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services offered by fc188 During the Black Friday sales period, TikTok saw a surge in user engagement as influencers and brands alike promoted exclusive deals and discounts to their followers. The platform was transformed into a virtual shopping mall, with users scrolling through endless product recommendations and flash sales. This resulted in a frenzy of buying activity, with many users making impulsive purchases driven by the fear of missing out on a good deal.Union celebrates new training center in East MolineJimmy Carter, the longest living former president, whose term was marred by the Iran hostage crisis and rampant inflation but who went on to build a humanitarian legacy that was recognized with a Nobel Peace Prize, died Sunday. He was 100. No cause was announced. In February 2023 he entered hospice care. The peanut farmer from Georgia was a virtual unknown when he launched his long-shot 1976 presidential bid that took him from “Jimmy Who?” to his inauguration as the nation’s 39th president. The Democrat took office at a time when the country was still reeling from battles over civil rights, Vietnam, inflation and Watergate. The defining moment of Carter’s presidency, though, is often thought to have occurred Nov. 4, 1979, when Iranian militants seized the U.S. embassy in Tehran and took more than 50 U.S. hostages who were held for 444 days. A rescue mission in April 1980 was a dismal embarrassment, as eight U.S. crewmen died and no hostages were released. Carter left the White House in 1981 at age 56, trounced by Republican Ronald Reagan. A year later, he established the Carter Center in Atlanta with the stated mission of human rights, preventing and resolving conflicts, and improving freedom and democracy. Carter won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002, cited “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” He continued to teach Sunday school at Maranatha Baptist Church in Plains. He and his wife, Rosalynn, traveled to Nashville in 2019 for their 36th project helping build homes with Habitat for Humanity. He and Rosalynn Carter, who died at age 96 on November 19, 2023, were married for 77 years. Jimmy Carter lived in the house he built in 1961 in Plains, Georgia, about two-and-a-half hours south of Atlanta. “Across life’s seasons, President Jimmy Carter, a man of great faith, has walked with God,” Sen. Raphael Warnock , D-Ga., wrote after news of Carter’s deteriorating condition earlier this year. “In this tender time of transitioning, God is surely walking with him.” Life in Plains, Georgia James Earl “Jimmy” Carter Jr. was born on Oct. 1, 1924, to Lillian and James Earl Carter Sr. The father is described by the Plains Historical Preservation Trust as “an insurance broker, farmer, fertilizer dealer, Baptist and Democrat.” They lived in Plains, a town of about 700 people nestled in an area of cotton and peanut fields. Jimmy Carter had ambitions beyond Plains. Inspired by an uncle, he attended the Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. During a visit home, he asked Rosalynn Smith, whose family had known the Carters for years, on a date. Jimmy and Rosalynn, then a college student in Georgia, stayed in touch, and in July, a few weeks after he graduated from the Naval Academy, they were married. It was Adm. Hyman Rickover who would be an influence on Carter’s naval and political career. Rickover ran the nation’s nascent nuclear submarine program, and during their job interview, asked Carter if he had done his best at Annapolis. Carter, who said he graduated 59th in his class of 820, conceded, “I didn’t always do my best.” “He looked around me for a long time,” Carter recalled as recounted by James Wooten in his book, “Dasher.” Then Rickover asked one final question, which Carter said, “I have never been able to forget — or to answer. He said, ‘Why not?’ I sat there for a while shaken, and then slowly left the room.” Carter went on to work for Rickover, and “Why Not the Best?” became a Carter catchphrase, the title of his 1976 campaign autobiography. He would often cite Rickover as one of the greatest influences on his life. Carter’s Navy career was short-lived. His father died in 1953, and his family needed him to run the business in Plains. Rosalynn protested, but the family headed back to Georgia. Entering state politics Carter won a state Senate seat in 1962, and in 1966 ran for governor. It was a long shot. The civil rights movement was redefining Southern politics. The changes rocked Georgia, and Lester Maddox, who had gained fame when he pushed potential Black customers away from his Atlanta cafeteria with an ax handle, would beat Carter in the Democratic gubernatorial primary. Carter returned to Plains, devastated and introspective.