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British-Canadian computer scientist Geoffrey Hinton and co-laureate John Hopfield are set to receive the Nobel Prize for physics on Tuesday in Stockholm. The pair landed the accolade because they used physics to develop artificial neural networks, which help computers learn without having to program them. These networks form the foundation of machine learning, a computer science that relies on data and algorithms to help artificial intelligence mimic the human brain. Hinton and Hopfield’s path to the Nobel began when Hopfield, who is now a professor emeritus at Princeton University, invented a network in 1982 that could store and reconstruct images in data. The Hopfield network uses associate memory, which humans use to remember what something looks like when it’s not in front of them or to conjure up a word they know but seldom use. The network can mirror this process because it stores patterns and has a method for recreating them. When the network is given an incomplete or slightly distorted pattern, the method then searches for the stored pattern that is most similar to recreate data. This means if a computer was shown, for example, a photo of dog where only part of the animal was visible, it could use the network to piece together the missing part of the image and recognize it was depicting a dog. Hinton, who was working at Carnegie Mellon University in Pittsburgh in 1985, used the Hopfield network as the foundation for a new network he called the Boltzmann machine. Its name came from the nineteenth-century physicist Ludwig Boltzmann. The Boltzmann machine learns from examples, rather than instructions, and when trained, can recognize familiar characteristics in information, even if it has not seen that data before. The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, which gives out the Nobel, likens this to how humans may be able to identify someone as a relative of one of their friends, even if they’ve never met this person before, because of they share similar traits. The Boltzmann machine works in a similar way, classifying images or creating new examples based on the patterns it was trained on. This kind of technology can help suggest films or television shows based on a user’s preferences and past viewing history The Hopfield network and Boltzmann machine are considered to have laid the groundwork for modern AI. Hinton, a professor emeritus at the University of Toronto, went on to win the A.M. Turing Award, known as the Nobel Prize of computing, with fellow Canadian Yoshua Bengio and American Yan LeCun in 2018. He is often called the godfather of AI. This report by The Canadian Press was first published Dec. 8, 2024. Tara Deschamps, The Canadian PressTech rebound supports Asian equitiesKobe Sanders, Nevada beat Oklahoma St. for fifth place in Charleston
NoneBritish-Canadian computer scientist Geoffrey Hinton and co-laureate John Hopfield are set to receive the Nobel Prize for physics on Tuesday in Stockholm. The pair landed the accolade because they used physics to develop artificial neural networks, which help computers learn without having to program them. These networks form the foundation of machine learning, a computer science that relies on data and algorithms to help artificial intelligence mimic the human brain. Hinton and Hopfield’s path to the Nobel began when Hopfield, who is now a professor emeritus at Princeton University, invented a network in 1982 that could store and reconstruct images in data. The Hopfield network uses associate memory, which humans use to remember what something looks like when it’s not in front of them or to conjure up a word they know but seldom use. The network can mirror this process because it stores patterns and has a method for recreating them. When the network is given an incomplete or slightly distorted pattern, the method then searches for the stored pattern that is most similar to recreate data. This means if a computer was shown, for example, a photo of dog where only part of the animal was visible, it could use the network to piece together the missing part of the image and recognize it was depicting a dog. Hinton, who was working at Carnegie Mellon University in Pittsburgh in 1985, used the Hopfield network as the foundation for a new network he called the Boltzmann machine. Its name came from the nineteenth-century physicist Ludwig Boltzmann. The Boltzmann machine learns from examples, rather than instructions, and when trained, can recognize familiar characteristics in information, even if it has not seen that data before. The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, which gives out the Nobel, likens this to how humans may be able to identify someone as a relative of one of their friends, even if they’ve never met this person before, because of they share similar traits. The Boltzmann machine works in a similar way, classifying images or creating new examples based on the patterns it was trained on. This kind of technology can help suggest films or television shows based on a user’s preferences and past viewing history The Hopfield network and Boltzmann machine are considered to have laid the groundwork for modern AI. Hinton, a professor emeritus at the University of Toronto, went on to win the A.M. Turing Award, known as the Nobel Prize of computing, with fellow Canadian Yoshua Bengio and American Yan LeCun in 2018. He is often called the godfather of AI. This report by The Canadian Press was first published Dec. 8, 2024. Tara Deschamps, The Canadian Press
