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NEW YORK (AP) — Yankees slugger Aaron Judge wins his second AL MVP award after leading MLB with 58 home runs.Wall Street stocks were little changed on Thursday while Asian equities rose in thin Boxing Day trade, extending their "Santa Claus Rally" with several bourses still shut for the holiday. Japan's Nikkei index closed up 1.1 percent, boosted by comments from the Bank of Japan governor and share price gains for top-selling automaker Toyota. China's plans for massive bond issuances in 2025 also bolstered investor sentiment. "Even though many in the region are still shaking off a bit of a holiday hangover, with several markets closed for Boxing Day, Asian stocks opened higher, riding a favorable wave from China's financial bond juggernaut," said Stephen Innes from SPI Asset Management. In New York, major indices veered in and out of positive territory in a sleepy post-Christmas session. The broad-based S&P 500 finished down less than 0.1 percent. Large technology companies that have led the market in much of 2024 mostly took a breather. These included Netflix, Tesla and Amazon, all of which declined. "What's interesting today is that we're seeing small stocks bounce back a little bit," said Steve Sosnick of Interactive Brokers, noting that the Russell 2000 index put on 0.9 percent. Holiday consumer data showed a 3.8-percent increase in US retail spending from November 1 to December 24, according to a Mastercard SpendingPulse review of a key period for retailers. London Stockton, an analyst at Ned Davis Research, noted that the "Santa Claus rally could still be alive, with strong seasonality into the end of the year." Stock markets have traditionally fared well in the last five trading days of the year and the first two in the new year, a trend known as the "Santa Claus rally." Among a number of possible reasons advanced by experts include the festive holiday mood and purchasing ahead of the end of the tax year. Innes said remarks from Bank of Japan governor Kazuo Ueda in which he refrained from signaling a potential interest rate hike next month also "influenced bullish regional sentiments." Japanese market heavyweight Toyota ended nearly six percent higher after reports in the Nikkei business daily said it aimed to double its return on equity -- a key measure of a company's financial performance. More from this section New York - Dow: UP 0.1 percent at 43,325.80 (close) New York - S&P 500: DOWN less than 0.1 percent at 6,037.59 (close) New York - Nasdaq: DOWN 0.1 percent at 20,020.36 (close) Tokyo - Nikkei 225: UP 1.1 percent at 39,568.06 points (close) Hang Seng: UP 1.1 percent at 20,098.29 points (Tuesday close) Shanghai - Composite: UP 0.1 percent at 3,398.08 points (close) Euro/dollar: UP at $1.0424 from $1.0414 on Tuesday Pound/dollar: DOWN at $1.2526 from $1.2538 Dollar/yen: UP at 158.00 yen from 157.06 yen Euro/pound: UP at 83.19 pence from 83.05 pence West Texas Intermediate: DOWN 0.7 percent at $69.62 per barrel Brent North Sea Crude: DOWN 0.4 percent at $73.26 per barrel bur-jmb/aha
By BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.Full list of what's open on Christmas Day and Boxing Day
Croatia's president faces conservative rival in election run-off
Israel's attorney general has ordered police to investigate allegations Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's wife harassed political opponents and witnesses in her husband's corruption trial. or signup to continue reading The Israeli Justice Ministry made the announcement in a terse message late on Thursday, saying the investigation would focus on a recent report by the Uvda investigative program into Sara Netanyahu. The program uncovered a trove of WhatsApp messages in which Sara Netanyahu appears to instruct a former aide to organise protests against political opponents and to intimidate Hadas Klein, a key witness in the trial. The announcement did not mention Sara Netanyahu by name and the Justice Ministry declined further comment. But in a video released earlier on Thursday, Benjamin Netanyahu listed what he said were the many kind and charitable acts by his wife and blasted the Uvda report as "lies". "My opponents on the left and in the media found a new-old target. They mercilessly attack my wife, Sara," he said. He called the program "false propaganda, nasty propaganda that brings up lies from the darkness". It was the latest in a long line of legal troubles for the Netanyahus — highlighted by the prime minister's ongoing corruption trial. Netanyahu is charged with fraud, breach of trust and accepting bribes in a series of cases alleging he exchanged favours with powerful media moguls and wealthy associates. Netanyahu denies the charges and says he is the victim of a "witch hunt" by overzealous prosecutors, police and the media. The report obtained correspondence between Sara Netanyahu and Hanni Bleiweiss, a former aide to the prime minister who died of cancer last year. The messages indicated that Sara Netanyahu encouraged police to crack down violently on anti-government protesters and ordered Bleiweiss to organise protests against her husband's critics. She also told Bleiweiss to get activists in Netanyahu's Likud party to publish attacks on Klein. Klein is an aide to billionaire Hollywood mogul Arnon Milchan and has testified