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BRASILIA, Brazil (AP) — Supermarket giant Carrefour’s support for French farmers’ protests against a trade agreement between the European Union and the South American bloc Mercosur has sparked a strong reaction in Brazil, including a refusal to supply beef to Carrefour stores in Brazil. Carrefour CEO Alexandre Bompard announced in social media posts last week that the French company would stop buying beef from all Mercosur countries, which also include Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay. Bompard wrote that he agrees with French producers' arguments that Mercosur beef is an unfair competitor due to lower production costs resulting from fewer environmental and sanitary requirements. The executive encouraged other retailers to follow suit. Brazil's Ministry of Agriculture called Bompard's move protectionist, saying it was made “without any technical criteria.” The decision also angered Brazil's meatpackers. Though France makes up just a tiny sliver of Brazil’s beef exports, meatpackers worried that Carrefour’s decision would hurt its reputation in other markets. Beef giants JBS and Marfrig halted supplies last Friday to Carrefour's extensive supermarket chain in Brazil, including the food warehouse giant Atacadao. Both companies refused to comment on the boycott to The Associated Press, but Minister of Agriculture Carlos Fávaro confirmed it. “We support the reaction of the meatpackers. If Brazil ́s beef isn’t good enough for Carrefour’s shelves in France, it isn’t good enough for Carrefour’s shelves in Brazil either,” Faváro told Folha de S.Paulo newspaper on Monday. Carrefour Group in Brazil acknowledged the boycott in a statement, though it said there's not yet a shortage of beef in stores. It said it has “esteem and confidence in the Brazilian agricultural sector, with which it maintains a solid relationship and partnership.” “Unfortunately, the decision to suspend the meat supply has an impact on customers, especially those who rely on the company to supply their homes with quality and responsible products,” the statement said. “It is in constant dialogue in search of solutions that will make it possible to resume the supply of meat to its stores as quickly as possible, respecting the commitments it has to its more than 130,000 Brazilian employees and millions of Brazilian customers countrywide.” The backdrop for the conflict is the EU-Mercosur trade deal , which would increase agricultural imports to EU countries from South America. French farmers fear it will affect their livelihoods. An initial agreement was reached in 2019, but negotiations have faltered since then due to opposition that also includes some European governments. Brazil’s agribusiness sector also fears that the pending European Union Deforestation Regulation will outlaw the sale of forest-derived products within the EU’s 27-nation bloc if companies can’t prove their goods are not linked to deforestation. Its scope includes soy and cattle, Brazil’s top agricultural exports. Almost half of the country’s cattle is raised in the Amazon region, where 90% of deforested land since 1985 has turned into pasture, according to MapBiomas, a nonprofit network. The date of its implementation remains uncertain. ___ The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org . Fabiano Maisonnave, The Associated Press
WASHINGTON (AP) — President-elect Donald Trump on Thursday named Pam Bondi, the former attorney general of Florida, to be U.S. attorney general just hours after his other choice, Matt Gaetz , withdrew his name from consideration. Bondi is a longtime Trump ally and was one of his lawyers during his first impeachment trial, when he was accused — but not convicted — of abusing his power as he tried to condition U.S. military assistance to Ukraine on that country investigating then-former Vice President Joe Biden. Bondi was among a group of Republicans who showed up to support Trump at his hush money criminal trial in New York that ended in May with a conviction on 34 felony counts. She's been a chair at the America First Policy Institute, a think tank set up by former Trump administration staffers. “For too long, the partisan Department of Justice has been weaponized against me and other Republicans - Not anymore,” Trump said in a social media post. “Pam will refocus the DOJ to its intended purpose of fighting Crime, and Making America Safe Again.” Trump’s son Donald Trump Jr. told Fox Business on Sunday that the transition team had backups in mind for his controversial nominees should they fail to get confirmed. The swift selection of Bondi came about six hours after Gaetz withdrew. Gaetz stepped aside amid continued fallout over a federal sex trafficking investigation that cast doubt on his ability to be confirmed as the nation's chief federal law enforcement officer. That announcement capped a turbulent eight-day period in which Trump sought to capitalize on his decisive election win to force Senate Republicans to accept provocative selections like Gaetz, who had been investigated by the Justice Department before being tapped last week to lead it. The decision could heighten scrutiny on other controversial Trump nominees, including Pentagon pick Pete Hegseth , who faces sexual assault allegations that he denies. “While the momentum was strong, it is clear that my confirmation was unfairly becoming a distraction to the critical work