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TEL AVIV, Israel (AP) — Israel said Sunday that the body of an Israeli-Moldovan rabbi who went missing in the United Arab Emirates has been found after he was killed in what it described as a “heinous antisemitic terror incident.” The UAE's Interior Ministry later said authorities arrested three perpetrators involved in the killing of Zvi Kogan. The statement from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's office said Israel “will act with all means to seek justice with the criminals responsible for his death.” Israeli authorities did not say how they determined the killing of Kogan was a terror attack and offered no additional details. Kogan, 28, an ultra-Orthodox rabbi who went missing on Thursday, ran a kosher grocery store in the futuristic city of Dubai, where Israelis have flocked for commerce and tourism since the two countries forged diplomatic ties in the 2020 Abraham Accords . The agreement has held through more than a year of soaring regional tensions unleashed by Hamas' Oct. 7, 2023 attack into southern Israel . But Israel's devastating retaliatory offensive in Gaza and its invasion of Lebanon, after months of fighting with the Hezbollah militant group, have stoked anger among Emiratis, Arab nationals and others living in the the UAE. Iran, which supports Hamas and Hezbollah, has also been threatening to retaliate against Israel after a wave of airstrikes Israel carried out in October in response to an Iranian ballistic missile attack. The Emirati government did not respond to a request for comment. However, senior Emirati diplomat Anwer Gargash wrote on the social platform X in Arabic on Sunday that “the UAE will remain a home of safety, an oasis of stability, a society of tolerance and coexistence and a beacon of development, pride and advancement.” Early on Sunday, the UAE’s state-run WAM news agency acknowledged Kogan’s disappearance but pointedly did not acknowledge he held Israeli citizenship, referring to him only as being Moldovan. The Emirati Interior Ministry described Kogan as being “missing and out of contact.” “Specialized authorities immediately began search and investigation operations upon receiving the report,” the Interior Ministry said. The ministry later said that three “perpetrators” had been arrested “in record time” without giving additional details. Netanyahu told a regular Cabinet meeting later Sunday that he was “deeply shocked” by Kogan's disappearance and death. He said he appreciated the cooperation of the UAE in the investigation and that ties between the two countries would continue to be strengthened. Israel's largely ceremonial president, Isaac Herzog, condemned the killing and thanked Emirati authorities for "their swift action." He said he trusts they “will work tirelessly to bring the perpetrators to justice.” Israel also again warned against all nonessential travel to the Emirates after Kogan's killing. “There is concern that there is still a threat against Israelis and Jews in the area,” a government warning issued Sunday said. Kogan was an emissary of the Chabad Lubavitch movement, a prominent and highly observant branch of ultra-Orthodox Judaism based in Brooklyn's Crown Heights neighborhood in New York City. It said he was last seen in Dubai. The UAE has a burgeoning Jewish community, with synagogues and businesses catering to kosher diners. The Rimon Market, a kosher grocery store that Kogan managed on Dubai’s busy Al Wasl Road, was shut Sunday. As the wars have roiled the region, the store has been the target of online protests by supporters of the Palestinians. Mezuzahs on the front and back doors of the market appeared to have been ripped off when an Associated Press journalist stopped by on Sunday. Kogan’s wife, Rivky, is a U.S. citizen who lived with him in the UAE. She is the niece of Rabbi Gavriel Holtzberg, who was killed in the 2008 Mumbai attacks. The UAE is an autocratic federation of seven sheikhdoms on the Arabian Peninsula and is also home to Abu Dhabi. Local Jewish officials in the UAE declined to comment. While the Israeli statement did not mention Iran, Iranian intelligence services have carried out past kidnappings in the UAE. Western officials believe Iran runs intelligence operations in the UAE and keeps tabs on the hundreds of thousands of Iranians living across the country. Iran is suspected of kidnapping and later killing British Iranian national Abbas Yazdi in Dubai in 2013, though Tehran has denied involvement. Iran also kidnapped Iranian German national Jamshid Sharmahd in 2020 from Dubai, taking him back to Tehran, where he was executed in October . ___ Gambrell reported from Dubai, United Arab Emirates Tia Goldenberg And Jon Gambrell, The Associated PressBEIRUT — Syrian President Bashar Assad fled the country on Sunday, bringing to a dramatic close his nearly 14-year struggle to hold onto control as his country fragmented in a brutal civil war that became a proxy battlefield for regional and international powers. The exit of the 59-year-old Assad stood in stark contrast to his first months as Syria’s unlikely president in 2000, when many hoped he would be a young reformer after three decades of his father’s iron grip. At age 34, the Western-educated ophthalmologist appeared as a geeky tech-savvy fan of computers with a gentle demeanor. But when faced with protests of his rule that erupted in March 2011, Assad turned to the brutal tactics of his father to crush dissent. As