“ At a crossroads, he turned increasingly for solace to his faith,” wrote Peter Bourne in his biography of Carter. “There followed a series of events that would reshape both his relationship with his faith and the central guiding motivation in his life.” With the help of his sister, Ruth, an evangelist, Carter “was recommitting himself to Christ, through deep ongoing study and meditation about Christ’s life.” Through this study, Bourne wrote, “he sought to gain the fullest possible understanding of what the Christian message meant in modern life.” When he ran again for governor in 1970, Carter publicly softened his stance toward segregationists. He had kinder words for Maddox and defended all-white academies, where many whites fled as public schools became integrated. Once elected, though, Carter made it clear he would be a scion of the new, inclusive South. “No poor, rural, weak or Black person should ever have to bear the additional burden of being deprived of the opportunity of an education, a job or simply justice,” he said in his inaugural address — stunning words from a Georgia governor at the time. He hung a portrait of Martin Luther King Jr. outside his office at the state Capitol. By the early 1970s, national politics was in turmoil. Richard Nixon won 49 states in 1972, leaving Democratic nominee George McGovern and his party dazed with no clear path forward. McGovern was boosted by his anti-Vietnam War stance, but the war was winding down. Unknown, but not for long It was a time of enormous uncertainty. Runaway inflation, and later long lines for gasoline, rocked the economy. Nixon would be dogged by the Watergate scandal and resigned in August 1974. Trust in government was sinking. Along came Jimmy Carter. He announced his campaign for the White House in December 1974 in Washington, and few paid attention. But top aide Hamilton Jordan had a plan, and Carter presented himself as not only a fresh voice unencumbered by Washington tradition or scandal, but as a politician with a strong moral compass. He campaigned as a calm antidote to the turmoil of Washington. “I will never lie to you,” Carter told voters. It worked. He beat President Gerald Ford in a close election, and on Inauguration Day 1977 vowed to set a new course and new standard. He, Rosalynn and daughter Amy stepped out of their limousine during the parade down Pennsylvania Avenue and walked. He later addressed the nation in 1977 wearing a sweater. Carter’s initial priority would be energy efficiency to ease what he called “the moral equivalent of war” in a speech to the nation three months after he took office. Carter won some important battles. He was able to open relations with mainland China, secure approval of a treaty to end U.S. control of the Panama Canal, and perhaps most significantly, broker a historic peace accord between Israel and Egypt after nearly two weeks of talks at Camp David. Issues with the economy But the nation’s turmoil persisted. The economy remained shaky, and by the end of his term inflation and interest rates were hitting double-digit levels. Gas lines reappeared in many places in 1979. Carter was able to secure an arms control agreement with the Soviet Union, but Senate efforts to ratify it were thwarted by anger over the Soviet Union’s 1979 Afghanistan invasion. Carter appeared more and more to be losing control. He and his top advisers retreated to Camp David in the summer of 1979 to reassess how to run the government, and when it ended Carter delivered what came to be called the “malaise speech.” He told the nation, “We can see this crisis in the growing doubt about the meaning of our own lives and in the loss of a unity of purpose for our nation.” The speech only exacerbated his political problems. Though Congress was run by Democrats, leaders were cool to Carter, and by late 1979, Sen. Edward Kennedy of Massachusetts announced he would challenge the president for the party’s nomination. The Mariel Boatlift Carter’s election-year problems faced another daunting challenge: the Mariel Boatlift. The administration had been seeking better ties with Cuban President Fidel Castro, and in April 1980 Castro said Cubans could leave. But Castro opened his country’s mental health facilities and prisons, and they flocked to South Florida. The White House was uncertain how to deal with the situation. On May 6, 1980, in an address to the nation, Carter declared a state of emergency in the areas of Florida most “severely affected” by the exodus, and an “open heart and open arms” policy to all refugees fleeing Cuba. Miami was overwhelmed with the refugees. Many were criminals. The boatlift ended in October, but Carter suffered political damage. Carter won his party’s nomination that summer, but only after a bitter battle with Kennedy. He ran against the upbeat, optimistic Reagan, losing 44 states as he became the first elected president to lose a reelection bid since Herbert Hoover in 1932. The Iran hostages were released minutes after Reagan was sworn into office. Carter went back to Plains. The Carter Center would become a popular site for international forums. It also took on a mission to spread Carter’s vision for fighting poverty and hunger. Global 2000 was a bid to boost food production in Africa. Prolific author Carter became a prolific author, writing about a variety of topics from memoirs to treatises on the Middle East to “Our Endangered Values: America’s Moral Crisis.” Among his books: “The Craftsmanship of Jimmy Carter.” “I like to see what I have done, what I have made,” Carter said. “The pleasure does not fade as the years go by; in fact, with age my diminished physical strength has eliminated some of the formerly competing hobbies and made woodworking even more precious to me.” He and Rosalynn were very involved with Habitat for Humanity and worked on their 36th project in 2019. They first volunteered with the organization, which helps build homes in the U.S. and overseas, near their home in Georgia in March 1984. On February 18, 2023, following a series of short hospital stays, the Carter Center released a statement that Carter “decided to spend his remaining time at home with his family and receive hospice care instead of additional medical intervention.” Carter is survived by children John William “Jack,” James Earl III “Chip,” Donnel “Jeff” Jeffrey and Amy Lynn, 11 grandchildren and 14 great-grandchlldren. A grandson died in 2015. ©2024 The Charlotte Observer. Visit charlotteobserver.com . Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