of the Trump/Vance Transition,” Gaetz, a Florida Republican who one day earlier met with senators in an effort to win their support, said in a statement. “There is no time to waste on a needlessly protracted Washington scuffle, thus I’ll be withdrawing my name from consideration to serve as Attorney General. Trump’s DOJ must be in place and ready on Day 1," he added. Hours later, Gaetz posted on social media that he looks “forward to continuing the fight to save our country,” adding, “Just maybe from a different post.” Trump, in a social media post, said: “I greatly appreciate the recent efforts of Matt Gaetz in seeking approval to be Attorney General. He was doing very well but, at the same time, did not want to be a distraction for the Administration, for which he has much respect. Matt has a wonderful future, and I look forward to watching all of the great things he will do!” Last week, Trump named personal lawyers Todd Blanche, Emil Bove and D. John Sauer to senior roles in the department. Another possible attorney general contender, Matt Whitaker, was announced Wednesday as the U.S. ambassador to NATO. Bondi, too, is a longtime loyalist. She has been a vocal critic of the criminal cases against Trump as well as Jack Smith, the special counsel who charged Trump in two federal cases. In one radio appearance, she blasted Smith and other prosecutors who have charged Trump as “horrible” people she said were trying to make names for themselves by “going after Donald Trump and weaponizing our legal system.” If confirmed by the Republican-led Senate, Bondi would instantly become one of the most closely watched members of Trump’s Cabinet given the Republican’s threat to pursue retribution against perceived adversaries and concern among Democrats that he will look to bend the Justice Department to his will. A recent Supreme Court opinion not only conferred broad immunity on former presidents but also affirmed a president’s exclusive authority over the Justice Department’s investigative functions. Bondi would inherit a Justice Department expected to pivot sharply on civil rights, corporate enforcement and the prosecutions of hundreds of Trump supporters charged in the Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the U.S. Capitol — defendants whom Trump has pledged to pardon . It’s unlikely that Bondi would be confirmed in time to overlap with Smith, who brought two federal indictments against Trump that are both expected to wind down before the incoming president takes office. Special counsels are expected to produce reports on their work that historically are made public, but it remains unclear when such a document might be released. In 2013, while serving as Florida attorney general, Bondi publicly apologized for asking that the execution of a man convicted of murder be delayed because it conflicted with a campaign fundraiser. Bondi said she was wrong and sorry for requesting then-Gov. Rick Scott push back the execution of Marshall Lee Gore by three weeks. Before she ran for state attorney general in 2010, Bondi worked for the Hillsborough County state attorney. Associated Press writers Zeke Miller, Michelle L. Price, Lisa Mascaro, Mary Clare Jalonick and Adriana Gomez Licon contributed to this report.
VICTORIA — A Vancouver Island First Nation whose people were the first to greet European explorers in the region almost 250 years ago is taking British Columbia to court, seeking title to its traditional territories and financial compensation. The Mowachaht/Muchalaht First Nation filed a claim Thursday in B.C. Supreme Court seeking a return of decision-making, resource and ecological stewardship, said Chief Mike Maquinna, a descendent of the former Chief Maquinna who met British explorer Capt. James Cook in 1776. Crown-authorized forest industry activities approved by the province without the consent of the Mowachaht/Muchalaht First Nation have resulted in cultural, economic and environmental impacts, he said at a news conference on Thursday. "Our people, the Mowachaht/Muchalaht, have endured many hardships since first meeting Capt. Cook, who was the explorer who first came into our territory," said Maquinna. "As a result of the explorations of our territory, the natural resources of our lands have been taken. We want to correct rights and wrongs here and hopefully as time goes on this will show that Mowachaht/Muchalaht has been infringed upon since time of contact." Capt. Cook and Chief Maquinna met in March 1776 at the traditional Mowachaht/Muchalaht whale-hunting village of Yuquot, later named Friendly Cove by Cook. The Parks Canada website says Yuquot was designated a national historic site in 1923 as the ancestral home of the First Nation, which was continuously occupied for more than 4,300 years and the centre of their social, political and economic world. The Parks Canada website says the village became the capital for all 17 tribes of the Nootka Sound region. Maquinna said the province has been acting as the sole decision-making authority in the Gold River-Tahsis areas of northern Vancouver Island, especially with regards to the forest resource, without the consent of his nation. Hereditary Chief Jerry Jack said the claim seeks title to about 430,000 hectares of land on the northwest coast of Vancouver Island and an amount of financial compensation to be determined by the court. "It is common knowledge we were here long before Capt. Cook and now we have to