the uprising hemorrhaged into an outright civil war, he unleashed his military to blast opposition-held cities, with support from allies Iran and Russia. International rights groups and prosecutors alleged widespread use of torture and extrajudicial killings in Syria’s government-run detention centers. The war has killed nearly half a million people and displaced half of the country’s prewar population of 23 million. The conflict appeared to be frozen in recent years, with Assad’s government regaining control of most of Syria’s territory while the northwest remained under the control of opposition groups and the northeast under Kurdish control. Although Damascus remained under crippling Western sanctions, neighboring countries had begun to resign themselves to Assad’s continued hold on power. The Arab League reinstated Syria’s membership last year, and Saudi Arabia in May announced the appointment of its first ambassador since severing ties with Damascus 12 years ago. However, the geopolitical tide turned quickly when opposition groups in northwest Syria in late November launched a surprise offensive. Government forces quickly collapsed while Assad’s allies, preoccupied by other conflicts — Russia’s war in Ukraine and the yearlong wars between Israel and the Iran-backed militant groups Hezbollah and Hamas — appeared reluctant to forcefully intervene. An end to decades of family rule Assad came to power in 2000 by a twist of fate. His father had been cultivating Bashar’s oldest brother, Basil, as his successor, but in 1994, Basil was killed in a car crash in Damascus. Bashar was brought home from his ophthalmology practice in London, put through military training and elevated to the rank of colonel to establish his credentials so he could one day rule. When Hafez Assad died in 2000, parliament quickly lowered the presidential age requirement from 40 to 34. Bashar’s elevation was sealed by a nationwide referendum, in which he was the only candidate. Hafez, a lifelong military man, ruled the country for nearly 30 years during which he set up a Soviet-style centralized economy and kept such a stifling hand over dissent that Syrians feared even to joke about politics to their friends. He pursued a secular ideology that sought to bury sectarian differences under Arab nationalism and the image of heroic resistance to Israel. He formed an alliance with the Shiite clerical leadership in Iran, sealed Syrian domination over Lebanon and set up a network of Palestinian and Lebanese militant groups. Bashar initially seemed completely unlike his strongman father. Tall and lanky with a slight lisp, he had a quiet, gentle demeanor. His only official position before becoming president was head of the Syrian Computer Society. His wife, Asma al-Akhras, whom he married several months after taking office, was attractive, stylish and British-born. The young couple, who eventually had three children, seemed to shun trappings of power. They lived in an apartment in the upscale Abu Rummaneh district of Damascus, as opposed to a palatial mansion like other Arab leaders. Who is Abu Mohammed al-Golani, the leader of the insurgency that toppled Syria’s Assad? Initially upon coming to office, Assad freed political prisoners and allowed more open discourse. In the “Damascus Spring,” salons for intellectuals emerged where Syrians could discuss art, culture and politics to a degree impossible under his father. But after 1,000 intellectuals signed a public petition calling for multiparty democracy and greater freedoms in 2001, and others tried to form a political party, the salons were snuffed out by the feared secret police, who jailed dozens of activists. Tested by the Arab Spring, Assad relied on old alliances to stay in power Instead of a political opening, Assad turned to economic reforms. He slowly lifted economic restrictions, let in foreign banks, threw the doors open to imports and empowered the private sector. Damascus and other cities long mired in drabness saw a flourishing of shopping malls, new restaurants and consumer goods. Tourism swelled. Abroad, he stuck to the line his father had set, based on the alliance with Iran and a policy of insisting on a full return of the Israel-annexed Golan Heights, although in practice Assad never militarily confronted Israel. In 2005, he suffered a heavy blow with the loss of Syria’s decades-old control over neighboring Lebanon after the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. With many Lebanese accusing Damascus of being behind the slaying, Syria was forced to withdraw its troops from the country and a pro-American government came to power. At the same time, the Arab world split into two camps — one of U.S.