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Celtic manager Brendan Rodgers praised Cameron Carter-Vickers and his side’s mentality after they dug out a Champions League point following the defender’s disastrous own goal against Club Brugge. The normally reliable centre-back passed the ball into his own net in the 26th minute after failing to spot goalkeeper Kasper Schmeichel’s positioning. But a brilliant turn and finish on the hour mark from Daizen Maeda changed the game and ultimately earned the Scottish champions a 1-1 home draw. On the opener, Rodgers said: “Mistakes happen and it was just unfortunate. He’s played that pass a million times and it’s gone back and then we’ve been able to play forward. It was just one of those unfortunate moments in the game that happens. “But he’s a really, really tough character. He’s a great guy, he picked himself up. He was really strong and aggressive again in the game and got on with it and had a real bravery in the second half, because he was the one carrying the ball forward for us to start the attack.” Despite the gift, Brugge were worthy of their lead and Rodgers admitted his side were too passive in their pressing in the opening half. Some tactical tweaks – and the introduction of Paulo Bernardo – helped Celtic dominate after Maeda’s equaliser, although Brugge had a goal disallowed for a marginal offside. “I can only credit the players for the second half, because we had to fight,” Rodgers said. “And we’re still one of those teams that’s really pushing to try and make a mark at this level. So to make the comeback, score the goal, play with that courage, I was so pleased. “You want to win but I’ve been here enough times to have lost a game like that, but we didn’t. We showed a real strong mentality and we kept pushing right to the very end and the players did well. “I thought they showed great courage in the second half because we weren’t at our level in the first half. Sometimes a game like that can get away from you, but it didn’t. “We stayed with it, showed that determination, showed that mentality, never to quit, to keep going. And then we were much, much better, much freer in the second half. “So we’re on eight points, nine to play for. We’re still very much on course to get to where we want to get to and still three games to go.” Rodgers added: “It’s 20 games now and we’ve won 16 and drawn three and lost one, so it shows you the mentality is there, and especially at this level, you need to have that.”When Katja Vogt considers a Jaguar, she pictures a British-made car purring confidently along the Italian coastline — a vision of familiarity that conveys "that dreaming, longing feeling we all love." She's not sure what to think about Jaguar now after the 89-year-old company announced a radical rebranding that featured loud colors and androgynous people — but no cars. Jaguar, the company says, will now be JaGUar. It will produce only electric vehicles beginning in 2026. Bad attention is good attention, Jaguar execs would appear to believe. The car brand has prompted mockery online for posting a glitzy ad without a single car in it. Say goodbye to British racing green, Cotswold Blue and black. Its colors are henceforth electric pink, red and yellow, according to a video that sparked backlash online. Its mission statement: "Create exuberance. Live vivid. Delete ordinary. Break moulds." "Intrigued?" @Jaguar posted on social media. "Weird and unsettled" is more like it, Vogt wrote on Instagram. "Especially now, with the world feeling so dystopian," the Cyprus-based brand designer wrote, "a heritage brand like Jaguar should be conveying feelings of safety, stability, and maybe a hint of rebellion — the kind that shakes things up in a good way, not in a way that unsettles." Jaguar was one of several iconic companies that announced significant rebrandings in recent weeks, upending a series of commercial — and cultural — landmarks by which many modern human beings sort one another, carve out identities and recognize the world around them. Campbell's, the 155-year-old American icon that artist Andy Warhol immortalized in pop culture decades ago, is ready for a new, soupless name. Comcast's corporate reorganization means there will soon be two television networks with "NBC" in their name — CNBC and MSNBC — that will no longer have any corporate connection to NBC News, a U.S. legacy news outlet. CNBC One could even argue the United States itself is rebranding with the election of former President Donald Trump and Republican majorities in the House and Senate. Unlike Trump's first election in 2016, he won the popular vote in what many called a national referendum on American identity. Are we, then, the sum total of our consumer decisions — what we buy, where we travel and whom we elect? Certainly, it's a question for those privileged enough to be able to afford such choices. Volumes of research in the art and science of branding — from "brandr," an old Norse word for burning symbols into the hides of livestock — say those factors do contribute to the modern sense of identity. So rebranding, especially of heritage names, can be a deeply felt affront to consumers. "It can feel like the brand is turning its back on everything that it stood for — and therefore it feels like it's turning its back on us, the people who subscribe to that idea or ideology," said Ali Marmaduke, strategy director with the Amsterdam-based Brand Potential. He said cultural tension — polarization — is surging over politics, wars in Russia and the Mideast, the environment, public health and more, creating what Marmaduke said is known as a "polycrisis": the idea that there are several massive crises converging that feel scary and complex. Campbell's soups "People are understandably freaked out by that," he said. "So we are looking for something that will help us navigate this changing, threatening world that we face." Trump's "Make America Great Again" qualifies. So did President Joe Biden's "Build Back Better" slogan. Campbell's soup itself — "Mmm Mmm Good" — isn't going anywhere, CEO Mark Clouse said. The company's new name, Campbell's Co., will reflect "the full breadth of our portfolio," which includes brands like Prego pasta sauce and Goldfish crackers. None of the recent activity around heritage brands sparked a backlash as ferocious as Jaguar's. The company stood as a pillar of tradition-loving British identity since World War II. The famous "leaper" cat Jaguar logo is pictured in 2019 at the Auto show in Paris, France. Jaguar said its approach to the rebrand was rooted in the philosophy of its founder, Sir William Lyons, to "copy nothing." What it's calling "the new Jaguar" will overhaul everything from the font of its name to the positioning of it's famous "leaper" cat. "Exuberant modernism" will "define all aspects of the new Jaguar world," according to the news release. The approach is thought to be aimed at selling fewer cars at a six-figure price point to a more diverse customer base. The reaction ranged from bewilderment to hostility. Memes sprouted up likening the video to the Teletubbies, a Benetton ad and — perhaps predictably — a bow to "woke" culture as the blowback intersected with politics. Get the latest local business news delivered FREE to your inbox weekly.