Already widespread before, climate despair has likely reached new levels following former President Donald Trump’s reelection. With good reason: Trump is committed to policies that are projected to kill tens of millions of people and unleash unprecedented chaos everywhere. But the climate war isn’t an all-or-nothing affair. Each fraction of a degree of heating that we can prevent will save many lives. Similarly, everything we do to build a more equitable world will provide some insulation against the heating that we fail to prevent. Furthermore, the fossil fuel industry is much more vulnerable than most people realize, its current profits notwithstanding. This was true in Trump’s first term and will remain true in his second. We can exploit its vulnerabilities. To do so, we need strategies that don’t require majority support at the national level. Though the United States public overwhelmingly supports environmental protections, clean energy and climate justice, most people don’t grasp the magnitude of the emergency and obviously don’t prioritize the climate when voting. What we do have is tens of millions of potential activists, including millions in many individual states. According to a 2024 Yale/George Mason University survey, large minorities say they feel angry (38 percent), fearful (38 percent) and anxious (36 percent) about the climate. In polls from the past five years, between 13 and 20 percent say they would definitely or probably “engage in nonviolent civil disobedience (e.g. sit-ins, blockades or trespassing) against corporate or government activities that make global warming worse” if someone they “like and respect” recruited them. About twice as many say they would visit politicians’ offices to pressure them. It’s these millions whom organizers should target. Drawing from the recent history of the climate movement, here’s a nonexhaustive list of ideas for organizers. My focus is on the U.S. since that’s the context I know best. None of the following require us to persuade a majority of voters or politicians at the national level. Public protests, from rallies to civil disobedience, are essential for generating public scrutiny of fossil fuel projects. Building large coalitions of stakeholders can increase their potency. Some confrontations, like the campaign against the Dakota Access Pipeline, can galvanize broader public consciousness and action. This is especially true when they intertwine with related fights for Indigenous sovereignty, racial equity and economic justice, which the climate movement has also prioritized in recent years. This type of protest is getting riskier almost everywhere, including in the United States. In the past decade 21 U.S. states have passed 56 new laws to criminalize or more harshly punish nonviolent protesters. Amid this authoritarian turn organizers must proceed carefully. In some cases, they will choose to defy those laws, and we should support them however possible. In other cases, they may choose disruptive forms of protest that are not (yet) illegal. Some of the most disruptive tactics are not very flashy. Leafletting against a company, if persistent and widespread, is potentially more disruptive than blockading a pipeline. Legal filings against companies or regulators can be highly disruptive. As industry spokespeople warn , more lawsuits can mean “further capital cost increases and longer overall pipeline approval and construction timelines.” A gas industry executive recently complained that “the number of lawsuits being filed to challenge pipeline construction” has added “costs and time to the development of a pipeline, which in some cases has just forced the pipelines to throw up their hands and walk away from projects.” Lawsuits against polluters for past damages are also important, both for the compensation they can deliver and for the potential long-term impact on the industry. The efficacy of litigation will partly depend on future legislative and judicial changes. Reforms to the permitting process , which could simultaneously facilitate fossil fuel infrastructure and renewables projects, would make it harder for the movement to obstruct polluters through the courts. Oil and gas companies may never reallocate their investments to other sectors, but financial institutions like banks, insurers and large institutional investors may. They could do so without jeopardizing their returns (fossil fuel financing comprises just over 1 percent of total assets at Bank of America, Chase and Citigroup), and their long-term financial stability would be more secure if they did. Public pension funds are potentially more vulnerable to