LINCOLN — Three things we learned and three things we still don't know about the Huskers coming out of Nebraska's win over Wisconsin. * * * 1. The Huskers are headed back to a bowl game for the first time since 2016. Shall we reacquaint you with the most likely options? There’s the Dec. 26 Guaranteed Rate Bowl in Phoenix vs. a Big 12 team, the Dec. 26 Quick Lane Bowl in Detroit vs. the MAC champion, the Dec. 28 Pinstripe Bowl vs. an ACC team or, if NU managed to upset Iowa, the Dec. 30 Music City Bowl in Nashville vs. a SEC team. 2. Nebraska finally turned the first carries over to the best running back — Emmett Johnson. And the sophomore from Minneapolis delivered with three carries for 22 yards and a catch on NU’s opening drive. While Johnson may have options in the transfer portal, the Huskers should make NIL and revenue-sharing efforts to keep him. Johnson seems to fit the Dana Holgorsen system. 3. Even the best special teams units make mistakes. Wisconsin is ranked in ESPN’s top 20 of special teams units, but the Badgers allowed both a 45-yard kickoff return to start the game and, later, missed a 34-yard field goal after a delay-of-game penalty. Wisconsin also hammered a kickoff out of bounds, too. Uncharacteristic errors. 1. How quickly Nebraska can lock up Dana Holgorsen as the full-time, long-haul offensive coordinator. For NU’s first half alone, when the Huskers knocked out drives of 55, 80 and 76 yards for touchdowns, Holgorsen deserves a little extra. NU quarterback Dylan Raiola looked awfully sleek, too, completing 17 of 22 passes in the first half. The Jahmal Banks the Huskers hoped to get all season may have disappeared for a bit, but he returned Saturday with clutch third down catches and good blocks. Holgo lit a fire in that offense. 2. Whether the Huskers’ defense can handle the Hawkeye run game on a short week. NU has generally struggled to do so, and this is Iowa’s best rush attack in years. Wisconsin wanted to pound the ball at the Huskers with a diet of power plays, but had only intermittent success and a costly end-of-first-half fumble. Nebraska’s secondary is beat up and a little discombobulated, but Iowa’s starting quarterback, Jackson Stratton, may not be up for that task. 3. How many of those non-senior seniors who walked on Senior Day plan to return. Alongside super seniors like Ty Robinson and Isaac Gifford — those guys are done — you saw players like Stefon Thompson, Elijah Jeudy and Nate Boerkircher making the Senior Day walk, as well. Javin Wright did not walk because he’ll consider applying for a seventh year with a medical redshirt. Get local news delivered to your inbox!WASHINGTON (AP) — As a former and potentially future president, Donald Trump hailed what would become Project 2025 as a road map for “exactly what our movement will do” with another crack at the White House. As the blueprint for a hard-right turn in America became a liability during the 2024 campaign, Trump pulled an about-face . He denied knowing anything about the “ridiculous and abysmal” plans written in part by his first-term aides and allies. Now, after being elected the 47th president on Nov. 5, Trump is stocking his second administration with key players in the detailed effort he temporarily shunned. Most notably, Trump has tapped Russell Vought for an encore as director of the Office of Management and Budget; Tom Homan, his former immigration chief, as “border czar;” and immigration hardliner Stephen Miller as deputy chief of policy . Those moves have accelerated criticisms from Democrats who warn that Trump's election hands government reins to movement conservatives who spent years envisioning how to concentrate power in the West Wing and impose a starkly rightward shift across the U.S. government and society. Trump and his aides maintain that he won a mandate to overhaul Washington. But they maintain the specifics are his alone. “President Trump never had anything to do with Project 2025,” said Trump spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt in a statement. “All of President Trumps' Cabinet nominees and appointments are whole-heartedly committed to President Trump's agenda, not the agenda of outside groups.” Here is a look at what some of Trump's choices portend for his second presidency. The Office of Management and Budget director, a role Vought held under Trump previously and requires Senate confirmation, prepares a president's proposed budget and is generally responsible for implementing the administration's agenda across agencies. The job is influential but Vought made clear as author of a Project 2025 chapter on presidential authority that he wants the post to wield