in the corruption case about her role in delivering tens of thousands of dollars worth of champagne, cigars and gifts to Netanyahu for her boss. According to the report, Sara Netanyahu mistreated Bleiweiss, prompting her to share the messages with a reporter shortly before her death. Sara Netanyahu has been accused of abusive behaviour toward her personal staff before. This, together with accusations of excessive spending and using public money for her own extravagant personal tastes, has earned her an image as being out of touch with everyday Israelis. In 2019, she was fined for misusing state funds. DAILY Today's top stories curated by our news team. WEEKDAYS Grab a quick bite of today's latest news from around the region and the nation. WEEKLY The latest news, results & expert analysis. WEEKDAYS Catch up on the news of the day and unwind with great reading for your evening. WEEKLY Get the editor's insights: what's happening & why it matters. WEEKLY Love footy? We've got all the action covered. WEEKLY Every Saturday and Tuesday, explore destinations deals, tips & travel writing to transport you around the globe. WEEKLY Going out or staying in? Find out what's on. WEEKDAYS Sharp. Close to the ground. Digging deep. Your weekday morning newsletter on national affairs, politics and more. TWICE WEEKLY Your essential national news digest: all the big issues on Wednesday and great reading every Saturday. WEEKLY Get news, reviews and expert insights every Thursday from CarExpert, ACM's exclusive motoring partner. TWICE WEEKLY Get real, Australia! Let the ACM network's editors and journalists bring you news and views from all over. AS IT HAPPENS Be the first to know when news breaks. DAILY Your digital replica of Today's Paper. Ready to read from 5am! DAILY Test your skills with interactive crosswords, sudoku & trivia. Fresh daily! Advertisement Advertisement
P rime Minister Narendra Modi flagging off work on the Ken-Betwa river interlinking project signalled that the national government is unbothered by the wide-ranging opposition to it. At a budgeted cost of ₹44,605 crore, the project will draw supposedly “excess” water away from the Ken river basin towards the Betwa river basin and thereon to farmland and human settlements. When the Union Cabinet approved the project in 2021, the National Green Tribunal was still deliberating a challenge to its green clearance. This was typical of the state’s tendency to pardon businesses found in violation of environmental laws after they had made considerable investments. The government itself has ignored critical comments from experts, including members of an empowered committee appointed by the Supreme Court, and bypassed due process. The law has strict terms for allowing hydroelectric power projects in ecologically sensitive areas — the Daudhan Dam will be erected inside the Panna Tiger Reserve — but there is little evidence of such scrutiny. Work on the dam will destroy lakhs of trees and destabilise fragile ecosystems. The government has also refused to release hydrological data of the basins claiming they are sensitive by virtue of being subsets of the international Ganga basin. That a river interlink will water fields and quench thirst is irrefutable, but for how long? Various studies have asserted that the Ken and the Betwa basins suffer floods and droughts together, that the subcontinent’s rainfall and sedimentation patterns stand to be altered, and that the Betwa basin can be replenished more affordably by maintaining environmental flows and bolstering natural storage. The government’s principal claim is that the Ken and the Betwa basins are respectively water-surplus and water-deficient. This is disingenuous: the Betwa basin is water-deficient strictly because it hosts several lakh hectares of irrigated cropland. Should the demand in the Ken basin increase, both areas will suffer. Experts have instead suggested that the project is a ploy to pacify the electorate in Bundelkhand — as its approval months ahead of State polls in Uttar Pradesh also suggested — and/or to improve water supply to reservoirs in the lower Betwa thanks to other upstream blockades. The project seems more the product of political expediency and self-image than current ecological sense. The more resources the government sinks into it, the more unlikely changing or reversing course will become in the face of adverse developments. When they come to pass, the responsibility and costs of mitigating the adverse consequences of this and other projects, including the recently launched Parbati-Kalisindh-Chambal link, will fall to the people. Published - December 27, 2024 02:15 am IST Copy link Email Facebook Twitter Telegram LinkedIn WhatsApp Reddit natural resources (general) / natural resources / rivers / environmental issuesJimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said in posting about his death on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. x Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia. pic.twitter.com/aqYmcE9tXi — The Carter Center (@CarterCenter) December 29, 2024 Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. Jimmy Carter speaks on Feb. 3, 2016, at the House of Lords in London. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.”SHENZHEN, China , Dec. 3, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- On November 26, 2024 , Access Advance LLC ("AA") and TCL Electronics Holdings Limited ("TCL" or "Client") announced that TCL had officially joined the HEVC Advance Patent Pool as a licensee. PurpleVine IP Group ("PurpleVine") played a pivotal role in this achievement, providing full-spectrum services, including strategic planning, global litigation management, and licensing negotiation support. PurpleVine's efforts were instrumental in helping TCL finalize agreements with AA and multiple HEVC Advance licensors, resolving years of complex global litigation over HEVC standard-essential patents("SEPs"). Since 2021, leading HEVC Advance licensors - including Dolby, GEVC, Philips, Mitsubishi Electric, JVCKENWOOD, NEC, ETRI, and IP Bridge - have filed dozens of infringement lawsuits and sought injunctions against TCL across jurisdictions such as Germany , the Unified Patent Court (UPC) in Europe , and Brazil . PurpleVine provided TCL with a comprehensive defense strategy tailored to each jurisdiction. Working closely with local counsel, the PurpleVine team devised FRAND-compliant arguments, non-infringement defenses, and patent invalidation strategies that not only neutralized injunction threats but also achieved an outstanding success rate of over 90% in invalidating asserted patents during first-instance rulings. PurpleVine also spearheaded counteractions against AA and HEVC Advance licensors in multiple jurisdictions, including China , Brazil , and Germany . Notably, PurpleVine assisted TCL in filing two landmark cases in Chinese courts - one challenging SEP licensing rates and another alleging abuse of market dominance. These cases were the first in the world where courts asserted jurisdiction over SEP pool licensing rates and alleged monopolistic practices, setting a groundbreaking legal precedent. Daniel Fu , General Counsel of TCL, stated, "We are pleased to have signed a license with Access Advance's HEVC patent pool, with the help of PurpleVine IP. The transaction is beneficial to the licensing ecosystem and the development of cutting-edge technologies for the welfare of consumers." This multi-jurisdictional case, involving complex legal challenges, spanning several years, highlights PurpleVine's expertise in managing high-stakes IP disputes. PurpleVine's strategic leadership, effective litigation management, and skilled negotiations reaffirm its position as a leading provider of cross-border intellectual property services. Disclaimer: This press release is for informational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice or an official statement regarding litigation. About PurpleVine IP Group PurpleVine IP Group, based in Shenzhen, China , is a leading intellectual property service provider with a global perspective. The firm offers one-stop IP services, including patent and trademark prosecution, analysis, global transactions, licensing negotiations, and dispute resolution. The core members of PurpleVine's litigation and dispute resolution team have backgrounds in top international law firms and leading corporate legal departments. They have managed patent litigation and invalidation cases in over 50 courts worldwide. The firm also includes SEP (Standard Essential Patent) experts from the telecommunications industry, who have been involved in hundreds of patent licensing negotiations and litigations. View original content to download multimedia: https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/purplevine-drives-tcls-successful-entry-into-the-hevc-advance-patent-pool-302320761.html SOURCE PurpleVine IPThe realization came in the form of the Consumer Price Index (CPI) report from November indicating a reacceleration of inflation, as well as a material reacceleration of “core inflation,” which for some reason excludes the things I spend most of my money on, food and energy. While this reality check was somewhat abated a week later when one of the Fed’s now preferred alternative inflation indicators, Personal Inflation Expenditures (PCE) did not reaffirm the November CPI number, the sting of the higher CPI number still hangs in the air. If one were to muse as to why the Fed has so many divergent flavors of inflation tracking, perhaps the best answer is if inflation was a core metric of your job performance, wouldn’t you? Either way, whether its CPI, Core CPI, PCE or Core PCE, PPI, or the GDP Deflator, those of use who live in the real world know inflation is by no means tamed (I just spent $127 on ribeye steaks for Christmas). Cost inflation is both a simple and extremely complicated topic. The simple part of the equation is when the supply of money in an economy increases, prices denominated in this money also tend to rise as more money circulating means each unit of money is worth a little less in terms of purchasing power. In the United States, the most widely used measure of money supply is a metric called M2, and the Fed of course tracks this as well. A glance at the Fed’s M2 chart shows what we would expect based on our lived experience over the past four years. A historically rapid increase in money supply during COVID years, a gentle reduction through 2022 and 2023 as the Fed shifted its policy approach, but surprisingly a then even more subtle but clear increase in M2 starting again mid-2024. With this chart as our guide, the reacceleration of CPI inflation