our pressures, since they have a mandate to protect the long-term viability of their investments. These campaigns can take various forms. The most effective involve tying financial institutions to specific frontline struggles and getting institutions — city councils, universities, faith institutions, labor unions, and so on — to close their accounts or demand that their money managers reallocate investments. For instance, in 2017 the city of Seattle voted to close its $3 billion account with Wells Fargo due to the bank’s financing of the Dakota Access Pipeline. Divestment campaigns have traditionally targeted only stock holdings, but recent years have seen more action targeting banks, insurers and asset managers . Banks were also central targets in the South Africa divestment campaigns of the 1970s and 1980s. As always, polluters are finding ways to fight back. Some state governments have penalized financial institutions that “discriminate” against fossil fuels. This backlash only makes it more urgent that we build up a counterweight that imposes costs of our own on financial institutions. States have tremendous power to promote renewables, slash demand for fossil fuels, and even directly limit fossil fuel production. One climate expert estimates that “three-quarters of the country’s Paris Climate commitments can be achieved by state and local policy.” Recent state laws have mandated public investment in renewables , the phaseout of gas-powered vehicles , corporate pollution disclosures and “make-polluters-pay” penalties linked to climate disasters. All these laws stand to have powerful national impacts by altering corporate investments, as state legislation has often done . The prospects for building electoral coalitions around climate are far greater at the subnational levels. The Yale Program on Climate Change Communication provides detailed opinion data by county, state and congressional district . Since some of the most progressive states are also among the most important economically, reforms in those places can have outsized impacts at higher levels. A rare bright spot in the 2024 election was a referendum in Washington State, where 60 percent of voters rejected an effort to repeal the state’s climate legislation. That win followed a coalitional mobilization by almost 600 organizations. Also important are local-level laws that ban new gas hookups , improve energy efficiency standards, build community solar and otherwise cut fossil fuel demand. Those projects face challenges , particularly since this type of initiative is still new in the U.S. But they are clearly worrisome to gas companies for the signal they send investors about the industry’s long-term outlook. Predictably, polluters have directed their proxies in friendly courts and state governments to prohibit local restrictions on fossil fuels. For those who work, study, travel, or otherwise participate in institutions that consume lots of dirty energy, decarbonizing them is an important contribution to the climate fight. When universities replace gas boilers with heat pumps and solar panels, they deprive gas companies of some of their biggest customers. When school districts or local transportation authorities switch to electric buses, they do the same to the oil industry. Republicans will cut federal funding for many of these projects as soon as they can, so state, local and private sources of funding will become more important. Boycott campaigns could take various additional forms beyond divesting from dirty financiers and phasing out fossil fuel use. They might target specific companies that rely on sales to household consumers, such as a meat or dairy corporation linked to deforestation. They might involve the targeted punishment of companies that operate in political jurisdictions where governments allow polluters free rein, potentially including global penalties on U.S. companies. They might target businesses that operate in our towns and cities but oppose climate measures. (These municipal-level boycotts were another crucial piece of the South Africa campaign.) Any campaign with a national or global scope would need buy-in from major organizations. Serious boycotts campaigns are rare today but their potential remains great . We could muster the numbers necessary to win. Even without outreach, 26 percent of U.S. consumers already try to “punish” companies with the worst environmental records. An organized campaign by just 26 percent could wipe out many companies’ profit margins. In addition to investors and consumers, polluters need a workforce. As many progressive analysts have stressed, the movement needs to build bridges with fossil fuel workers, namely by fighting for reforms that properly compensate laid-off workers with money, retraining and/or new jobs. In the more immediate future, the movement could dedicate more energy to countering the recruitment of workers, particularly on college campuses. Companies’ fear of becoming less attractive to talented young graduates could become a significant force for internal change. Recent trends suggest the potential. Between 2017 and 2022, graduation from U.S. petroleum engineering programs plunged by 83 percent . This happened even as oil prices were rising, as Trump was trying to prop up the industry, and as other engineering programs