go to court and definitively prove that," he said. "I don't like that we have to prove that we owned it before he showed up to my territory, to my beach." The land title case does not make any claims against private land owners, homeowners or recreational hunting and fishing operators, said Jack. Premier David Eby said the B.C. government prefers negotiated land-claims settlements rather than become involved in lengthy, expensive court cases, but the Mowachaht/Muchalaht have the right to take that route. "We have no problem with them doing that," he said at an unrelated news conference in Langley. "We'd rather sit down and find a path forward." The 15-page notice of claim seeks declarations that the First Nation has Aboriginal title to its lands and that B.C.'s Forest Act and Land Act will no longer apply to Mowachaht/Muchalaht lands once title is declared. Jack said the nation decided against pursuing formal treaty talks with the federal and provincial government years ago and has been planning the land title court case "for many decades." This report by The Canadian Press was first published Dec. 12, 2024. Dirk Meissner, The Canadian Press
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NEW YORK (AP) — Having waited 63 years for an Ivy League football title, Columbia had to stand by for another 40 minutes. The Lions had beaten Cornell 17-9 but needed a Harvard loss against Yale to secure a share of first place on the season's final day. So Columbia players retreated to their locker room on a hill a few hundred feet from Wien Stadium to watch the game in Boston on TV as a few hundred fans remained and gazed at the gold-and-orange foliage of Inwood Hill Park glowing in Saturday's afternoon sun. When Yale recovered onside kick with seconds left to ensure a 34-29 Harvard defeat, players let out a scream and streamed back onto the field to celebrate, smoke cigars, lift a trophy and sing “Roar, Lion, Roar” with family and friends. Who would have thunk it? “You had the realization of, oh, I’m a champion, which is something that hasn’t been said here in a while,” co-captain CJ Brown said. Harvard dropped into a tie with Columbia and Dartmouth at 5-2, the first time three teams shared the title since 1982 — the conference doesn't use tiebreakers. “It was nerve-wracking, for sure, but definitely exciting because that's something that not a lot of people have experienced, especially here," running back Joey Giorgi said. There have been several top players at Columbia — Sid Luckman, Marty Domres, Marcellus Wiley among them — but the school is perhaps better known for owners such as the New England Patriots' Robert Kraft and former Cleveland Browns head Al Lerner. Columbia's only previous championship in 1961 also was shared with Harvard. That Lions team was coached by Buff Donelli, a former Pittsburgh Steelers and Cleveland Rams coach who scored for the Americans in soccer's 1934 World Cup. Columbia set a then Division I-AA record with 44 consecutive losses from 1983-88, a mark broken by Prairie View’s 80 in a row from 1989-98. Since 1971, the Lions’ only seasons with winning records until now were 1994, 1996, 2017, 2018, 2021 and 2022. Al Bagnoli, who won nine Ivy titles in 23 years at Penn, couldn't manage one at Columbia from 2015-22. He quit six weeks before the 2023 opener, citing health, and was replaced on an interim basis by Mark Fabish, his offensive coordinator. Jon Poppe, now 39, was hired last December after working as a Bagnoli assistant at Columbia from 2015-17 between stints at Harvard from 2011-14 and 2017-22, plus one season as a head coach at Division III Union College. He led the Lions to a 7-3 record overall, their most wins in a coach's first season since George F. Sanford's team went 9-3 in 1899. Poppe had wife Anna and 7-year-old daughter with him in the locker room watching the countdown to the title. “Sixty-three years of whatever into now,” he said. “Just seeing a lot of that history myself, personally. This is a hugely — a feeling of elation, seeing my dad on the field, a lot of emotional things with that.” Before a crowd of 4,224, quarterback Caleb Sanchez's 1-yard touchdown run put Columbia ahead in the second quarter. Giorgi's 1-yard TD run opened a 14-3 lead in the third and Hugo Merry added a 25-yard field goal in the fourth, overcoming three field goals by Alan Zhao. Giorgi rushed for 165 yards and finished his career with 2,112, second in school history. He and Brown missed what would have been their freshman season in 2020 because of the coronavirus pandemic. Given Columbia's athletic history — the most successful sport is fencing — it is not an obvious football destination. “I saw the dedication, whether it resulted in wins or losses,” Brown said. “I saw their dedication to the product that they put out on the field and also the athletic department, the facilities that we had here, the busses on schedule and stuff, I was like, OK, they care about their athletes. People here want to win and it doesn’t matter what’s happened in the past, it matters what we’re going to do now.” Poppe cited a mindset. “You get 10 opportunities, unlike other sports, it is a grind to play this sport and prepare the way we do just for 10,” he said. As the final whistle sounded in Boston, Brown noted an unusual initial reaction in the locker room. “It was like kind of awe when they recovered the kick,” he said. “It was a lot quieter than you would think it would be, but you could feel the joy and the elation.” They accomplished what more than six decades of their predecessors had failed to. As the players headed out, Poppe had a final word. “Day off tomorrow,” he said. Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here . AP college football: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-football-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-football( MENAFN - GetNews) Cybersecurity has become the cornerstone of modern digital infrastructure. 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HM Shah reviews implementation of new criminal laws in UttarakhandWomen more likely to need walking aids but less likely to use them – studyThe Bharatiya Janata Party-led Mahayuti won 235 of the 288 assembly constituencies in Maharashtra, with the BJP itself winning 132 of the 149 seats it contested for a strike rate of 88.5%; its allies the Shiv Sena and the Nationalist Congress Party won 57 and 41 of the 81 and 59 seats they contested, respectively. Also Read: Mahayuti seizes a Maha mandate, Soren keeps his Jharkhand crown If the results were surprising –– in terms of magnitude if not the direction –– attribute it to the summer’s Lok Sabha election, when, of the state’s 48 seats, the Mahayuti could win only 17, with the opposition, the Maga Vikas Aghadi winning 30. If the results were surprising, attribute it to the fact that the Mahayuti was the incumbent, facing charges of poor governance and mismanagement. And if the results were surprising, attribute it to the fact that the Mahayuti came to power after the BJP engineered a split in the Shiv Sena, and that it consolidated power by engineering another split, in the Nationalist Congress Party, and many experts believed the cynical alliance-making had turned off some voters. But the Mahayuti surprised everyone. For it ran a much better campaign than the MVA –– in terms of not just issues but also managing the dynamics of the alliance. Also Read: Mahayuti’s nuts-and-bolts campaign Party leaders credit the win to the Mahayuti’s welfare schemes, notably the Ladki Bahin one that was launched in August, and which gives Rs1,500 to eligible women beneficiaries. They credit the win to the BJP’s gambit of doubling down on its Hindutva agenda, consolidating the Hindu vote across classes and communities. They credit it to an efficient, and region-specific campaign that addressed hot-button local issues. And they credit it to the role played by the Rashtriya SwayamsevakSangh, the BJP’s ideological parent which was conspicuous in its absence during the Lok Sabha campaign. Preparation The preparation for the Maharashtra battle began in earnest within days of the June 4 Lok Sabha polls verdict, which left the BJP smarting. According to a senior party functionary who asked not to be named, within days , the party had met with state-level leaders to understand what went wrong. Within a fortnight, on June 17, the party announced state-in-charges to oversee the election campaign . The party chose union ministers Bhupender Yadav and Ashwani Vaishnaw as state in-charges. “The main reasons for the poor showing were apathetic and demotivated cadre, internal rifts , and the challenges that come from a leading a coalition; yet another crucial reason was the disconnect between the Sangh (RSS) and the party,” added the functionary. Union home minister and the BJP’s chief election strategist Amit Shah met state leaders in several closed door meeting and , in a meeting on July 21, is believed to have insisted that the fight would be between alliances. “There was a whisper campaign that the party would fair badly by aligning with Ajit Dada (Ajit Pawar’s NCP), and there was a group that felt that Uddhav Thackeray (of the Shiv Sena-UBT) would walk away with the sympathy vote as the BJP was seen as the driving force behind the spilt in the party. That is when Shah, in a terse message said the narrative would be set by the BJP and it would be the Mahayuti versus the MVA,” said the functionary quoted above. To ensure this message distilled down, Shah and party chief JP Nadda met with workers from every zone. “Shah directly addressed over 10,000 workers,” said the functionary. To counter voter apathy and indifference among workers, the party reset its booth management programme, with a focus on smaller communities. “Across the state, we carried out meetings with voters from a bunch of smaller caste groups (from the SC and OBC categories), that had between 200 and 250 people in attendance. There was a fresh approach to both the SC and OBC voters,” said a second functionary who asked not to be named. The party also identified booths where it had lost by narrow margins and set out to increase its vote share in these by 15%. And in each case, the party picked issues that it believed would have the most impact on the ground. “We studied the caste, party affiliation and the issues in each of the constituencies to draw up a campaign that would resonate the most,” added the second functionary. The role of the RSS With the differences between the party and the Sangh ironed out, the BJP chose to roll out its election campaign on the twin poles of development (which included welfare) and ideology. While on the one hand it showcased massive infrastructure projects such as the Atal Setu and policies for the empowerment of women and farmers, on the other it ran with the ‘Ek hai to safe hai’ (we are safe as one) theme