-allied, Sunni-led countries such as Saudi Arabia and Egypt, the other of Syria and Shiite-led Iran with their ties to Hezbollah and Palestinian militants. Throughout, Assad relied largely on the same power base at home as his father: his Alawite sect, an offshoot of Shiite Islam comprising around 10% of the population. Many of the positions in his government went to younger generations of the same families that had worked for his father. Drawn in as well were members of the new middle class created by his reforms, including prominent Sunni merchant families. Assad also turned to his own family. His younger brother Maher headed the elite Presidential Guard and would lead the crackdown against the uprising. Their sister Bushra was a strong voice in his inner circle, along with her husband, Deputy Defense Minister Assef Shawkat, until he was killed in a 2012 bombing. Bashar’s cousin, Rami Makhlouf, became the country’s biggest businessman, heading a financial empire before the two had a falling-out that led to Makhlouf being pushed aside. Assad also increasingly entrusted key roles to his wife, Asma, before she announced in May that she was undergoing treatment for leukemia and stepped out of the limelight. When 2011 protests erupted in Tunisia and Egypt, eventually toppling their rulers, Assad dismissed the possibility of the same occurring in Syria, insisting his regime was more in tune with its people. After the Arab Spring wave reached Syria, his security forces staged a brutal crackdown while Assad consistently denied he faced a popular revolt. He instead blamed “foreign-backed terrorists” trying to destabilize his regime. His rhetoric struck a chord with many in Syria’s minority groups — including Christians, Druze and Shiites — as well as some Sunnis who feared the prospect of rule by Sunni extremists even more than they disliked Assad’s authoritarian rule. As the uprising spiraled into a civil war, millions of Syrians fled to Jordan, Turkey, Iraq and Lebanon and on to Europe. Ironically, on Feb. 26, 2011, two days after the fall of Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak to protesters and just days before the wave of Arab Spring protests swept into his country, Assad emailed a joke he had seen mocking the Egyptian leader’s stubborn refusal to step down.
NoneNovember 26, 2024 marks the 75th Constitution Day. The day when the Constituent Assembly, a body representing the then provinces and princely States, concluded its discussions held over a period of two years, 11 months, and 17 days to finalise the foundational document based on which the country had to be governed and adopted the Constitution on November 26, 1949. Though India attained Independence only on August 15, 1947, this Assembly came into being in 1946 itself, following the steps taken by the British to work out the modalities for transfer of power. It met for the first time on December 9, 1946, when Sachidananda Sinha, the oldest parliamentarian in the country who had served as a member of the Imperial Legislative Council between 1910 and 1920, took charge as the temporary chairman. Preliminary business The preliminary business before the Assembly was to elect a permanent president, frame its rules of business, and appoint committees for performance of tasks such as discussing issues of fundamental rights, those related to the Scheduled Castes, and so on. The very next day, the Assembly finalised the procedure for filing nominations and on December 11, 1946, Dr. Rajendra Prasad was elected its president. On the same day, a 15-member Rules Committee was also constituted for framing the rules of business. The Muslim League, led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah, abstained from the debates. Deploring it, Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan said on December 11, 1946: “We take it that it will only be temporary, for their cooperation is absolutely essential for the success of any Constitution which we may lay down.” On December 13, 1946, Jawaharlal Nehru moved a historic resolution which served as a blueprint for the drafting of the Constitution and became a part of its preamble too. The resolution read: “This Constituent Assembly declares its firm and solemn resolve to proclaim India as an Independent Sovereign Republic and to draw up for her future governance a Constitution.” The resolution, with eight clauses, invited all territories of British India and those outside of it to be a part of the independent sovereign country and guaranteed to all people justice — social, economic and political; equality of status, of opportunity and of freedom of thought, expression, belief, faith, worship, vocation, and association, subject to law and public morality. Amendments caused discussions The number of amendments proposed led to lengthy discussions. Srikrishna Sinha from Bihar said: “In my opinion, it is really unfortunate that a resolution of such a sacred nature should be subjected to amendments. I purposely call it sacred.” He went on to state: “Sir, the resolution, if carefully analysed, comes to this. It gives a picture of the vision of future India. That India of the future is to be a democratic and decentralised Republic, in which the ultimate sovereignty is to lie with the people and in which fundamental rights are to be safeguarded to minorities inhabiting this land.” Syama Prasad Mookerjee from Bengal said: “The resolution has an importance of its own... I hope, Sir, as we are not framing a Constitution now, as we are only laying down a general outline of the things that we want to do in the future, the House will refuse to listen to narrow technicalities.” The discussions on the resolution could not be wound up before the first session ended on December 23, 1946, because more than 50 members insisted on expressing their views. Though the president suggested conduct of the proceedings during Christmas holidays and even on Sundays, a majority of the members did not agree owing to their preoccupation. The second session was held between January 20 and 25, 1947, when Dr. Prasad took exception to comments made in the British Parliament by Winston Churchill and others on the Constituent Assembly not being representative of all communities. Dr. Prasad said: “Out of a total of 926 members who were to take part in the preliminary session, 210 members