more direct power. “The Director must view his job as the best, most comprehensive approximation of the President’s mind,” Vought wrote. The OMB, he wrote, “is a President’s air-traffic control system” and should be “involved in all aspects of the White House policy process,” becoming “powerful enough to override implementing agencies’ bureaucracies.” Trump did not go into such details when naming Vought but implicitly endorsed aggressive action. Vought, the president-elect said, “knows exactly how to dismantle the Deep State” — Trump’s catch-all for federal bureaucracy — and would help “restore fiscal sanity.” In June, speaking on former Trump aide Steve Bannon’s “War Room” podcast, Vought relished the potential tension: “We’re not going to save our country without a little confrontation.” The strategy of further concentrating federal authority in the presidency permeates Project 2025's and Trump's campaign proposals. Vought's vision is especially striking when paired with Trump's proposals to dramatically expand the president's control over federal workers and government purse strings — ideas intertwined with the president-elect tapping mega-billionaire Elon Musk and venture capitalist Vivek Ramaswamy to lead a “Department of Government Efficiency.” Trump in his first term sought to remake the federal civil service by reclassifying tens of thousands of federal civil service workers — who have job protection through changes in administration — as political appointees, making them easier to fire and replace with loyalists. Currently, only about 4,000 of the federal government's roughly 2 million workers are political appointees. President Joe Biden rescinded Trump's changes. Trump can now reinstate them. Meanwhile, Musk's and Ramaswamy's sweeping “efficiency” mandates from Trump could turn on an old, defunct constitutional theory that the president — not Congress — is the real gatekeeper of federal spending. In his “Agenda 47,” Trump endorsed so-called “impoundment,” which holds that when lawmakers pass appropriations bills, they simply set a spending ceiling, but not a floor. The president, the theory holds, can simply decide not to spend money on anything he deems unnecessary. Vought did not venture into impoundment in his Project 2025 chapter. But, he wrote, “The President should use every possible tool to propose and impose fiscal discipline on the federal government. Anything short of that would constitute abject failure.” Trump's choice immediately sparked backlash. “Russ Vought is a far-right ideologue who has tried to break the law to give President Trump unilateral authority he does not possess to override the spending decisions of Congress (and) who has and will again fight to give Trump the ability to summarily fire tens of thousands of civil servants,” said Sen. Patty Murray of Washington, a Democrat and outgoing Senate Appropriations chairwoman. Reps. Jamie Raskin of Maryland and Melanie Stansbury of New Mexico, leading Democrats on the House Committee on Oversight and Accountability, said Vought wants to “dismantle the expert federal workforce” to the detriment of Americans who depend on everything from veterans' health care to Social Security benefits. “Pain itself is the agenda,” they said. Trump’s protests about Project 2025 always glossed over overlaps in the two agendas . Both want to reimpose Trump-era immigration limits. Project 2025 includes a litany of detailed proposals for various U.S. immigration statutes, executive branch rules and agreements with other countries — reducing the number of refugees, work visa recipients and asylum seekers, for example. Miller is one of Trump's longest-serving advisers and architect of his immigration ideas, including his promise of the largest deportation force in U.S. history. As deputy policy chief, which is not subject to Senate confirmation, Miller would remain in Trump's West Wing inner circle. “America is for Americans and Americans only,” Miller said at Trump’s Madison Square Garden rally on Oct. 27. “America First Legal,” Miller’s organization founded as an ideological counter to the American Civil Liberties Union, was listed as an advisory group to Project 2025 until Miller asked that the name be removed because of negative attention. Homan, a Project 2025 named contributor, was an acting U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement director during Trump’s first presidency, playing a key role in what became known as Trump's “family separation policy.” Previewing Trump 2.0 earlier this year, Homan said: “No one’s off the table. If you’re here illegally, you better be looking over your shoulder.” John Ratcliffe, Trump's pick to lead the CIA , was previously one of Trump's directors of national intelligence. He is a Project 2025 contributor. The document's chapter on U.S. intelligence was written by Dustin Carmack, Ratcliffe's chief of staff in the first Trump administration. Reflecting Ratcliffe's and Trump's approach, Carmack declared the intelligence establishment too cautious. Ratcliffe, like the chapter attributed to Carmack, is hawkish toward China. Throughout the Project 2025 document, Beijing is framed as a U.S. adversary that cannot be trusted. Brendan Carr, the senior Republican on the Federal Communications Commission, wrote Project 2025's FCC chapter and is now Trump's pick to chair the panel. Carr wrote that the FCC chairman “is empowered with significant authority that is not shared” with other FCC members. He called for the FCC to address “threats to individual liberty posed by corporations that are abusing dominant positions in the market,” specifically “Big Tech and its attempts to drive diverse political viewpoints from the digital town square.” He called for more stringent transparency rules for social media platforms like Facebook and YouTube and “empower consumers to choose their own content filters and fact checkers, if any.” Carr and Ratcliffe would require Senate confirmation for their posts.Izabel Goulart, 40, shows off her impossibly fit figure while in a blue bikini in the Caribbean
I’m a Celeb fans blast Dean McCullough as he makes ‘cheeky’ request to Danny Jones
W e know what you’ll be thinking as soon as your eyes finish glazing across this list in its entirely: not one Taylor Swift album made the cut. Not a one! Let us explain: this is the problem with asking people to select their top 10 albums from across 25 years. It’s a lengthy period and everyone had a different favourite Taylor Swift era, thus splitting the vote and meaning she missed out. It’s a travesty, but that’s how the cookie crumbles. More importantly, the albums on this list – chosen by our critics with an eye to quality, influence and legacy – offer an interesting snapshot of this millennium’s pop developments to date: the death of rock, the ever-increasing influence of dance and electronic music, and the, um, cult of Lin-Manuel Miranda. Leave your furious comments below. is pure joy. The debut of Melbourne electronica savants The Avalanches is a sparkling celebration of music itself – a sonic saturnalia dedicated to music’s endless delights. The Avalanches began as obsessive music fans, spending countless hours raiding op-shop record bins and chopping up thousands of sounds, storing them on a clutter of floppy disks. They stitched together the raggedly beautiful quilt that became on the fly, mad geniuses reinventing music with reckless, casual abandon. They sampled ’80s pop, old-school hip-hop, spaghetti westerns, forgotten comedy skits, wildlife recordings and even , and somehow transformed them into a coherent piece of manic surrealism. The wonderfully bizarre and dreamy title track became unlikely hits, but the album is best consumed as a long, wandering journey – a fantastical odyssey to nowhere in particular. Impossibly layered but eminently accessible, complex but freewheeling and a little unhinged. It’s made by fanatics, but it’s for everyone. New York was about to change in 2001. Two planes flew into the twin towers, forever altering the city’s skyline and psyche. And The Strokes released their debut album, igniting the city’s music scene in a way that hadn’t happened since the heady days of CBGBs in the ’70s. They looked drop-dead cool, all stick-figure limbs in tight jeans, leather jackets and sneakers, like the Ramones before them. The duelling, intertwined guitars of Nick Valensi and Albert Hammond Jr. provided the bedrock for Julian Casablancas’ distorted, sinewy vocals, telling bleary-eyed tales of the city that never sleeps. These clarion calls from the streets of downtown Manhattan reverberated around the world, announcing that rock was back. Drugs, alcohol and musical drift would soon change The Strokes, but on they are forever preserved as the band that put the spotlight back on New York City and kicked down the door for other guitar-wielding groups to burst through in the Noughties. Gun to head, (1997) is a better album than , but Daft Punk still made a mockery of the “second album syndrome” with their disco-inspired record that spawned enormous hits and , and a couple of their loveliest downtempo moments in and . Even Daft Punk’s so-called album tracks are peerless examples of their dazzling artistry, from the energy rush of to the infectious dance-funk of to the soulful disco house of , featuring Romanthony’s indelible vocals (he sung on , too). On , Thomas Bangalter and Guy-Manuel de Homem-Christo changed the electronic music landscape for the second time in four years, incorporating samples in ingeniously inventive ways and trading raw and gritty Chicago-inspired house for euphoric disco-pop that at once evoked the nostalgic wonder of childhood and romantic adventures in outer space. is our greatest pop artefact and the epitome of Kylie as queen of reinvention. After the misunderstood swing that was (1997), an alt-pop pivot so disastrously received that she was dropped from her record label, Kylie had already dipped her toe into Euro-inflected dance-pop on (2000), producing the improbable comeback hits and . But upped the sophistication, eschewing the campy winks (we still love you sometimes, ′ ) and delivering a masterpiece of sultry, slinky, romantic dancefloor euphoria. Beyond the no-skips tracklist – including , and - it’s ridiculous how well the album holds up almost 25 years on: with , Kylie took the temperature of the next two decades of pop music, preempting a wave of club-centric stars from Robyn to Carly Rae Jepsen to Dua Lipa. I think this is what people actually mean when they call their favourite pop star . Amy Winehouse’s second and final album is a true time capsule, and a potent reminder of a talent and a life gone too soon. Hers was a once-in-a-generation voice that recalled the smoky jazz clubs of the 1960s, belied by her young age – 22 when this album was released – and the tumultuous personal life that the press preyed upon until (and beyond) her tragic death in 2011. Produced by Mark Ronson, has some of Winehouse’s finest songs, such as the triumphant and the sadly ironic . It’s all buoyed by bright, colourful musical backing that takes its cues and influences from across genres and eras – everything from doo-wop and ’60s girl groups to soul and R&B. But it’s the title track that’s the defining sound of this particular moment in 2000s history – a heart-wrenching, heartbroken performance that’s simultaneously infused with a quiet strength and fury. Made during a period of exile imposed on (the artist formerly known as) Kanye West following his stage-bombing of a young Taylor Swift at the VMAs, captures a celebrity at war with fame, a genius tortured by his singular vision, believing he’d never be truly understood or appreciated. This album changed everything. It is populist maximalism, totally unrelatable and deeply human. The keys on , the Chris Rock skits and Bon Iver sample, Nicki Minaj’s barn-storming turn on . And the closer, the voice of Gil Scott-Heron asking, from 1970, “Who will survive in America?” Ye no longer has the answers or even the hypothesis. His relationship to fame and reality has become more protracted and upsetting in recent years. But for a moment in 2010, he went to hell and back, found bravery in his bravado, stole fire from the gods and handed it over to the world. In a 2019 interview with , Carly Rae Jepsen shrugged her shoulders and said, “I think it’s very cool to be uncool and just shamelessly feel it all”. Shamelessly feeling it all has been the Canadian popstar’s MO, right from her 2012 breakthrough hit . The single was so impossibly huge that many people (not unfairly) slotted her into the file of “one-hit wonders.” But Jepsen returned in 2015 with , an album that boiled over with yearning and lust and love and confusion and every other human feeling that Jepsen could conjure. Its lush, pristine ’80s synthpop production underscored Jepsen’s exceptional songwriting, with rushing, full-throated verses and choruses that lifted like an A380. , with its now-iconic saxophone riff and screamable “take me to the feeling” refrain, and the aching title track, are high points in an album with no low ones. One of the most acclaimed pop records of the decade, it was an album that helped usher in the era of “poptimism” and unexpectedly cemented Jepsen as a cult pop hero. Having launched his hip-hop revolution of musical theatre with , Lin-Manuel Miranda dared to dream higher still. What better subject for a transformational musical than that key revolutionary, Alexander Hamilton? Miranda uses rap to solve a problem faced since recitative faded from operatic fashion: communicating swathes of story rapidly, without resorting to dialogue (given that songs more efficiently communicate emotion). Rapping doesn’t just accelerate the dissemination, it lends the whole show momentum, and with Miranda brilliantly playing Hamilton, the performing matches the writing. His songs shame much new-century composing for musicals. has the anthemic “Rise up!” refrain, is an R&B classic, is frighteningly visceral, and is wickedly catchy. High art meets thrilling music as the rhymes, among the most dazzling since Byron, fly at you with the velocity of grapeshot from a cannon. Watching Beyoncé‘s visual album for the first time felt like witnessing a pivotal shift in the singer-songwriter’s career. Beyoncè’s music often depicted female empowerment, but with she got personal and political, tapping into darker emotions fuelled by betrayal and survival and explored themes of womanhood, blackness in America and her southern roots. It showcased her ability to transcend genres, incorporating gospel intro , a tribute to the Black Lives Matter movement; bringing country tones into , a song about her relationship with her father; and integrating electro beats into , which detailed an incident of infidelity and brought the phrase “Becky with the good hair” into popular use. Unsurprisingly, it was a commercial and critical success, earning nine Grammy nominations (famously missing out on album of the year to Adele) and becoming the best-selling album globally in 2016. Fans even co-opted the lemon emoji to showcase their appreciation. Charli XCX’s sixth studio album, , is the high point for an artist whose underdog refusal to quit has made her the most consistently risk-taking pop star of her generation. Unlike her revisionist contemporaries, Charli XCX’s discography is entirely rooted in the 21st Century. reflects our third millennium club-cultural zeitgeist, with executive producer A.G. Cook mischievously blitzing this century’s dominant dance music styles (electro house, techno and EDM) into three-minute bangers. Unlike most pop stars, who wrap themselves in an untouchable aura, Charli makes her ridiculous life feel relatable, like you’ve been invited into her stretch Hummer to pop bottles with Lorde, Billie Eilish and Troye Sivan (whose definitive remix appearances have supplanted the album versions). The ethos says that simply by existing you’re worthy of having some fun in this life – and it doesn’t make you any less of a thoughtful, caring, intelligent person for doing so. , Outkast (2000) , Taylor Swift (2014) , Kendrick Lamar (2015) , Lorde (2017) , Lana Del Rey (2019)
PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.Prime Minister leads tributes to former US president Jimmy Carter
Maybe that friendly wave exchanged between passing motorists on country roads isn't quite dead after all, at least not in some places. Subscribe now for unlimited access . Login or signup to continue reading All articles from our website & app The digital version of Today's Paper Breaking news alerts direct to your inbox Interactive Crosswords, Sudoku and Trivia All articles from the other regional websites in your area Continue After writing about the apparent demise of the "desert wave" , I've received a stream of correspondence from readers reporting that, at least in remote areas, the wave is alive and well. "We recently did a trip from Canberra to Alice Springs, via Broken Hill, and back via the South Australian peninsulas," Marica Denman says. "We waved to everybody, and most waved back." Peter Longhurst, of Cooma, who has travelled "most of Australia over the past 17 years with a camper trailer on many dirt roads", confirms "the desert wave is still alive in all outback areas of the country". "Travelling with a camper trailer for 15 years and now a caravan, the wave between these drivers still exists, along with ute drivers with swags," reports Peter, adding, "the only drivers that do not wave are generally motorhome drivers. ... I can only assume that they have rented their motorhomes and therefore think they are above the humble van and trailer travellers." Is the friendly desert wave still alive and well? Picture by Tim the Yowie Man Bruce White, of Bungendore, says there are several different waves. In his area, if it's someone you know quite well, you may just raise a finger. "Someone you haven't seen for a while, you might be a bit more acknowledging: two fingers," he tells me. "Someone you need to catch up with, you might raise a whole hand." But there is one big no-no. "Waving the whole hand is telling the world you're an idiot. All these signs are regional, and may vary depending on where you are in Australia," he says. "But quite simply, the universal one is just one or two fingers. And that should get a response." These customary signals were a cherished part of my childhood. On long family road trips, between those countless games of "I Spy" in the back seat, my sister and I would take bets on what sort of wave the driver of the next passing vehicle