-- Shares Facebook Twitter Reddit Email The following contains spoilers from "Gladiator II." About two hours into "Gladiator II," Hanno ( Paul Mescal ) steps up to deliver a speech that might finally tell us why we should care about anyone or anything in Ridley Scott's newest sharks-and-sandals potboiler. We've fought for nothing more than another day's survival, he tells the assembled NPCs/gladiators, but now you can join me and fight for a freedom far beyond these walls. The chosen one's voice ascends as he invokes the honor that once meant something in Rome. Now is the time to reclaim it, he declares, even though many of the people he's speaking to are probably foreigners who were captured by slave traders or as prisoners of war. "Strength and honor," Hanno exhorts, and a hundred gladiators respond to the call, drowning out any pipsqueak who might venture to ask, "What does strength and honor actually mean?" or perhaps, "How did we even get here?" This is the message that Ridley Scott chose for his movie: Rome has been taken over by a foppish, effeminate class of men in perfumed silks. We know nothing about the other gladiators, or how they got to the point where a boring speech was enough to suddenly awaken their class consciousness, but at least we know how Hanno got here. Exiled from Rome due to his political status, he was living happily in the "city" of Numidia before the Romans invaded, killed his wife and sold him into slavery. With a sword in his hand and vengeance in his heart, Hanno finds his way back to the imperial capital where he wins bloody renown in the Colosseum, reveals that he's actually named Lucius Verus and thus wades into the political intrigues at the apex of a corrupt and violent hierarchy. Related From "Gladiator" to "Nope": How Jordan Peele maps our decline into spectacular denial It's an echo of Maximus' (Russell Crowe) journey in the first "Gladiator" movie, now with the technology to conjure sharks for a set-piece naval battle, rampaging rhinos and bloodthirsty baboons. The banal logic of repeating a successful narrative, except louder, is simple enough. Scott, as usual, also needs to shoehorn meaning that he doesn't know how to produce and erase history that he doesn't know how to replace. Below, Salon digs into the missed opportunities that real history provided that could have made for far more intriguing action on our screen. A military strongman in plain sight Fred Hechinger plays Emperor Caracalla and Joseph Quinn plays Emperor Geta in "Gladiator II" (Paramount Pictures) Besides the antagonistic fauna in the ring, "Gladiator II" also introduces the malevolent presence of not one, but two depraved autocrats — Geta (Joseph Quinn) and Caracalla (Fred Hechinger, accompanied by Dundus the Monkey ), makeup-adorned brothers from hell. Through them, Scott and screenwriter David Scarpa's vision of Rome in the late 2nd century is that of an empire recently corrupted by bad actors – rather than an empire corrupted long before or at its inception. There's only one other allusion to what kind of Rome the bleary-eyed dissidents of "Gladiator II" might pine for, and it lies in the unsubtle contrast between these queer-coded, sickly pale siblings and two scrappy, immaculately tanned fighting men in the form of Lucius and Acacius (Pedro Pascal), a general of the Roman army. In the year 2024, MMDCCLXXVII ab urbe condita, this is the message that Ridley Scott chose for his movie: Rome has been taken over by a foppish, effeminate class of men in perfumed silks. They direct wars of conquest from the comforts of Palatine Hill rather than lead the men themselves like in the good old days of Caesar massacring the Gauls . Power must be returned, by force, to a few rugged, brawny heroes in armor who know how to commit violence with their own hands, and only then can matters be set aright and the dream of Rome restored (whatever that means). We need your help to stay independent Subscribe today to support Salon's progressive journalism But even this rather authoritarian message is incoherent, because the film does occasionally pay lip service to the idea that war is bad, or at least should be kept to appropriate limits, such as when Acacius ponders the destruction he has wrought. As such, "Gladiator II" tries to separate virtuous general from venal politician, "just" violence from "unjust" violence, without recognizing that in a society that worships the sword, extols the soldier who wields it, and bays lustily at the poor man who is forced to reenact his deeds in the arena – all of those become largely one and the same. Fred Hechinger plays Emperor Caracalla in "Gladiator II" (Paramount Pictures) Ironically enough, the real-life Caracalla, described as a soldier's emperor who bore all the hardships of an enlisted legionary, might have been the perfect fit for what Scott seems to view as Rome's ideal savior. The abundance of art depicting him presents a rugged, scowling figure who resembles a meaner version of Acacius . It's a suitable image for the ruthless and hard-bitten son who inherited the emperor Septimius Severus' militarized regime and then spent his own reign taking to heart his father's advice: "Enrich the soldiers, and scorn all other men." Meanwhile, it's difficult to know what Geta looked like because Caracalla killed him and then embarked on some historical erasure of his own. During his six-year reign as sole emperor, Caracalla waged a pointless war against Parthia, viciously sacked a Roman city over an offensive play, largely ignored his administrative duties and aggravated an inflation crisis by paying the army with devalued coinage. (He also, for various debated motives, granted citizenship to all free men in the empire.) All that would have provided promising material for a "Gladiator II" villain representing a rot in the body politic, but Scott surprised no one by scorning history and instead pursuing easier targets that are more caricature (and act utterly insane ) than human. Instead of "Gladiator II" deconstructing the mythos of Rome, it's the real Caracalla who acts as a warning for what Scott seems to think Rome — and any of its modern reflections — needs in a leader. The missing history of women Connie Nielsen plays Lucilla in "Gladiator II" (Paramount Pictures) In an egregiously outdated move, "Gladiator II" excludes any female characters who have a purpose besides getting shot with arrows to make Lucius very angry. First up is his wife Arishat (Yuval Gonen) – a fighter in her own right – who suits up for battle alongside him, joins the fray but alas becomes one of the fallen thanks to the even mightier Acacius' wrath. This sets Lucius on his path back to Rome, following his wife's murderer intent on vengeance but then finding the goal of greater freedom for Rome more compelling along the way. Back in the city, he meets his erstwhile mother Lucilla (Connie Nielsen), who gave him up when he was a boy to save him, but even this reunion is short-lived as she also becomes fodder in the arena. If the decision to fridge Arishat and Lucilla seems lazy, the choice not to cast any of the actual women from the Severan dynasty is downright baffling. Lucilla never has the chance