raised by Prime Minister Narendra Modi at a rally in the state. Political watchers said the thrust on Hindutva was meant to counter the call for caste census by the opposition, notably the Congress; both the BJP and the RSS asserted that this was a call for the unity of the larger Hindu community in the interests of peace and national security. “Why call it polarisation...it is consolidation of the Hindus who were divided on the basis of caste,” said a senior functionary of the RSS who asked not to be named. He said the Sangh’s volunteers were active on the ground, creating “awareness” about issues, motivating the voters to cast their ballot and to counter the “false narrative” of the opposition. “Swayamsevaks undertook Janajagran (door-to-door) and addressed small meetings for creating awareness about issues that are crucial for India’s development and security...” the functionary said. The Sangh’s vast network of foot soldiers was used to shore up the party’s campaign to flag the opposition’s “failures and misdemeanours” such as the Emergency; the 1984 pogrom against the Sikhs and the demand for restoration of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir. Also Read: RSS plays a key role in BJP-led Mahayuti’s big win in Maharashtra “The (BJP’s) win in Haryana, despite the predictions of a big loss came as a shot in the arm for the karyakartas who were motivated to give their best,” said the RSS functionary. The Sangh’s renewed push also ensured that voters turned up on the day. “In the LS polls about 4-5% of the BJP’s committed voters did not show up...this time we spared no effort to ensure that the problem does not recure,” said the second BJP functionary. The turnout in Maharashtra, at 66.05%, was 4.5 percentage points higher than in the Lok Sabha polls, and 4.5 percentage points higher than in the 2019 assembly elections. Interestingly, turnout among women voters was 65.22% –– an indication, analysts say, that the Ladki Bahin scheme was working. Targeting the opposition And while the Mahayuti went to the masses with its own “good governance record”, it undertook a simultaneous campaign to “discredit” the opposition . Thus, the e BJP accused Uddhav of walking away from Hindutva that his father Bala Saheb espoused, and it painted Sharad Pawar’s party as a dynastic entity. “On the day the Congress released its manifesto, the BJP ran advertisements highlighting the failures and the unmet promises of the Congress in Himachal Pradesh, Karnataka and Telangana.,” said a third party leader speaking on condition of anonymity. “Thackeray’s alliance with the Congress, his decision to become CM, his appeasement of the Muslims was all against what Bala Sahab stood for...it became a rallying point against him during campaigns,” said the third leader. To counter the question of who would the the face of the Mahayuti, the party showcased three faces, Eknath Shinde, Ajit Pawar and Devendra Fadnavis as the three pillars of the coalition and sidestepped the tricky issue of chief ministerial candidate. The party was unable to achieve the same in Jharkhand, as it failed to woo tribal communities in the absence of a a strong local leader, party functionaries aware of the details said. The BJP conceded defeat to the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM)-led alliance on Saturday, winning 21 of 68 seats it contested. According to senior party leaders, although the party’s election narrative that tilted more towards ideological issues, found a resonance across the state, the party failed to pitch a local face as a counter to JMM’s Hemant Soren. “The central leadership identified two strong leaders who have a record of winning elections, union minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan and Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma to oversee elections, but it failed to project a strong local leader, who could take on Soren,” said a party functionary. With tribal voters making up 26.21% of Jharkhand’s population, BJP pulled out all the steps to win the 28 ST-reserved seats, but could win only 1 of the 25 seats it contested. In 2019, the BJP, which contested 79 seats won two of these 28, while its overall tally was 25 with a 33.37% vote share. The party’s bid to woo the tribal vote bank by inducting Champai Soren into the party fold also did not yield results. “There was a section of leaders in the state who had suggested letting Soren float his own party, which would have helped dent the JMM’s vote share,” said the leader. Social media Even the alliance’s social media strategy was designed to ensure the coalition partners appeared in sync with each other. About 30 broad issues including infrastructure, women, farmers, employment, and internal security were identified for social media campaign. Of these eight were region-specific. In addition to the party’s own social media handles, third-party handles on platforms such as Youtube were given details of the issues that needed to be amplified. Like it did in Haryana, the party also refrained from making the election a battle of personalities, avoiding over-reliance on the PM and focussed on leveraging the benefits of boots on the ground to retain power. “In the end the BJP was able to balance the politics of indirect benefit (development and infrastructure) and direct benefit (doles and sops) and capitalise on the goodwill of women who are a game changer,” said the second functionary.