were flourishing. Whether their concerns are moral or pragmatic, it appears few students see a future in the industry. More powerful, perhaps, would be a counterrecruitment campaign targeting one or more of the financial institutions that invest in fossil fuels. Again, those companies are more likely to abandon dirty energy than companies that specialize in it. There are growing hints of climate discontent among bank employees, which could be nurtured by organizers. Building a bigger, more combative labor movement is important to the climate struggle for at least two reasons. First, strikes are the most potent weapon for forcing the transformations we need. Climate strikes on a large scale aren’t yet plausible, but in the meantime, workers can fight for immediate workplace improvements like air-conditioning, water breaks and better ventilation. They can refuse to work in unsafe temperatures. This can be done by unionized and nonunionized workers alike, as recent workplace walkouts have shown. More ambitiously, they can force employers to reduce their own carbon pollution and to put pressure on dirty financial institutions. These actions also make employers more likely to demand policy reforms from government, including ones that restrain the fossil fuel industry. Second, labor organizing can also protect workers against the austerity and inflation that the ruling class will try to impose as the economic costs of climate destruction explode. Forcing capitalists to absorb more of those costs may also push them into political confrontation with the fossil fuel industry. The Hitlerian rhetoric of Trump’s 2024 campaign — undocumented immigrants are “poisoning the blood of our country” — is but a glimpse of the cruelty we’ll see as more fossil fuel refugees flee unlivable tropics and coastlines. Racist scapegoating will be central to the effort to shield polluters from accountability. And it will find fertile ground: Thirty-four percent of U.S. residents explicitly agree with Trump’s statement about “poisoning,” and over half now say they want more restrictions on immigration (nearly double from just a few years ago). In addition to organizing sanctuary campaigns , we’ll have to work constantly to redirect popular hatred onto the capitalist culprits while cultivating empathy for their victims. Standing with refugees is part of the larger imperative of international solidarity. Stabilizing the climate is impossible unless the Global South gets the resources it needs to decarbonize and adapt. The rich countries, led by the United States, have refused to offer adequate compensation for their carbon pollution, a stance they reaffirmed at the November 2024 COP29 meeting in Azerbaijan. On this count U.S. public opinion is more sympathetic, with most respondents supporting “aid to developing nations” for those purposes. That support would be much stronger if the public knew the true gravity of the crisis or the miserly stance of the U.S. government. (The public drastically overestimates the generosity of U.S. foreign aid, but also supports far more aid than what the government actually gives.) Climate disasters are already a significant source of inflation, including for food . We’ll see more dramatic spikes as climate breakdown causes more crop failures. Developing sustainable local agriculture and mutual aid projects of all kinds can cushion the working class while also fostering stronger community cohesion. The movement should also demand that governments create international reserves of essential commodities like food. These “buffer stocks” would buy up goods when they’re available in excess and sell them off at noninflated prices in times of shortage, thereby cushioning both producers and consumers against price shocks. We have to talk about our climate reality much more, with everyone we know and meet. Biblical hurricanes, droughts and wildfires simply have not made the climate crisis a topic of daily conversation for most U.S. residents. Two-thirds “rarely or never” discuss climate with friends or family. While some people have severe climate anxiety, most aren’t nearly anxious enough : Only 28 percent are “alarmed” by the crisis. (The rest range from “concerned” to “dismissive.”) In this context politicians find it easier to ignore the emergency or label it just another “issue.” For the minority who suffer high anxiety about the unfolding crisis, offer them ideas for collective action. For the majority who aren’t freaked out enough, urge them to tune in, and show them how the solutions will benefit them and their children. Republicans will do whatever they can to crush resistance. Protesters will be met with greater state violence. Refugees will face new levels of state terror. Public officials and employees will be fired. New laws and regulations will further criminalize “discrimination” against fossil fuels by lower levels of government. Yet two reminders are in order. First, conditions won’t be one-tenth as bad for U.S. citizens as they have been for foreign peoples, from Vietnam to El Salvador to Palestine, who have heroically resisted (and sometimes defeated) U.S. empire. Second, Trump will remain subservient to capital, and capital depends on our labor, our consumption and our quiescence. That gives us power. We will continue to have power, in 2025 and beyond, if we organize ourselves and use it.Pa. broadband authority gives laptops to libraries, nonprofits for public useWill Riley's 19 points in the 2nd half leads No. 25 Illinois past Maryland Eastern Shore 87-40