would give dad. Would it be the index finger raised lazily from the steering wheel, or a full bush salute with the whole hand? As Bruce says, there's an art to the wave. You don't wave furiously as that might imply the surfboard on the roof rack of the passing car is about to topple off. Likewise, the wave needs to be noticeable enough that the driver in the other vehicle notices it, and hopefully reciprocates. These genuine gestures were as Australian as Vegemite on toast and the Hills Hoist. They were also widespread throughout parts of our country. "It's reserved for roads where you don't see another car more than every 10 minutes," was my late dad's unwritten rule. "You don't want to get RSI from waving to every Tom, Dick and Harry," he'd add laconically. I agree. On busy roads you don't expect a wave but on backroads a wave is welcome. Call me old fashioned, but I'd say it's more than welcome, it's almost expected. Well, not much anymore it seems, at least from my experience. Today, with modern cars that rarely malfunction, motorists wind the windows up, turn the music to full blast and drive as if the road belongs to them. And them only. The prevalence of the desert wave appears to be waning. Is the friendly desert wave still alive and well? Picture by Tim the Yowie Man Brian Macdonald, of Cook, suspects the desert wave is dying "because the closing speed between two vehicles is now over 200kmh meaning drivers are more intent on avoiding a head-on collision than acknowledging the other driver." That said, Brian believes you have a much higher chance of receiving a return wave if you are driving a similar vehicle. "I drive a VW van and often exchange the V (or peace) sign when with other VWs." Similarly, Maureen Bell reveals drivers of old Peugeots have a secret signal. "We wave, beep or flick high beam at other drivers of Pugs," reports Maureen, adding, "perhaps it's the attraction of membership of a minority." Share Facebook Twitter Whatsapp Email Copy Tim the Yowie Man Tim the Yowie Man is a Canberra Times columnist, and an intrepid adventurer, mystery investigator, and cryptonaturalist. Tim the Yowie Man is a Canberra Times columnist, and an intrepid adventurer, mystery investigator, and cryptonaturalist. More from Canberra More details revealed of Geocon's plans for the Phillip Pool redevelopment 26m ago No comment s Trump wins the election and now liberals can't stand to watch the news 26m ago No comment s Voters across the world are resentful and angry and are lashing out 26m ago No comment s Red tape and fine print won't make the world a better place for not for profits 26m ago No comment s When a heartbreaking Christmas tradition was about to fall apart, the community stepped up 26m ago No comment s Thought that friendly 'Desert Wave' was dead? Not quite yet 26m ago Newsletters & Alerts View all DAILY Your morning news Today's top stories curated by our news team. Also includes evening update. Loading... WEEKDAYS The lunch break Grab a quick bite of today's latest news from around the region and the nation. Loading... DAILY Sport The latest news, results & expert analysis. Loading... 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HOUSTON — After more than two decades since its demise, is Enron coming back? A company representing itself as Enron said it's relaunching and even announced its return with a new website and at least one billboard. There's even an account on social media with the name "Enron." A video was posted seemingly announcing the company's comeback. The new logo is the same as the old company logo. A full-page ad was also in Monday's edition of the Houston Chronicle. The advertisement shows the company logo with the words "We're back. Can we talk? (TM)" It also has a link to the website. It's noteworthy to mention that Enron filed for bankruptcy exactly 23 years ago -- on Dec. 2, 2001. On the new website, there's a clock counting down. According to the clock and the website, the company is going to make an announcement next Monday, Dec. 9. There are also links to career opportunities. The website appears to be promoting sustainable energy and also offers merchandise for sale, including shirts, hats, water bottles and stickers. "An energy company with global impact isn't just a job. It's a calling to those that want to light a cleaner, more equitable and brighter path for the rest of humanity," the careers section of the website says, in part. According to a news release on the website, the company is relaunching with the goal of "solving the global energy crisis." We wanted to get to the bottom of what's going on with the new effort. Upon closer look at