last month should not catch us off guard. So, what causes money supply to rise? This is where the topic gets considerably more complicated, but one straightforward part of the answer to this question is of course, government deficit spending. Regardless of which end of the political spectrum we draw our bias from, it's impossible to argue the Federal government has been running a tight ship over the past few years. Rampant ineptitude, coupled with zero accountability, tends to bust the budget, and with a $1.8 trillion deficit in 2024, “busting the budget” is a woeful understatement. Rather than festering in blame, I say it’s time to look forward. In my opinion we stand at a unique spot in the history of the economic cycle. I believe it will soon become apparent the Fed has no ability to address rising inflation and this realization will come at a very important moment in time politically in the U.S. While by any measure the rest of us would use in real life, the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, aka the Trump tax cuts, have been amazingly productive from a federal revenue perspective. With $4.92 trillion in 2024 federal tax receipts, government funding has never been higher. Tax cuts, however, are not an immediate gratification magic bullet. Smarter tax and regulatory burden tend to work into the economy over time, creating stronger growth and more tax receipts, but present less attractive short-term math when it comes to immediate tax receipts. Based on the rhetoric leaking into the ether, I expect the new Trump administration to cut taxes even more next year. These tax cuts are highly likely to result in lower tax receipts at the front end of the policy period. Maybe the D.O.G.E. will be effective at tightening up federal spending, but it certainly won’t happen quickly. Long story short, federal deficits are highly likely to not go down in the shorter term, and I wouldn’t bet on inflation cooling as well, leaving the Fed in a lurch when it comes to interest rate policy. Welcome to 2025.
WILLIAMSBURG, Va. (AP) — Keller Boothby's 16 points helped William & Mary defeat Navy 82-76 on Sunday. Read this article for free: Already have an account? To continue reading, please subscribe: * WILLIAMSBURG, Va. (AP) — Keller Boothby's 16 points helped William & Mary defeat Navy 82-76 on Sunday. Read unlimited articles for free today: Already have an account? WILLIAMSBURG, Va. (AP) — Keller Boothby’s 16 points helped William & Mary defeat Navy 82-76 on Sunday. Boothby went 6 of 8 from the field (4 for 6 from 3-point range) for the Tribe (6-7). Gabe Dorsey scored 16 points and added three steals. Noah Collier went 7 of 9 from the field to finish with 14 points, while adding seven rebounds. Austin Benigni finished with 16 points for the Midshipmen (3-10). Jinwoo Kim added 15 points for Navy. Donovan Draper had 14 points and seven rebounds. The loss was the Midshipmen’s sixth in a row. Collier scored 10 points in the first half for William & Mary, who led 41-33 at the break. William & Mary took the lead for good with 3:03 left in the second half on a layup from Dorsey to make it a 73-71 game. ___ The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar. Advertisement
Headed South for Winter? 5 Tips for Snowbirds About to Take FlightIncoming border czar Tom Homan has stated that the US President- elect Donald Trump administration will be requiring $86 billion from Congress to initiate its mass deportation plan, at the same time, which he claims will ultimately save taxpayers money, reported New York Post. ET Year-end Special Reads Corporate Kalesh: Top family disputes of India Inc in 2024 The world of business lost these eminent people in 2024 Fast, faster, fastest: How 2024 put more speed into your shopping According to New York Post, while having an interview with Fox Business, Tom Homan specifically emphasized on the need for increased resources which included expanding the number of detention beds from tens of thousands to 100,000. He also described the deportation operation as a significant national security priority and eventually assured that the initial costs would be offset by long term savings. US President- elect Donald Trump has pledged to commence what he calls the largest deportation operation in US history on his first day back in office, asserted New York Post. Tom Homan also indicated that the focus would initially be on undocumented immigrants who have committed crimes and reassured that the operation would not be hindered by ‘Sanctuary City’ policies, noted New York Post. The comments of Tom Homan actually highlight a return to aggressive immigration enforcement strategies reminiscent of Donald Trump's first term during which he oversaw a notable increase in deportations. 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Incoming border czar Tom Homan has stated that the US President- elect Donald Trump administration will be requiring $86 billion from Congress to initiate its mass deportation plan, at the same time, which he claims will ultimately save taxpayers money. How did Tom Homan describe the deportation operation? Tom Homan described the deportation operation as a significant national security priority and eventually assured that the initial costs would be offset by long term savings. (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel )