with a summery last-day-of-school looseness. Haggard correspondents intoned philosophic, wearily resigned to their designation as villains in the febrile digital colosseum of political combat. With an unholy crush in the Senate - 31 bills passed on one day and 45 for the week - nervous but footloose lower house MPs killed time. Ministers floated between offices, affecting calm in that way trial lawyers do after closing arguments when everything hangs on a curmudgeonly judge or an inscrutable jury. The Speaker, Milton Dick, expressed his thanks to the sprawling complex's thousands of staff for keeping operational what Anthony Albanese described as "the most visited building in Australia". And it certainly seemed "most-visited" at Aussies on Thursday morning - the roiling social hub where over three decades, Dom Calabria and his father Tony have furnished coffee and meals to stressed press gallery journos, MPs, PMs and frontbenchers, and an infinity of lobbyists and public officials. In their ritual post-question time speeches before the summer break - a bilateral nod to civility dubbed "the hypocrisies" by one scribe - Albanese and Peter Dutton praised old Tony's 28-year stint at Aussies. "Tony is the man who did so much to enhance the seat of democracy here," Albanese remarked warmly to his fellow "Italo-Australian" looking up to the public gallery where three generations of Calabrias watched on. Dutton lauded the ailing 84-year-old's migrant story having emigrated at just 14. "He has worked every day since then, he has educated his children, he has provided a role model and has given that love to his family that has created a remarkable legacy," Dutton said. In other comments, Albanese revealed that he and Dutton did not hate each other after all. He noted that while he had visited Morrison's office only once as opposition leader (a startling factoid since the global pandemic occasioned a bipartisanship likened to wartime), Dutton had been into Albanese's prime ministerial suite, well, "more often than I'd like". Cue laughter. Yet coursing impatiently under all this ersatz chumminess, was the existential fight to come. Each knows that within months, one will be up, the other, finished. Since the Second World War, it has occupied the Treasury benches for just 29 years. Nonetheless, Labor goes into next year's election comforted by electoral history and shielded by an unofficial "Swiss G]guard" of community independents. But that historical precedent - every first-term federal government since 1932 has secured a second term - may amount to nothing in this disintermediated age of antisocial media and permanent grievance. For the 93 years since the rookie Scullin Labor government crashed along with everything else in the Great Depression, incumbency has been a winged keel. Australian voters have tended to pick and stick, at least once. Now though, around the democratic world in 2024, the vogue is to "pick then kick". But what about that Swiss guard of independents? Albanese's worst-case scenario is that one or all of the first-term teals lose. Another risk is that some back a Dutton executive. Currently Labor has 78 seats to the Coalition's 58. Dutton needs a net gain of 18 seats to govern in his own right. A huge task. Polls suggest the most likely outcome is a minority parliament. Labor could lose half a dozen seats to Dutton's Liberals and still be close enough to credibly seek crossbench commitments for supply and confidence. But what would the teal independents do - who would they prefer to form government? The lesson from the minority Gillard period is that indies who hold conservative seats but back progressive governments face extinction themselves. In this light,, it may be instructive to consult the AEC's "two-party preferred" exercise, in which it allocated all 151 "Reps" seats to either of the two major parties (irrespective of whether the seat actually fell to a third party). Unsurprisingly, it shows that preferences for either of the two majors (ahead of the other) favoured the Liberals by the following percentages in teal seats: Curtin (5.4), Goldstein (4.8), Kooyong (4.1 ), Mackellar (8.6), Warringah (1.4), Wentworth (5.9). These pro-Liberal margins may even expand in a 2025 election devoid of the unpopular Morrison. Yet this cuts both ways. In formerly safe Labor Fowler, Dai Le (assuming she survives) would have to ignore a strong Labor proclivity in her seat to back a Dutton-led minority government. Another outlier is Alexander Downer's erstwhile stronghold of Mayo, held by the centre-right indie Rebekah Sharkie. Her Adelaide Hills seat actually favoured Labor by 1.6 per cent in 2022. In all three of the Queensland seats filched by the Greens in 2022, voters preferred Labor - even the two secured from the LNP, Brisbane and Ryan. Nationally, the polls show a busy and productive Labor trailing Dutton's detail-light rhetorical assault over cost of living and immigration. The hardline Queenslander is a more effective political communicator than even his own colleagues thought when they overlooked him in 2018. In 2025, Labor remains the narrow favourite. But its hardheads recognise that no opposition leader is unelectable, no historical precedent immutable, and no seat lead impregnable. Mark Kenny is The Canberra Times' political analyst and a professor at the ANU's Australian Studies Institute. He hosts the Democracy Sausage podcast. He writes a column every Sunday. Mark Kenny is The Canberra Times' political analyst and a professor at the ANU's Australian Studies Institute. He hosts the Democracy Sausage podcast. He writes a column every Sunday. Advertisement Sign up for our newsletter to stay up to date. We care about the protection of your data. Read our . AdvertisementShares of Daqo New Energy Corp. ( NYSE:DQ – Get Free Report ) gapped down prior to trading on Thursday . The stock had previously closed at $20.12, but opened at $19.33. Daqo New Energy shares last traded at $19.34, with a volume of 69,216 shares trading hands. Wall Street Analyst Weigh In A number of research firms have recently weighed in on DQ. StockNews.com upgraded shares of Daqo New Energy to a “sell” rating in a report on Monday, September 23rd. Daiwa Capital Markets raised shares of Daqo New Energy from a “neutral” rating to an “outperform” rating in a report on Wednesday, October 30th. Jefferies Financial Group dropped their target price on shares of Daqo New Energy from $38.40 to $34.05 and set a “buy” rating for the company in a report on Monday, August 26th. Nomura Securities upgraded Daqo New Energy to a “strong-buy” rating in a report on Wednesday, August 28th. Finally, Roth Mkm lowered their price target on Daqo New Energy from $23.00 to $15.00 and set a “neutral” rating for the company in a research report on Wednesday, August 28th. One analyst has rated the stock with a sell rating, one has given a hold rating, four have given a buy rating and three have issued a strong buy rating to the stock. According to MarketBeat, the stock has an average rating of “Buy” and an average target price of $22.26. Check Out Our Latest Stock Report on Daqo New Energy Daqo New Energy Price Performance Daqo New Energy ( NYSE:DQ – Get Free Report ) last released its earnings results on Wednesday, October 30th. The semiconductor company reported ($0.92) EPS for the quarter, missing analysts’ consensus estimates of ($0.80) by ($0.12). The firm had revenue of $198.50 million during the quarter, compared to analysts’ expectations of $186.90 million. Daqo New Energy had a negative net margin of 9.16% and a negative return on equity of 1.90%. During the same quarter in the previous year, the business earned ($0.09) EPS. On average, equities research analysts anticipate that Daqo New Energy Corp. will post -3.5 EPS for the current year. Institutional Trading of Daqo New Energy A number of hedge funds and other institutional investors have recently modified their holdings of the business. Geode Capital Management LLC increased its holdings in shares of Daqo New Energy by 9.2% during the third quarter. Geode Capital Management LLC now owns 33,546 shares of the semiconductor company’s stock valued at $683,000 after acquiring an additional 2,813 shares in the last quarter. Public Employees Retirement System of Ohio purchased a new stake in shares of Daqo New Energy during the third quarter valued at approximately $1,053,000. Wellington Management Group LLP raised its holdings in Daqo New Energy by 26.0% in the 3rd quarter. Wellington Management Group LLP now owns 128,422 shares of the semiconductor company’s stock worth $2,616,000 after acquiring an additional 26,462 shares during the last quarter. Wexford Capital LP lifted its position in Daqo New Energy by 395.7% in the 3rd quarter. Wexford Capital LP now owns 164,809 shares of the semiconductor company’s stock valued at $3,357,000 after acquiring an additional 131,564 shares in the last quarter. Finally, State Street Corp lifted its position in Daqo New Energy by 1.1% in the 3rd quarter. State Street Corp now owns 842,921 shares of the semiconductor company’s stock valued at $17,170,000 after acquiring an additional 8,983 shares in the last quarter. 47.22% of the stock is owned by hedge funds and other institutional investors. About Daqo New Energy ( Get Free Report ) Daqo New Energy Corp., together with its subsidiaries, manufactures and sells polysilicon to photovoltaic product manufacturers in the People's Republic of China. Its products are used in ingots, wafers, cells, and modules for solar power solutions. The company was formerly known as Mega Stand International Limited and changed its name to Daqo New Energy Corp. Featured Articles Receive News & Ratings for Daqo New Energy Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for Daqo New Energy and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .777pub tv 。

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