the website, under the terms and conditions section, it says the website is "First Amendment protected parody, represents performance art and is for entertainment purposes only." KHOU 11 looked up trademark records and found out that Arkansas-based "The College Company" currently owns the trademark for Enron's logo, including for purposes of selling clothing. The company is owned by the co-creator of the group known as "Birds Aren't Real," a satirical conspiracy theory movement that also sells merchandise. The public relations firm representing the current Enron declined and interview and said only that more is coming soon. Enron filed for bankruptcy in 2001. The company's downfall was caused by a massive fraud scandal. It's considered one of the largest corporate scandals in United States history and led to indictments, convictions and jail sentences for many executives. The scandal rocked Houston and the corporate world. The return of the logo invokes a memory of a painful chapter in the city's history. In 2021, KHOU 11 News spoke with Sherron Watkins, the whistleblower of the Enron scandal. "5,000 people get dumped on the street with nothing. Horrible," she said. Watkins reflected on it from the pursuit of justice for the company's fraud to the catastrophic impact on workers who relied on the company's supposed success for salary and retirement funds. "A lot of people paid a price but so did every employee and every shareholder," she said.
President-elect Donald Trump has chosen Brooke Rollins, president of the America First Policy Institute, to be agriculture secretary. “As our next Secretary of Agriculture, Brooke will spearhead the effort to protect American Farmers, who are truly the backbone of our Country,” Trump said in a statement. If confirmed by the Senate, Rollins would lead a 100,000-person agency with offices in every county in the country, whose remit includes farm and nutrition programs, forestry, home and farm lending, food safety , rural development, agricultural research, trade and more. It had a budget of $437.2 billion in 2024. The nominee’s agenda would carry implications for American diets and wallets, both urban and rural. Department of Agriculture officials and staff negotiate trade deals, guide dietary recommendations, inspect meat, fight wildfires and support rural broadband, among other activities. “Brooke’s commitment to support the American Farmer, defense of American Food Self-Sufficiency, and the restoration of Agriculture-dependent American Small Towns is second to none,” Trump said in the statement. The America First Policy Institute is a right-leaning think tank whose personnel have worked closely with Trump’s campaign to help shape policy for his incoming administration. She chaired the Domestic Policy Council during Trump’s first term. As agriculture secretary, Rollins would advise the administration on how and whether to implement clean fuel tax credits for biofuels at a time when the sector is hoping to grow through the production of sustainable aviation fuel. The nominee would also guide next year’s renegotiation of the U.S.-Mexico-Canada trade deal, in the shadow of disputes over Mexico’s attempt to bar imports of genetically modified corn and Canada’s dairy import quotas . Trump has said he again plans to institute sweeping tariffs that are likely to affect the farm sector. He was considering offering the role to former U.S. Senator Kelly Loeffler , a staunch ally whom he chose to co-chair his inaugural committee, CNN reported on Friday.PINE BLUFF, Ark. (AP) — Quintell Quinn ran for 154 yards and two touchdowns to lead Texas Southern to a 31-23 victory over Arkansas-Pine Bluff on Saturday. Quinn scored on a 32-yard run to open the scoring midway through the first quarter, and his 75-yard touchdown run gave Texas Southern a 17-13 lead with 6:59 remaining in the third. A little more than three minutes later, Jace Wilson threw a 21-yard touchdown pass to Trenton Leary that stretched the Tigers' lead to 24-13. Athean Renfro added 55 yards rushing with a 1-yard TD run in the fourth quarter for Texas Southern (5-6, 4-4 Southwestern Athletic Conference). DJ Stevenson threw a touchdown pass and an interception for Arkansas-Pine Bluff (3-8, 2-6). Abdulbasit Osholake had an 80-yard pick-6 that tied it 7-all late in the second quarter for the Lions. ___ Get alerts on the latest AP Top 25 poll throughout the season. Sign up here ___ AP college football: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-football-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-footballLara Trump steps down as RNC co-chair and addresses speculation about Florida Senate seat