to amount to anything, but Domna at her emotional depth would have fit perfectly with Scott's fixation on vengeance. The most famous during that era – Geta and Caracalla's mother Julia Domna , her sister Julia Maesa and Maesa's daughter Julia Mamaea – wielded political influence. Domna in particular was the key figure and stabilizing force behind the two co-emperors, protecting the interests of her family and administering the empire during Caracalla's long military adventures. Unfortunately, she failed in her attempts to mediate between the emperors before Geta's assassination – in a dramatic tableau that could have been lifted from the pages of history and placed on the screen. It seems that Caracalla had agreed to a meeting with Geta at Domna's behest, but it was just a ruse to eliminate his rival. As Caracalla's centurions rushed forwards with steel drawn, Cassius Dio records that Domna held a terrified Geta in her arms, getting so thoroughly covered in her son's blood that she failed to notice the blow inflicted on her hand. The murder of Geta is Domna at her most traumatized and guilt-stricken, and even by itself is far more riveting than the story of "Gladiator II's" tepid Lucilla who – in rough sequential order – plots ineffectually, cries ineffectually, gets chained to a pillar and suffers from a bad case of arrow to chest. Connie Nielsen plays Lucilla and Joseph Quinn plays Emperor Geta in "Gladiator II" (Paramount Pictures) Lucilla never has the chance to amount to anything, but Domna at her emotional depth would have fit perfectly with Scott's fixation on vengeance as fuel for narrative, mixed with a heavy dose of moral agony. Unable to mourn for Geta due to the official condemnation of his memory, Domna would have to bear Caracalla's rule with grudging correctness, privately nursing a resentment borne from the cruelties of the past and misrule of the present. Sure, Macrinus' killing Caracalla in the film does make sense, and is historically accurate (ish) , but some liberties would be welcome if they elevate the story. (And yes, this movie needs it.) Domna realizing that it is she who must perform or plan the deed would have done just that. She would have freed Rome from a terrible emperor, enacted justice for Geta and suffered from the horror of murdering another son born of her womb. For reasons unknown, that's one historical divergence that Scott chose not to take. Revolution without meaning While it's embarrassing that Scott not only takes pointless liberties but also insists that he's right and knows more than historians , the rejection of history is not a terrible flaw in and of itself. When the ultimate creation is less interesting than what people like Scott deride as boring textbook material , however, the failure lies with the creator. Even so, "Gladiator II" still had another chance to redeem itself through its namesake, in plural: the enslaved or condemned (and occasionally, free) fighters who must slaughter each other not only to entertain the people of Rome, but also to distract Rome's poor from their own exploitation by the ruling class and moneyed elites . Alas, it turns out that the singular form of "Gladiator II" is key, because only one gladiator is named, and he's the main character. The rest of them in the film are ciphers whose motives, dreams, suffering and rage remain unknown to us. There is no emotional connection to them, and so there is no emotional resonance in their last-minute bid for freedom. Among them, only Lucius truly exists, and it is only through him that the other gladiators suddenly realize they can reclaim their agency and promptly entrust it to the man who would lead them. Denzel Washington plays Macrinus in "Gladiator II" (Paramount Pictures) But even without elevating fellow gladiators alongside Lucius, the film had one character already in its stable who provided a meaningful way to interrogate the idea of freedom. In a rare moment of insight for the film, Macrinus (Denzel Washington) – a former slave who's now powerful and savvy enough to influence emperors – paraphrases Hegel to provide sharp commentary, telling Lucius that in their basest form of desire, "the slave dreams not of freedom, but of a slave to call his own." Although Macrinus is painted as an antagonist in the film, his very presence speaks to the long and arduous road that achieving freedom must take – not the more compressed ephiphany that Lucius has after becoming a gladiator. But for the film's purposes, the challenge of igniting a rebellious spirit among a divided and deceived underclass falls on Lucius, and for the sake of the plot's momentum he must succeed, but only in a peculiar way that does not offer any tangible promise like civic rights or land redistribution . Even as the Roman people have taken over the streets, we hardly know their aims or what they want. Geta and Caracalla, we are told, rule tyrannically, and Lucius tells the people of the Colosseum that what happened to their political opponents can also happen to them. And so it is by the same means as the gladiators that the free men and women of Rome are incited, in the space of a few seconds by a vaguely obvious point and without any whiff of foreshadowing. In Ridley Scott's theory of revolution, defiance is not born of gradual, conscious ferment among a collective people provoked by oppression, but bestowed to a formless mass by a single, heroic figure delivering a boring speech. By draining the people of agency, Scott may have joined forces with historical and modern precedent to unintentionally offer a most effective critique of his own theory: a meaningless impulse always leads to a meaningless revolution. In any case, it's neither convincing nor compelling as presented, and like Rome in its waning years, suffers more from aimless direction. "Gladiator II" is currently in theaters nationwide. Read more about Ancient Rome The elusive history of the gladiatrix and why you don't see her in "Gladiator II" Garum, the funky and fishy condiment that rose and fell with the Roman Empire A garden of delights for Rome's creepiest emperor: Caligula's purported hangout open to public By Nicholas Liu Nicholas (Nick) Liu is a News Fellow at Salon. He grew up in Hong Kong, earned a B.A. in History at the University of Chicago, and began writing for local publications like the Santa Barbara Independent and Straus News Manhattan. MORE FROM Nicholas Liu Related Topics ------------------------------------------ Ancient Rome Commentary Gladiator Gladiator Ii Movies Ridley Scott Roman Empire Related Articles Advertisement:Giants face challenge in hosting Ravens, trying to end 8-game skid
Maverick Marler made the game fun... he was no ordinary Joe, writes CHRIS FOY as the England and Harlequins star calls time on his rugby career