The Los Angeles Chargers have played their way into another prime time appearance. Justin Herbert and company have had their Week 16 home game against the Denver Broncos flexed from Sunday, Dec. 22, to Thursday night, Dec. 19. Friday's announcement makes this the first time a game has been flexed to the Thursday night spot. The league amended its policy last season where Thursday night games in Weeks 13 through 17 could be flexed with at least 28 days notice prior to the game, and teams could make more than one appearance on Amazon Prime Video's 16-game package. Only two games per season in the five-week window can be flexed. The matchup of AFC West division rivals — who are both contending for playoff spots — bumps the game between the Cleveland Browns and Cincinnati Bengals to Sunday afternoon. Despite the hiring of Jim Harbaugh as coach, the Chargers were one of six teams not to have a Thursday game when the NFL schedule was released in May. It is the second time the Chargers have been flexed into prime time this season. Their 34-27 victory over the Cincinnati Bengals last Sunday was on NBC's "Sunday Night Football" after bumping the matchup between the Indianapolis Colts and New York Jets. Los Angeles, which is 7-3 and on a four-game winning streak, hosts Baltimore this week on "Monday Night Football" in the third matchup between brothers John and Jim Harbaugh as coaches. The Chargers' Dec. 8 game at Kansas City is also on Sunday night. Denver (6-5) had a Thursday night game on Oct. 17, defeating the Saints 33-10 in coach Sean Payton's return to New Orleans. The Broncos have a Monday night game against Cleveland on Dec. 2. The Chargers beat the Broncos 23-16 in Denver on Oct. 13. That was the game where Harbaugh briefly went to the locker room due to an irregular heartbeat.
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Moelis & Company ( NYSE:MC – Get Free Report ) and DigitalBridge Group ( NYSE:DBRG – Get Free Report ) are both mid-cap finance companies, but which is the better stock? We will contrast the two companies based on the strength of their dividends, analyst recommendations, institutional ownership, risk, profitability, earnings and valuation. Insider and Institutional Ownership 91.5% of Moelis & Company shares are held by institutional investors. Comparatively, 92.7% of DigitalBridge Group shares are held by institutional investors. 6.4% of Moelis & Company shares are held by insiders. Comparatively, 3.4% of DigitalBridge Group shares are held by insiders. Strong institutional ownership is an indication that large money managers, endowments and hedge funds believe a stock will outperform the market over the long term. Profitability This table compares Moelis & Company and DigitalBridge Group’s net margins, return on equity and return on assets. Risk and Volatility Earnings and Valuation This table compares Moelis & Company and DigitalBridge Group”s gross revenue, earnings per share and valuation. DigitalBridge Group has higher revenue and earnings than Moelis & Company. DigitalBridge Group is trading at a lower price-to-earnings ratio than Moelis & Company, indicating that it is currently the more affordable of the two stocks. Analyst Ratings This is a breakdown of recent recommendations for Moelis & Company and DigitalBridge Group, as reported by MarketBeat. Moelis & Company currently has a consensus price target of $60.83, suggesting a potential downside of 18.92%. DigitalBridge Group has a consensus price target of $18.13, suggesting a potential upside of 47.00%. Given DigitalBridge Group’s stronger consensus rating and higher possible upside, analysts plainly believe DigitalBridge Group is more favorable than Moelis & Company. Dividends Moelis & Company pays an annual dividend of $2.40 per share and has a dividend yield of 3.2%. DigitalBridge Group pays an annual dividend of $0.04 per share and has a dividend yield of 0.3%. Moelis & Company pays out 452.8% of its earnings in the form of a dividend, suggesting it may not have sufficient earnings to cover its dividend payment in the future. DigitalBridge Group pays out 5.5% of its earnings in the form of a dividend. Summary DigitalBridge Group beats Moelis & Company on 11 of the 17 factors compared between the two stocks. About Moelis & Company ( Get Free Report ) Moelis & Company operates as an investment banking advisory firm. It offers advisory services in the areas of mergers and acquisitions, recapitalizations and restructurings, capital markets transactions, and