attended. These 210 members consisted of 155 Hindus out of a total of 160, 30 Scheduled Caste representatives out of a total of 33, all the five Sikhs, five Indian Christians out of a total of seven, all the five representatives of Backward Tribes, all three Anglo-Indians, all three Parsis, and four Muslims out of 80.” Every community represented He went on to state: “The significant absence is of course that of the representatives of the Muslim League — an absence which we all deeply regret. But it is clear from the figures I have quoted that, with the exception of representatives of the Muslim League, every community in India, whatever the party affiliation of the persons representing that community, was represented in the Assembly; and, therefore, to describe the Assembly as representing ‘Only one major community in India’ or as ‘a body of Hindus’ or as a ‘meeting of Caste Hindus’ is a complete travesty of facts.” Thereafter, the Assembly continued its discussions on the resolution moved by Nehru. Speaking in favour of it, S. Nagappa from Madras said: “This is a resolution, Sir, that gives wide scope for all the communities and classes of this country... I must say, Sir, that equal opportunity means, one day or other, even a Harijan should be the Premier of India.” The resolution was passed on January 23, 1947, with some of the members withdrawing their proposed amendments. Then, Nehru replied: “The first task of this Assembly is to free India through a new Constitution to feed the starving people and clothe the naked masses and to give every Indian fullest opportunity to develop himself according to his capacity. This is certainly a great task.” When the third session took place between April 28 and May 2, 1947, Dr. Prasad told the Assembly that the British government had declared its intention to transfer power to Indians by June 1948. Therefore, he urged the Assembly to proceed with expedition to finalise the Constitution. The fourth session was held between July 14 and July 31, 1947. In the meantime, the British government announced the partition of India on June 3, 1947, and it led to certain changes in the membership of the Assembly. Drafting panel formed The fifth session began on the intervening night between August 14 and 15, 1947, when Nehru delivered his famous ‘Tryst with destiny’ speech. On August 29, 1947, the Assembly set up a seven-member drafting committee comprising Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar, N. Gopalaswami Ayyangar, B.R. Ambedkar, K.M. Munshi, Saiyid Mohamed Saadulla, B.L. Mitter, and D.P. Khaitan. The committee, in turn, elected Dr. Ambedkar as its chairman. Then, B.N. Rau, the Constitutional Adviser to the Assembly, prepared a rough draft of the Constitution for the consideration of the drafting committee. The basic draft consisted of 243 Articles and 13 schedules. However, after it was discussed at length, the first draft consisted of 315 Articles and eight schedules. At the end of the consideration stage, the number of Articles increased to 386 and in its final form, the draft Constitution contained 395 Articles and 8 Schedules. As many as 7,635 amendments to the draft were tabled and 2,473 of them were moved. As for the charge that the Assembly had wasted public money by taking a very long time to finalise the Constitution, Dr. Ambedkar highlighted the time taken by other nations. He said Canada took two years and five months and Australia consumed nine years. “The Constitutions of America, Canada, South Africa and Australia are much smaller than ours. Our Constitution, as I said, contains 395 Articles, while the American has just seven articles, the first four of which are divided into sections which total up to 21, the Canadian has 147, the Australian 128, and the South African 153 sections.” Speaking on November 25, 1949, he said: “The second thing to be remembered is that the makers of the Constitutions of America, Canada, Australia and South Africa did not have to face the problem of amendments. They were passed as moved. On the other hand, this Constituent Assembly had to deal with as many as 2,473 amendments. Having regard to these facts, the charge of dilatoriness seems to me quite unfounded.” Throwing light on the tremendous work done, Dr. Prasad said: “If you consider the population with which this Assembly has had to deal, you will find that it is more than the population of the whole of Europe minus Russia, being 319 millions as against 317 million. The countries of Europe have never been able to join together or coalesce even in a Confederacy, much less under one unitary Government. Here, in spite of the size of the population and the country, we have succeeded in framing a Constitution which covers the whole of it.” Answering the charge that the Assembly had wasted public money, Dr. Prasad said: “The cost too which the Assembly has had to incur during its three years’ existence is not too high when you take into consideration the factors gone into constituting it. I understand that the expenses up to November 22, 1949 come to ₹63,96,729.” After a threadbare discussion of every sentence, word and punctuation in the 395 Articles, the Assembly adopted the Constitution on November 26, 1949, and it came into force on January 26, 1950, with the goosebump-inducing preamble that begins with the words: “We, the people of India...” Published - November 24, 2024 10:43 pm IST Copy link Email Facebook Twitter Telegram LinkedIn WhatsApp Reddit
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