BEIRUT/LONDON: The world has largely welcomed a ceasefire deal which ends 13 months of fighting betrween Israel and Hezbollah that has claimed the lives of at least 3,700 Lebanese and more than 130 Israelis. The deal between the governments of Israel and Lebanon, brokered by the US and France, came into effect on Wednesday at 4 a.m. local time. From the Israeli army’s perspective, the war in Lebanon was coming to a point of diminishing returns. It has succeeded in weakening Hezbollah’s military standing and eliminating its top leadership but has been unable to wipe it out entirely. For its part, Hezbollah has been seriously debilitated in Lebanon; the war has eroded its military capabilities and left it rudderless. Looking at it optimistically, the diplomatic breakthrough — which unfolded on Tuesday night as Israel unleashed a barrage of bombs on central Beirut — could be the beginning of the end of the long-standing “Israel-Iran shadow war,” as a new administration prepares to assume power in Washington. Hezbollah and the Israeli military began to exchange cross-border fire on Oct. 8, 2023, one day after Israel launched its assault on the Gaza Strip in retaliation for a deadly Hamas-led attack. The conflict dramatically escalated on Sept. 23 this year, when Israel began heavily bombing several parts of Lebanon, including Hezbollah’s stronghold in the south. The airstrikes killed thousands of Lebanese, displaced some 1.2 million others, flattened residential buildings, and devastated 37 villages. While the ceasefire deal calls for a 60-day halt in hostilities, President Joe Biden said that it “was designed to be a permanent cessation of hostilities.” Negotiators have described it as laying the groundwork for a lasting truce. Under the terms of the deal, Hezbollah will remove its fighters and arms from the region between the Blue Line and the Litani River, while Israeli troops will withdraw from Lebanese territory during the specified period. Thousands of Lebanese troops and UN peacekeepers will deploy to the region south of the Litani River. A US-led international panel will oversee compliance from all sides. However, uncertainty persists, as both Hezbollah and Israel have warned that they will resume fire if the other party breaches the agreement. Hezbollah stated it would give the ceasefire pact a chance, but Mahmoud Qamati, the deputy chair of the group’s political council, stressed that Hezbollah’s support for the deal depends on clear assurances that Israel will not resume its attacks. Likewise, Israel said it would attack if Hezbollah violated the agreement. The army’s Arabic-language spokesperson, Avichay Adraee, also urged residents of southern Lebanese villages — who had fled in recent months — to delay returning home until further notice from the Israeli military. David Wood, a senior Lebanon analyst with the International Crisis Group, believes that while the ceasefire is desperately needed, it “will almost certainly not bring Lebanon’s troubles to an end. “Many of the country’s displaced may not be able to return home for months, as Israel has razed entire villages near the Blue Line border,” he said. “Meanwhile, Hezbollah’s domestic foes claim they will no longer accept the group’s dominance over Lebanese politics — a pledge that promises still more instability.” Firas Maksad, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute, also cannot see this ceasefire bringing an end to Lebanon’s problems as the war has already triggered shifts in internal alliances. Describing the deal as a “capitulation,” he said during an interview with the BBC that “the majority of the Lebanese people, including Hezbollah's own support base, did not want to see Lebanon dragged into this war.” “After all this devastation, after Hezbollah having now to capitulate and withdraw away from that border north of the Litani River, having to accept an American-led mechanism led by a general who is part of CENTCOM in the region, this is going to be highly embarrassing,” he said. “And there's going to be a day of reckoning for Hezbollah in Lebanon once the ceasefire actually goes into effect.” He added that politically, this means that “the various Lebanese parties and the various also alliances that had been in place before this war are no longer going to be there.” “We saw, for example, Hezbollah’s crucial Christian ally distance itself from the group now, very much moving towards the center or even in opposition to Hezbollah.” Gebran Bassil, leader of the Maronite Free Patriotic Movement and a close ally of Hezbollah since 2006, said earlier this month that his party is “not in an alliance with Hezbollah.” In an interview with Al-Arabiya TV, he added that Hezbollah “has weakened itself and exposed its military strength, leaving Lebanon as a whole vulnerable to Israeli attacks.” Also acknowledging the toll on Hezbollah is Lebanese political analyst Ali Al-Amin. He expressed concern that, while the ceasefire deal is a positive development, its terms signal a significant shift for Hezbollah. “People were happy at first glance about the ceasefire agreement, as it is a basic demand after a fierce, destructive war,” he told Arab News. “However, there are many (unanswered) questions, starting with the nature of the agreement and its content. “In a first reading, I believe that Hezbollah’s function has ended. The prohibition of military operations and weapons, the necessity of destroying and dismantling weapons facilities, and the ban on the supply of weapons are all preludes to ending the party’s function.” Hezbollah’s main ally, Tehran, expressed support for the ceasefire. Esmaeil Baghaei, spokesperson for Iran’s Foreign Ministry, welcomed the end of Israel’s “aggression against Lebanon.” He also reaffirmed his country’s “firm support for the Lebanese government, nation and resistance.” Before the Israeli cabinet approved the deal, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the ceasefire would allow his country to “intensify” pressure on the Palestinian group Hamas in Gaza and focus on the “Iranian threat.” Mairav Zonszein, a senior Israeli analyst with the ICG, believes that “for Israel, the ceasefire is not necessarily an end to the war, but a pause” in fighting. She said: “It will free up forces and resources to Israel’s other fronts in Gaza, the West Bank, and Iran, and is a chance to test out Israel’s ability to take military action to enforce the ceasefire, which is being sold as the main difference between the resolution that ended the 2006 war and this time around.” Al-Amin believes Iran, Israel’s biggest adversary, has accepted this shift affecting its ally Hezbollah. However, he stressed that while the deal remains “subject to implementation,” it raises questions about the enforcement of UN Security Council Resolution 1701 and Washington’s role in overseeing its execution. Echoing Al-Amin’s concern, Heiko Wimmen, ICG project director for Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon, said: “The ceasefire is based on the commitment of both Lebanon and Israel to finally implement Security Council Resolution 1701, which ended the 2006 war between Israel and Hezbollah. “The challenges are the same as 18 years ago, namely, how to make sure that both parties comply in the long term and what to do with Hezbollah’s military capabilities, which constitute a threat to the security of Israel, and potentially other Lebanese, whether they are present on the border or a few kilometers away.” Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati, who welcomed the ceasefire deal, reiterated on Wednesday his government’s commitment to implementing Resolution 1701. UN Security Council Resolution 1701, adopted to resolve the 2006 Lebanon war, called for a permanent ceasefire between Hezbollah and Israel, the establishment of a buffer zone free of armed personnel other than UN and Lebanese forces, Hezbollah’s disarmament and withdrawal from south of the Litani River, and the withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon. However, Maksad of the Middle East Institute, emphasizes that implementing a ceasefire in Lebanon — US-led and otherwise — will demand more than just adhering to the deal’s terms, especially on the domestic front. “There is a crucial need to rearrange the deck in Lebanon,” he said in an interview with the BBC. “You need to elect a president in Lebanon, one that is a sovereign-minded president that would work with the Lebanese army and provide it with the political cover it needs to help and implement this resolution together with the UN troops that are there and also the international community.” He added: “You also cannot begin the task — the mammoth task — of rebuilding, the reconstruction, the tune of billions of dollars if you don’t have a reform-minded government.” And while the ceasefire brings a faint hope for Lebanon’s displaced population, many of those affected perceive its terms through the prism of personal loss, questioning what, if anything, had been gained from the war. Nora Farhat, whose family home in Anqoun in Beirut’s southern suburbs was reduced to rubble, lamented that the agreement “will not restore our destroyed homes or bring back those who were killed — loved ones we have yet to bury.” The scale of destruction in southern villages means return is not an option for many, who are left wondering about Hezbollah’s future and its ability to maintain its influence in the region. Analyst Al-Amin believes that Hezbollah’s immediate focus will likely shift to managing the domestic narrative. “Hezbollah’s priority now will be how to reverse the defeat into victory at home, and how to prevent the Lebanese from questioning what happened and why it happened,” he said. Some of those displaced from Shiite-majority villages in the south expressed frustration at being caught in the crossfire of Hezbollah’s conflicts with Israel. For Ahmad Ismail, who was displaced from his home in south Lebanon, the war and its aftermath seemed “futile.” He told Arab News: “There was no need to open a southern front under the slogan of supporting Gaza, as those who sought this war sought to humiliate us. “If only we had implemented the May 17 agreement in the 1980s with Israel, we would have been spared wars, killing and destruction, and the Shiite sect would not have reached the point of displacement, death, and frustration it has reached today.” Ismail, who was previously imprisoned in Israel, believes the ceasefire is the only positive aspect of the US-brokered truce deal. “It is a good initiative toward making this the last of the wars and a step toward disarming illegal weapons,” he said. “It also paves the way for restoring the state to its role, which Hezbollah undermined by monopolizing decisions of war and peace without consulting anyone.” Despite the Israeli military’s warning, Lebanese people displaced from their homes in the south began flocking to their villages. Ismail believes “people are currently in shock. Some still cannot believe that Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah has been killed, and many have not yet seen what happened to their homes and villages. “When they wake up from the trauma, we will see the repercussions.” Ismail added: “A disaster has befallen the Lebanese people, and Hezbollah must be held accountable. Hezbollah is no longer able to mobilize the people through the power of weapons, excess force, and money.” As Lebanon begins to pick up the pieces, many still wonder if this ceasefire will offer more than just a temporary reprieve — or if it will be the beginning of an uncertain future.TALLAHASSEE — State senators are off to a quick start filing bills as they gear up for the 2025 legislative session, which begins March 4. Senate President Ben Albritton, R-Wauchula, and House Speaker Daniel Perez, R-Miami, officially took over as leaders of their respective chambers for the next two years during an organizational session last week. House and Senate committees will meet in parts of December, January and February to start sifting through proposals in the lead-up to the 60-day session. Bills filed so far for consideration during the 2025 session include: The measures filed in the past week by Sens. Ileana Garcia, R-Miami, Ana Maria Rodriguez, R-Doral, and Jonathan Martin, R-Fort Myers, aren’t the first bills that were filed for the upcoming session that begins March 4. In August, senators were able to start filing bills that seek payments for people who suffered injuries and damages because of actions of state and local government agencies. The proposals, known as “claim” bills, are needed, at least in part, because of a state sovereign-immunity law that generally limits the amounts of money government agencies can be forced to pay in lawsuits to $200,000 or $300,000, depending on how many people are involved. Claim bills allow payments that are higher than the limits. State lawmakers filed 1,902 bills, memorials or resolutions — including duplicate proposals filed by the House and Senate — for the 2024 legislative session, which ended in March. Gov. Ron DeSantis signed 299 of the measures into law and vetoed 14 bills. The bill totals don’t include thousands of funding requests legislators put forward for local projects, services and organizations. 101 Things to Love about Central Florida (2024) | Commentary Unlike their Senate counterparts, state representatives are limited to filing seven stand-alone bills. Perez earlier this month revamped the House bill-filing process, saying House members “seemed to have been under the mistaken impression that their bills would automatically appear on a committee session” over the past two years. “Going forward, if you wish a chair to consider hearing your bill, you will be required to ask the chair in writing to place your bill on the agenda. Your request must also include information on your anticipated Senate companion bill. Please note that while sending a letter will be a procedural prerequisite to a bill being placed on an agenda, it will not be, by itself, sufficient. Members will be expected to work their bills and fully engage not only with the chairs but with the members of the committee,” Perez wrote in a Nov. 13 memo. Perez also created a new process for bills to be analyzed by staff members, which he said is aimed at improving “readability, usefulness, and interactivity.” The revised procedure “will present new challenges for our staff both in adapting our current practices and in integrating the new technological features into their work,” Perez wrote in a Nov. 15 memo to members. “But we believe the outcome will be worth it. We hope this new bill analysis will enhance our understanding of issues and better prepare us to make the decisions that the people of Florida have elected us to make.”
When Katja Vogt considers a Jaguar, she pictures a British-made car purring confidently along the Italian coastline — a vision of familiarity that conveys "that dreaming, longing feeling we all love." She's not sure what to think about Jaguar now after the 89-year-old company announced a radical rebranding that featured loud colors and androgynous people — but no cars. Jaguar, the company says, will now be JaGUar. It will produce only electric vehicles beginning in 2026. Bad attention is good attention, Jaguar execs would appear to believe. The car brand has prompted mockery online for posting a glitzy ad without a single car in it. Jaguar Say goodbye to British racing green, Cotswold Blue and black. Its colors are henceforth electric pink, red and yellow, according to a video that sparked backlash online. Its mission statement: "Create exuberance. Live vivid. Delete ordinary. Break moulds." "Intrigued?" @Jaguar posted on social media. "Weird and unsettled" is more like it, Vogt wrote on Instagram. "Especially now, with the world feeling so dystopian," the Cyprus-based brand designer wrote, "a heritage brand like Jaguar should be conveying feelings of safety, stability, and maybe a hint of rebellion — the kind that shakes things up in a good way, not in a way that unsettles." Jaguar was one of several iconic companies that announced significant rebrandings in recent weeks, upending a series of commercial — and cultural — landmarks by which many modern human beings sort one another, carve out identities and recognize the world around them. Campbell's, the 155-year-old American icon that artist Andy Warhol immortalized in pop culture decades ago, is ready for a new, soupless name. Comcast's corporate reorganization means there will soon be two television networks with "NBC" in their name — CNBC and MSNBC — that will no longer have any corporate connection to NBC News, a U.S. legacy news outlet. CNBC Richard Drew, Associated Press One could even argue the United States itself is rebranding with the election of former President Donald Trump and Republican majorities in the House and Senate. Unlike Trump's first election in 2016, he won the popular vote in what many called a national referendum on American identity. Are we, then, the sum total of our consumer decisions — what we buy, where we travel and whom we elect? Listen now and subscribe: Apple Podcasts | Google Podcasts | Spotify | Stitcher | RSS Feed | SoundStack | All Of Our Podcasts Certainly, it's a question for those privileged enough to be able to afford such choices. Volumes of research in the art and science of branding — from "brandr," an old Norse word for burning symbols into the hides of livestock — say those factors do contribute to the modern sense of identity. So rebranding, especially of heritage names, can be a deeply felt affront to consumers. "It can feel like the brand is turning its back on everything that it stood for — and therefore it feels like it's turning its back on us, the people who subscribe to that idea or ideology," said Ali Marmaduke, strategy director with the Amsterdam-based Brand Potential. He said cultural tension — polarization — is surging over politics, wars in Russia and the Mideast, the environment, public health and more, creating what Marmaduke said is known as a "polycrisis": the idea that there are several massive crises converging that feel scary and complex. Campbell's soups Ross D. Franklin, Associated Press "People are understandably freaked out by that," he said. "So we are looking for something that will help us navigate this changing, threatening world that we face." Trump's "Make America Great Again" qualifies. So did President Joe Biden's "Build Back Better" slogan. Campbell's soup itself — "Mmm Mmm Good" — isn't going anywhere, CEO Mark Clouse said. The company's new name, Campbell's Co., will reflect "the full breadth of our portfolio," which includes brands like Prego pasta sauce and Goldfish crackers. None of the recent activity around heritage brands sparked a backlash as ferocious as Jaguar's. The company stood as a pillar of tradition-loving British identity since World War II. The famous "leaper" cat Jaguar logo is pictured in 2019 at the Auto show in Paris, France. Christophe Ena, Associated Press Jaguar said its approach to the rebrand was rooted in the philosophy of its founder, Sir William Lyons, to "copy nothing." What it's calling "the new Jaguar" will overhaul everything from the font of its name to the positioning of it's famous "leaper" cat. "Exuberant modernism" will "define all aspects of the new Jaguar world," according to the news release. The approach is thought to be aimed at selling fewer cars at a six-figure price point to a more diverse customer base. The reaction ranged from bewilderment to hostility. Memes sprouted up likening the video to the Teletubbies, a Benetton ad and — perhaps predictably — a bow to "woke" culture as the blowback intersected with politics.From wealth and success to murder suspect, the life of Luigi Mangione took a hard turnContract Cleaning Services Market: 35% Growth From North America, Report On AI's Impact On Market Trends - Technavio
Why has it failed to catch fire? One could point to the months-long phoney war which preceded the calling of the election, draining it of surprise or drama when it finally arrived. The campaign itself has also been short – less than three weeks, with the first passing in a blizzard of competing promises. That information overload often obscured more than it illuminated the fact that there was less difference between many of the parties’ positions than they would have you believe. It was only in in the latter days of the contest that questions began to be seriously asked about the wisdom of making unprecedented financial commitments for the next five years, given the very real threat posed to tax revenues by international developments. The answers to these questions have generally been unconvincing. While there is no doubt that a rising population, a growing economy and a housing crisis all render increased investment in infrastructure and services essential, too often the proposals laid out in manifestos resembled bids at an auction rather than well-grounded plans