other corporate finance matters, as well as strategic, capital structure, and private funds advisory. The company offers its services to public multinational corporations, middle market private companies, financial sponsors, entrepreneurs, governments, and sovereign wealth funds. It operates in North and South America, Europe, the Middle East, Asia, and Australia. The company was founded in 2007 and is headquartered in New York, New York. About DigitalBridge Group ( Get Free Report ) DigitalBridge is an infrastructure investment firm specializing in digital infrastructure assets. They provide services to institutional investors. They primarily invest in data centers, cell towers, fiber networks, small cells, and edge infrastructure. DigitalBridge Group, Inc. was founded in 1991 and is headquartered in Boca Raton, Florida with additional offices in Los Angles, California, and New York New York. Receive News & Ratings for Moelis & Company Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for Moelis & Company and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .
And single people are more likely to use mobility tools compared to those who are married, according to researchers from University College London (UCL) and the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine (LSHTM). Researchers looked at information from a group of more than 12,000 adults in England aged 50 to 89 who were tracked over a 13-year period. At the start of the study, 8,225 adults had no mobility difficulty and did not use mobility assistive products (MAPs). Some 2,480 were deemed to have “unmet need” and 1,375 were using mobility aids. During the follow-up period, there were 2,313 “transitions” where people went from having no mobility issues to needing some help with getting around. And 1,274 people started to use mobility aids. Compared with men, women were 49% more likely to transition from not needing mobility aids to needing to use them, according to the study which has been published in The Lancet Public Health. But were 21% less likely to go on to use mobility aids when they needed them. The authors said their study showed “barriers to access” for women. For both men and women, with every year that passed during the study period the need for mobility aids increased. People who were older, less educated, less wealthy or reported being disabled were more likely to “transition from no need to unmet need, and from unmet need to use”, the authors said, with this indicating a “higher prevalence of mobility limitations and MAP need overall among these groups”. They added: “Finally, marital or partnership status was not associated with transitioning to unmet need; however, single people were more likely to transition from unmet need to use compared with married or partnered people.” Jamie Danemayer, first author of the study from UCL Computer Science and UCL’s Global Disability Innovation Hub, said: “Our analysis suggests that there is a clear gender gap in access to mobility aids. “Though our data didn’t ascertain the reason why participants weren’t using mobility aids, other research tells us that women are often more likely than men to face obstacles such as cost barriers as a result of well-documented income disparities between genders. “Many mobility aids are designed for men rather than women, which we think may be a factor. “Using mobility aids can also make a disability visible, which can impact the safety and stigma experienced by women, in particular. “There’s a critical need for further research to identify and break down the barriers preventing women from accessing mobility aids that would improve their quality of life.” Professor Cathy Holloway, also from UCL, added: “Not having access to mobility aids when a person needs one can have a big impact on their independence, well-being and quality of life. “Our analysis suggests that women, in particular, regardless of other factors such as education and employment status, are not getting the support that they need.” Professor Shereen Hussein, senior author of the study and lead of the social care group at the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine, said: “The research provides compelling evidence of gender disparities in accessing assistive technology, suggesting that cost, design bias, and social stigma are likely to disproportionally affect women. “This underscores the need for inclusive, gender-sensitive approaches in the design, production and inclusivity of assistive technologies.”