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College FootballOn Dec. 2, Wichita State University’s National Institute for Aviation Research (NIAR) announced a new strategic partnership with SNC, the global aerospace and national security company. The partnership is part of the U.S. Air Force’s Survivable Airborne Operations Center (SAOC) contract. In support of the SAOC program, one of two 747-8i aircraft recently arrived in Wichita from SNC’s Aviation Innovation and Technology Center (AITC) in Dayton, Ohio. Delivery of the aircraft signifies the next phase of SAOC engineering and manufacturing development since the contract award in April 2024. Under the USAF’s SAOC award, SNC will modernize and deliver a replacement for the current fleet of E-4B “Nightwatch” aircraft, which entered service in 1974. This highly specialized aircraft serves as an airborne command center for the president of the United States, secretary of defense, and chairs of the joint chiefs of staff to ensure continued critical command, control and communication during national emergencies. NIAR’s experience in composites and advanced materials, digital twin, advanced manufacturing technologies such as additive manufacturing, aircraft and component testing, and certification will enhance SNC’s ability to deliver a cutting-edge, innovative solution to the USAF. “SAOC is a critical program that will ensure our nation is adequately prepared to ensure unfaltering communication during a national emergency,” said John Tomblin, WSU executive vice president for WSU Research and Industry and Defense Programs and NIAR executive director. “This is the most significant industry contract in the history of the university.” “The partnership between NIAR and SNC will modernize and replace outdated aircraft that are vital to the operations of the United States Air Force,” said U.S. Sen. Jerry Moran. “I look forward to seeing NIAR’s experience in advanced, cutting-edge technology enhance the design of SNC’s innovative aircraft remodeling as these two companies work to make our country more secure.”
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External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar called for a redefined foreign policy to support India's ambitious vision of 'Viksit Bharat,' acknowledging that the evolving global landscape necessitates these changes. Speaking at the launch of 'India's World' magazine, Jaishankar noted that a post-Nehruvian foreign policy is not a political attack but a practical approach. He highlighted the importance of technological advancements and shifting global dynamics, urging a more ambitious and integrated foreign policy outlook. (With inputs from agencies.)It was no different for Jimmy Carter in the early 1970s. It took meeting several presidential candidates and then encouragement from an esteemed elder statesman before the young governor, who had never met a president himself, saw himself as something bigger. He announced his White House bid on December 12 1974, amid fallout from the Vietnam War and the resignation of Richard Nixon. Then he leveraged his unknown, and politically untainted, status to become the 39th president. That whirlwind path has been a model, explicit and otherwise, for would-be contenders ever since. “Jimmy Carter’s example absolutely created a 50-year window of people saying, ‘Why not me?’” said Steve Schale, who worked on President Barack Obama’s campaigns and is a long-time supporter of President Joe Biden. Mr Carter’s journey to high office began in Plains, Georgia where he received end-of-life care decades after serving as president. David Axelrod, who helped to engineer Mr Obama’s four-year ascent from state senator to the Oval Office, said Mr Carter’s model is about more than how his grassroots strategy turned the Iowa caucuses and New Hampshire primary into his springboard. “There was a moral stain on the country, and this was a guy of deep faith,” Mr Axelrod said. “He seemed like a fresh start, and I think he understood that he could offer something different that might be able to meet the moment.” Donna Brazile, who managed Democrat Al Gore’s 2000 presidential campaign, got her start on Mr Carter’s two national campaigns. “In 1976, it was just Jimmy Carter’s time,” she said. Of course, the seeds of his presidential run sprouted even before Mr Nixon won a second term and certainly before his resignation in August 1974. In Mr Carter’s telling, he did not run