for the future. The main reason for the tepid campaign, though, is that, based on current party support levels, the range of potential outcomes seems limited. It remains possible, of course, that voters will deliver a shock result tomorrow. But in the absence of that it is hard to look beyond the likelihood of the next government being formed again around Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil. That will frustrate those who believe it is time for a radical change. But it is the preferred outcome of a clear majority of those expressing an opinion in this week’s Irish Times Ipsos B&A poll. The most significant development of the last three weeks has been the slump in support for Fine Gael. If reflected in the final outcome, that could complicate considerably the process of government formation. Strong support for Independents across the country would also lead to a more fragmented Dáil. It was telling that, having expressed distaste for the idea of a four or five-party coalition on the Irish Times Inside Politics podcast last Thursday, Simon Harris appeared to view the prospect with more equanimity by the time of the RTÉ leaders’ debate on Tuesday. The smaller parties of the centre-left will view these developments with interest, while remaining aware that the strength of their negotiating positions will be determined by the results of a handful of unpredictable local contests across the State. And Sinn Féin can harbour reasonable hopes of a late recovery at the end of its annus horribilis. Despite appearances, then, this remains a highly consequential election with a range of possible outcomes.
The US House and Senate are unlikely to pass federal legislation on the use of AI in business, so users should focus their attention on a new NIST framework in lieu of state-level law, according to Workday's veep for corporate affairs. Chandler Morse, a former chief of staff to Republican Senator Jeff Flake, told The Register that while the Republicans have won the House and the Senate, margins remained close in both, making the chances of passing federal legislation governing the use of AI during current presidential tenure unlikely. "In all honesty, I don't think anything's going to happen in the US, Congress or federal legislation, but what is happening is a tremendous amount of activity at the state level," the SaaS enterprise application vendor policy expert said. In September, California Governor Gavin Newsom vetoed Bill 1047, arguing it failed to take the right approach to ensuring or requiring AI safety. But he left the door open for the US state's lawmakers to propose a better bill for governing AI safety. An alternative California bill addressing automated decision making (AB 2930) is also currently inactive. Although Workday initially supported the bill, it later challenged the details on accountability for how users introduced products and withdrew its support, Morse said. Nonetheless, California was likely to "take another run at it," as would New York, while Connecticut and Colorado were also proposing legislation and Texas was "in the game," he said. In the meantime, businesses would be wise to look at the US National Institute of Standards and Technology AI Risk Management Framework, which it released in July. NIST developed a voluntary framework to "better manage risks to individuals, organizations, and society associated with AI." Since the EU has already introduced its AI Act , the NIST framework offers another set of standards to guide businesses looking to implement AI while legislation is developed, Morse said. "Everyone looks at Congress and says, 'You should do something.' We don't think Congress is going to act, and there should be something against which the US can harmonize with Europe. The quickest way we thought that could happen was to ask the NIST to do a framework. They had completed the Cyber Framework and had just finished the privacy framework. We actually got Congress to ask them to do it, and they are now the most advanced component [in US AI policy], although it is voluntary," he said. "We're probably, like, halfway through the first period. It's early days. We know where we want to go, but it's also unlikely that it gets there without engagement. We are actively asking everyone to have an opinion, and get engaged. Where this all lands is going to direct the where AI goes," he said. In November, Joel Meyer, Domino Data Lab public sector president and former Homeland Security strategic initiatives deputy assistant secretary, told The Register that while president-elect Donald Trump was likely to ditch much of the work done by the outgoing Biden administration around AI when he comes into office, the AI Safety Institute housed within NIST might survive. Meyer said while any of Biden's executive actions could be fair game for the Trump administration to scrap in the name of political point scoring, such established offices are unlikely to vanish entirely. ®Deep-pocketed investors have adopted a bullish approach towards Palantir Technologies PLTR , and it's something market players shouldn't ignore. Our tracking of public options records at Benzinga unveiled this significant move today. The identity of these investors remains unknown, but such a substantial move in PLTR usually suggests something big is about to happen. We gleaned this information from our observations today when Benzinga's options scanner highlighted 27 extraordinary options activities for Palantir Technologies. This level of activity is out of the ordinary. The general mood among these heavyweight investors is divided, with 55% leaning bullish and 33% bearish. Among these notable options, 6 are puts, totaling $394,321, and 21 are calls, amounting to $1,134,569. Predicted Price Range Taking into account the Volume and Open Interest on these contracts, it appears that whales have been targeting a price range from $25.0 to $75.0 for Palantir Technologies over the last 3 months. Insights into Volume & Open Interest Examining the volume and open interest provides crucial insights into stock research. This information is key in gauging liquidity and interest levels for Palantir Technologies's options at certain strike prices. Below, we present a snapshot of the trends in volume and open interest for calls and puts across Palantir Technologies's significant trades, within a strike price range of $25.0 to $75.0, over the past month. Palantir Technologies 30-Day Option Volume & Interest Snapshot Significant Options Trades Detected: Symbol PUT/CALL Trade Type Sentiment Exp. Date Ask Bid Price Strike Price Total Trade Price Open Interest Volume PLTR CALL SWEEP BULLISH 09/19/25 $12.3 $12.15 $12.3 $75.00 $269.3K 4.3K 18 PLTR PUT TRADE BEARISH 02/21/25 $10.15 $10.05 $10.11 $70.00 $101.1K 1.1K 176 PLTR PUT TRADE BEARISH 01/17/25 $2.77 $2.77 $2.77 $60.00 $76.1K 12.3K 919 PLTR CALL SWEEP BULLISH 12/20/24 $7.65 $7.6 $7.65 $60.00 $74.9K 19.4K 313 PLTR PUT TRADE BULLISH 05/16/25 $16.5 $16.3 $16.3 $75.00 $73.3K 249 0 About Palantir Technologies Palantir is an analytical software company that focuses on leveraging data to create efficiencies in its clients' organizations. The firm serves commercial and government clients via its Foundry and Gotham platforms, respectively. The Denver-based company was founded in 2003 and went public in 2020. Having examined the options trading patterns of Palantir Technologies, our attention now turns directly to the company. This shift allows us to delve into its present market position and performance Where Is Palantir Technologies Standing Right Now? With a volume of 43,863,013, the price of PLTR is up 0.11% at $65.81. RSI indicators hint that the underlying stock may be overbought. Next earnings are expected to be released in 68 days. Unusual Options Activity Detected: Smart Money on the Move Benzinga Edge's Unusual Options board spots potential market movers before they happen. See what positions big money is taking on your favorite stocks. Click here for access . Options are a riskier asset compared to just trading the stock, but they have higher profit potential. Serious options traders manage this risk by educating themselves daily, scaling in and out of trades, following more than one indicator, and following the markets closely. If you want to stay updated on the latest options trades for Palantir Technologies, Benzinga Pro gives you real-time options trades alerts. © 2024 Benzinga.com. Benzinga does not provide investment advice. All rights reserved.
SANTA CLARA, Calif. (AP) — San Francisco 49ers quarterback Brock Purdy will miss Sunday's game against the Packers with a sore throwing shoulder.
MALAGA, Spain (AP) — No. 1-ranked Jannik Sinner won matches in singles and doubles to lead defending champion Italy to a 2-1 comeback victory over Argentina on Thursday, earning a return trip to the Davis Cup semifinals. “I’m here trying to do the best I can in the singles,” Sinner said. “If they put me on the court in doubles, I’ll also try my best.” On Saturday, Italy will face Australia in a rematch of last year's final, but this time it will only be for a chance to play for the championship. Australia eliminated the U.S. 2-1 earlier Thursday to reach the final four at the team competition for the third consecutive year. The other semifinal, to be contested Friday, is the Netherlands against Germany. The Dutch got past Rafael Nadal and Spain in the quarterfinals earlier in the week, sending the 22-time Grand Slam champion into retirement. Italy fell behind 1-0 in the quarterfinals when Argentina’s Francisco Cerúndolo defeated Lorenzo Musetti 6-4, 6-1 on an indoor hard court at the Palacio de Deportes Jose Maria Martina Carpena in southern Spain. But then in stepped Sinner, whose season already includes two Grand Slam trophies — at the Australian Open and U.S. Open — plus the title at the ATP Finals last weekend in Turin, Italy. First he overwhelmed Sebastián Báez 6-2, 6-1. Then Sinner teamed with 2021 Wimbledon runner-up Matteo Berrettini in the deciding doubles match to win 6-4, 7-5 against Andres Molteni and Maximo Gonzalez. “He carried me today,” Sinner said about Berrettini. After arriving late to Malaga from Turin, Sinner did not get a chance to practice on the Davis Cup competition court before taking on Báez and stretching his streak to 22 sets won in a row. “In three minutes, he was perfectly comfortable on court,” Italy captain Filippo Volandri said. “He’s a special one.” Volandri swapped out his original doubles team, Simone Bolelli and Andrea Vavassori, for Sinner and Berrettini, and the change paid dividends. Australia, the Davis Cup runner-up the last two years, advanced when Matt Ebden and Jordan Thompson beat the surprise, last-minute American pairing of Ben Shelton and Tommy Paul 6-4, 6-4 in that quarterfinal's deciding doubles match. The Shelton-Paul substitution for Paris Olympics silver medalists Austin Krajicek and Rajeev Ram was announced about 15 minutes before the doubles match began. Ebden and John Peers beat Krajicek and Ram in the Summer Games final in August. The Australians broke once in each set of the doubles. In the second, they stole one of Shelton’s service games on the fourth break opportunity when Ebden’s overhead smash made it 5-4. Thompson then served out the victory, closing it with a service winner before chest-bumping Ebden. The 21st-ranked Shelton made his Davis Cup debut earlier Thursday in singles against 77th-ranked Thanasi Kokkinakis, who emerged from a tight-as-can-be tiebreaker by saving four match points and eventually converting his seventh to win 6-1, 4-6, 7-6 (14). No. 4 Taylor Fritz , the U.S. Open runner-up, then pulled the Americans even with a far more straightforward victory over No. 9 Alex de Minaur , 6-3, 6-4. When their match finally ended, on a backhand by Shelton that landed long, Kokkinakis dropped onto his back and pounded his chest. After he rose, he threw a ball into the stands, then walked over to Australia’s sideline, spiked his racket and yelled, before hugging captain Lleyton Hewitt. “I don’t know if I’ve been that pumped up in my life. I wanted that for my team,” said Kokkinakis, who won the 2022 Australian Open men’s doubles title with Nick Kyrgios. “It could have gone either way, but I kept my nerve.” AP tennis: https://apnews.com/hub/tennisMaharashtra Election 2024 Live Updates: NCP factions face off in Anushakti Nagar race
Man United coach Amorim says argument between Hojlund and Diallo a 'very good sign'