for governor in 1966, he lost, or in 1970 thinking about Washington. Even when he announced his presidential bid, neither he nor those closest to him were completely confident. “President of what?” his mother, Lillian, replied when he told her his plans. But soon after he became governor in 1971, Mr Carter’s team envisioned him as a national player. They were encouraged in part by the May 31 Time magazine cover depicting Mr Carter alongside the headline “Dixie Whistles a Different Tune”. Inside, a flattering profile framed Mr Carter as a model “New South” governor. In October 1971, Carter ally Dr Peter Bourne, an Atlanta physician who would become US drug tsar, sent his politician friend an unsolicited memo outlining how he could be elected president. On October 17, a wider circle of advisers sat with Mr Carter at the Governor’s Mansion to discuss it. Mr Carter, then 47, wore blue jeans and a T-shirt, according to biographer Jonathan Alter. The team, including Mr Carter’s wife Rosalynn, who died aged 96 in November 2023, began considering the idea seriously. “We never used the word ‘president’,” Mr Carter recalled upon his 90th birthday, “but just referred to national office”. Mr Carter invited high-profile Democrats and Washington players who were running or considering running in 1972, to one-on-one meetings at the mansion. He jumped at the chance to lead the Democratic National Committee’s national campaign that year. The position allowed him to travel the country helping candidates up and down the ballot. Along the way, he was among the Southern governors who angled to be George McGovern’s running mate. Mr Alter said Mr Carter was never seriously considered. Still, Mr Carter got to know, among others, former vice president Hubert Humphrey and senators Henry Jackson of Washington, Eugene McCarthy of Maine and Mr McGovern of South Dakota, the eventual nominee who lost a landslide to Mr Nixon. Mr Carter later explained he had previously defined the nation’s highest office by its occupants immortalised by monuments. “For the first time,” Mr Carter told The New York Times, “I started comparing my own experiences and knowledge of government with the candidates, not against ‘the presidency’ and not against Thomas Jefferson and George Washington. It made it a whole lot easier”. Adviser Hamilton Jordan crafted a detailed campaign plan calling for matching Mr Carter’s outsider, good-government credentials to voters’ general disillusionment, even before Watergate. But the team still spoke and wrote in code, as if the “higher office” were not obvious. It was reported during his campaign that Mr Carter told family members around Christmas 1972 that he would run in 1976. Mr Carter later wrote in a memoir that a visit from former secretary of state Dean Rusk in early 1973 affirmed his leanings. During another private confab in Atlanta, Mr Rusk told Mr Carter plainly: “Governor, I think you should run for president in 1976.” That, Mr Carter wrote, “removed our remaining doubts.” Mr Schale said the process is not always so involved. “These are intensely competitive people already,” he said of governors, senators and others in high office. “If you’re wired in that capacity, it’s hard to step away from it.” “Jimmy Carter showed us that you can go from a no-name to president in the span of 18 or 24 months,” said Jared Leopold, a top aide in Washington governor Jay Inslee’s unsuccessful bid for Democrats’ 2020 nomination. “For people deciding whether to get in, it’s a real inspiration,” Mr Leopold continued, “and that’s a real success of American democracy”.TSB investigating rough plane landing in Halifax, passenger says flames were visibleJimmy Carter, the 39th US president, has died at 100
E-bike Market size to increase by USD 16.48 Billion between 2023 to 2028, Market Segmentation by Battery Type, Propulsion, Geography , TechnavioGRAND FORKS, N.D. (AP) — Treysen Eaglestaff's 19 points helped North Dakota defeat Waldorf College 97-57 on Sunday night. Eaglestaff shot 6 of 11 from the field, including 2 for 4 from 3-point range, and went 5 for 6 from the line for the Fightin' Hawks (6-9). Mier Panoam added 13 points and six rebounds. Zach Kraft had 12 points on 4-for-7 shooting from 3-point range. Gene Noble led the way for the Warriors with 12 points and six rebounds. Emmanuel Ferguson scored 10 and Ugo Ejiofor pitched in with nine points, 11 rebounds and two blocks. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .
Given their promised great returns, cryptocurrencies have become linked to sharp price movements that captivate investors. Dogecoin in 2021 and Ripple in 2017 have been the most spoken-of performers in crypto history, returning a surprisingly unbelievable percentage of 20,000%. With the market set for another bull run, every investor will ask which cryptocurrency is next to give him such explosive profits. XRP’s Historic Rally in 2017 XRP was initially mainly underappreciated; its price was under $0.01 until 2017. That year was a turning point for the crypto industry since Bitcoin and altcoins drew general awareness. Rising by 36,344% in a year, XRP's price explosion was amazing. XRP started at a cent and peaked at $2.30 by December 2017. In January 2018, it achieved its ATH of $3.40. A rising understanding of Ripple's blockchain technology—which promised to revolutionize cross-border payments for banks and financial corporations—started this movement. XRP’s speculative frenzy attracted yes huge patronage and capital support during the 2017 bull run among the most regularly utilized cryptocurrencies Dogecoin’s Meteoric Rise in 2021 The road Dogecoin took to become well-known was different. Developed initially as a joke, DOGE eventually attracted a devoted following. Its price peaked at $0.0018 in 2018; it took three years to reach that level again. Then arrived in 2021, a year after the meme coin phenomena burst. Dogecoin shot skyward from $0.002575 to an ATH of $0.74 with an incredible 28,000% return. Growing retail investment base, social media hype, and Elon Musk's sponsorships helped Dogecoin take off. The coin's surge demonstrated the value of community-driven stories and how amazing price increases could be attained even from a token with no inherent value. With XRP and DOGE as success standards, the search is for the next cryptocurrency to yield comparable gains. Market analysts and investors seek tokens with original use cases, great community support, and the ability to ride the wave of the next bull run. Rexas Finance (RXS) is one cryptocurrency of increasing interest among analysts. Rexas Finance (RXS): The Next Star Positioned for a Massive Rally Rexas Finance (RXS) has emerged as a top candidate to copy or surpass the historic rallies of XRP and DOGE. Pricing is $0.15 as of writing; RXS is currently in stage 10 presale and has already raised over $27.4 million. Many in the crypto community see RXS as a ground-breaking technology with unrealized potential, and this outstanding milestone has generated enthusiasm. According to top market analysts, Rexas Finance (RXS) might experience a 40,000% price surge, driving its price to $60 by Q2 2025. Should these forecasts come true, RXS would stand out among the future bull run performers. The token's strong foundations and aim to transform asset management help to support this expected expansion. By allowing tokenizing of real-world assets (RWA), Rexas Finance is creating a niche in the crypto market. With this invention, users may tokenize intellectual property, art, and real estate, offering unmatched liquidity and access. Rexas Finance is democratizing asset ownership and increasing investment possibilities by enabling anyone anywhere in the globe to invest in fractional or full ownership of assets. The presale system of Rexas Finance also helps to explain its appeal. Since the expected listing price of the token is $0.20, which immediately shows a gain, early investors are assured rewards. RXS has already demonstrated a 5x price leap from its first presale stage, confirming its potential as a profitable investment. With its $1 million giveaway, which drew over 503,000 eager participants ready to collect $50,000 worth of RXS, the project has also enthralled investors. This creative marketing approach has raised awareness and attracted various investors, growing the token's community. Those who are joining the RXS presale are positioned to get significant benefits. Even a small investment might produce life-changing gains, given its price of $0.15 and expected rise to $60. Rexas Finance might be the pass to unprecedented financial success as the crypto sector prepares for its next expansion stage. Website: https://rexas.com Win $1 Million Giveaway: https://bit.ly/Rexas1M Whitepaper: https://rexas.com/rexas-whitepaper.pdf Twitter/X: https://x.com/rexasfinance Telegram: https://t.me/rexasfinance Join our WhatsApp Channel to get the latest news, exclusives and videos on WhatsApp _____________ Disclaimer: Analytics Insight does not provide financial advice or guidance. Also note that the cryptocurrencies mentioned/listed on the website could potentially be scams, i.e. designed to induce you to invest financial resources that may be lost forever and not be recoverable once investments are made. You are responsible for conducting your own research (DYOR) before making any investments. Read more here.
CS updated on drainage works( MENAFN - GetNews) Logic's Dictate by Steve Gibson has been released worldwide. This gripping, 224-page novel is a must-read thriller that blends politics, romance, and science fiction into a compelling narrative unlike anything else on the market today. With the fast-paced action of Ender's Game and the philosophical depth of Dune, the story follows charismatic protagonist Andy Brock, a candidate for President of the United States with a fast wit and penchant for heroism akin to Marvel's iconic Iron Man. Brock soon encounters Rein, a representative from the advanced civilization of Merk, tasked with evaluating Earth's eligibility for joining their galactic continuum. On Earth, global strife has been all but resolved, but China's continued pursuit of domination threatens to disrupt the progress made – and the planet's acceptance into Merk society. As Rein studies Earth, particularly Brock's potential ascent to power, the nature of their relationship begins to change, and the new dynamic may have consequences that affect beings across the galaxy. Deftly moving between the large-scale issues of governance, international conflict, and interstellar societies to the minute nuances of personal relationships, Gibson crafts a narrative that connects macro and micro into a fascinating exploration of how important choices are made. Throughout the novel, detailed descriptions and moments of thrilling action support the unfolding intrigue. Tensions remain high, with unforeseen challenges and inner conflicts propelling the story forward page after page. Reminiscent of epic tales across history - but with a sci-fi twist - Andy and Rein are idyllic characters that represent the best of the best. Their individual arcs are inherently tied to the fates of countless others, and readers have a front-row seat to their struggles, desires, and triumphs. Against the backdrop of futuristic technology, impending war, and the“reputation management” necessary in politics, the story of their relationship is as unpredictable as Earth's place in the larger galactic society. A truly unique novel that draws from a range of styles and influences, at once a love story, a prescient examination of global politics, and a space-traveling adventure, Logic's Dictate is a thrilling, multifaceted story that keeps audiences engaged from the first sentence to the cliffhanger ending. Logic's Dictate (ISBN: 9781963844849 / 9781965340936) can be purchased through retailers worldwide, including Barnes & Noble and Amazon. The hardcover retails for $39.99, the paperback retails for $19.99, and the ebook retails for $2.99. Review copies and interviews are available upon request. About the book: In a world far away from Earth, the advanced civilization of Merk extends a rare invitation to join their peaceful galactic continuum to worlds demonstrating true maturity. With Earth on the bring of a monumental transformation, all eyes are on presidential candidate Andy Brock, whose visionary policies promise unity and progress. Earth has already made significant strides: the Koreas have united, NATO has dissolved following Russia's peaceful democratization, and the world stands on the cusp of unprecedented harmony. Yet, China remains a looming threat, with ambitions to seize Taiwan and a war with the U.S. on the horizon. Amidst this turmoil, Rein, the leader of the Merkian delegation studying Earth, must decide if humanity is ready to join the Merk galactic community. However, her complicated feelings for Andy could either symbolize a potential new era of interstellar cooperation with Earth, or bring the whole mission to a grinding halt. Through political trials, assassination attempts, and opposition from traditionalists, the path is fraught with challenges. Will the impending conflict with China derail Earth's chance at interstellar peace? Can Andy Brock ascend to the presidency and implement his transformative vision for a brighter future? About the author: Steve Gibson lives with his wife, Drizzle, and two cats, Dandelion and Mr. Sherlock Holmes, in New Lenox, Illinois – just outside Chicago. Steve is a lawyer and PoliSci grad. He was on the debate team in high school and college winning many honors. Steve and Drizzle are well-received on the karaoke circuit in Chicagoland. They love Southside Italian Beef and Pizza. They also adore the summer concerts at Ravinia and the Grant Park Symphony. Steve is also generally willing to challenge all comers to a racquetball game and might be willing to wager a bet on who the winner would be. About MindStir Media: MindStir Media LLC is an award-winning book publisher. To learn more about publishing a book with MindStir Media, visit or call 800-767-0531. MENAFN15122024003238003268ID1108995293 Legal Disclaimer: MENAFN provides the information “as is” without warranty of any kind. We do not accept any responsibility or liability for the accuracy, content, images, videos, licenses, completeness, legality, or reliability of the information contained in this article. If you have any complaints or copyright issues related to this article, kindly contact the provider above.
By BILL BARROW, Associated Press ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” ___ Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.Amazon is Selling a ‘Very Flattering’ Pair of $80 Levi’s Baggy Jeans for Just $31 Ahead of Black Friday