'I'm a Premier League winner and legend - now I'm facing my son in FA Cup third round'AFTER much speculation the first Riyadh Season card of 2025 is now official and it promises to be a very special night of boxing. The announcement was made tonight by Turki Alalshikh on social media platform X with promoters Frank Warren and Eddie Hearn following suit. On February 22 in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia the undisputed light heavyweight title will once again be on the line when champion Artur Beterbiev, 21-0 (20 KOs), faces Dmitry Bivol, 23-1 (12 KOs), in a rematch four months on from their first fight. That October night Beterbiev squeaked past Bivol by split decision to take home all four world titles. The result was a contentious one, however, and now the top two at 175lbs will run it back. IBF heavyweight champion Daniel Dubois, 22-2 (21 KOs), makes the second defence of his belt against former WBO titlist Joseph Parker, 35-3 (23 KOs). The Brit comes into the bout having knocked out former divisional boss Anthony Joshua but faces a rejuvenated Parker who has scored wins against Deontay Wilder and Zhilei Zhang. Shakur Stevenson, 22-0 (10 KOs) makes his first appearance on a Riyadh Season card when Matchroom’s latest marquee signing defends his WBC lightweight title against the up and coming Floyd Schofield, 18-0 (12 KOs). Stevenson had hoped to face Golden Boy Promotions’ lightweight star William Zepeda but the Mexican withdrew because of injury giving Schofield the biggest fight of his career. Britain could have another world champion by the end of the night if Hamzah Sheeraz, 21-0 (17 KOs) can dethrone WBC middleweight champion Carlos Adames, 24-1 (18 KOs). Promoter Frank Warren confirmed weeks ago that his middleweight star would fight for a world title next year with many believing it would come against the current 160lbs number one Zhanibek Alimkhanuly. That fight was put to one side, however, when Sheeraz withdrew from his mandatory position from the WBO to focus instead on the green and gold belt. The lively super welterweight scene adds another intriguing fight to its list on February 22 when Vergil Ortiz Jr, 22-0 (21 KOs), does battle with Israil Madrimov, 10-1-1 (7 KOs) for the WBC’s Interim 154lb strap. It remains to be seen, though, if Madrimov will fight on December 21 in Riyadh against Serhii Bohachuk. Their scheduled bout comes nine weeks before facing Ortiz Jr. The latter was linked to a fight against Jaron Ennis but with no agreement made the unbeaten 26-year-old gets to pit his wits against the former WBA champion Madrimov who lost narrowly to Terence Crawford in August. Another heavyweight battles lands in Riyadh on the same night when Zhilei Zhang, 27-2-1 (22 KOs), and Agit Kabayel, 25-0 (17 KOs), lock horns for the WBC Interim heavyweight belt. Zhang returned to winning way beating Wilder last time out while Kabayel has made the most of his slots on Riyadh Season cards impressing against Arslanbek Makhmudov and Frank Sanchez. Rounding off the announcement is a fight which could easily top a televised card in the UK. Joshua Buatsi, 19-0 (13 KOs), puts his world title aspirations on the line when he defends his WBO Interim belt against Callum Smith, 30-2 (22 KOs). Buatsi looked at his spiteful best beating Willy Hutchinson in September while Smith, who lost to Beterbiev in January, continues to pursue his ambitions of becoming a two-weight world champion. The hard-hitting Liverpudlian dusted off the cobwebs after a 10 month layoff by stopping Carlos Galvan in five rounds on Saturday night.Unlocking the Next Big Opportunity in Tech: Why You Should Pay Attention

Football players require sufficient time to rest and recover between matches in order to maintain peak physical condition and performance levels. When matches are played in quick succession, players may not have ample time to recover fully, increasing the risk of fatigue and susceptibility to injuries. Injuries not only affect the player individually but also impact the team's performance as a whole, potentially jeopardizing their results and ambitions for the season.USC QB Miller Moss enters transfer portal after losing starting job to Jayden Maiava

Normalcy returned to Kashmir on Sunday as flight operations resumed and several roads were cleared for traffic, following the season's heaviest snowfall that had disrupted daily life. Meanwhile, cold conditions persisted in Punjab and Haryana, with maximum temperatures remaining below normal. In Himachal Pradesh, the higher reaches experienced snowfall, with Kalpa and Kufri recording the highest precipitation. Narakanda, Keylong, and other high-altitude areas in the state also received fresh snow early Sunday. In Rajasthan, some places in the state's eastern parts received light rain while dense to very dense fog was recorded at many places. Some places also witnessed cold-day conditions. ET Year-end Special Reads What kept India's stock market investors on toes in 2024? India's car race: How far EVs went in 2024 Investing in 2025: Six wealth management trends to watch out for The Jammu and Kashmir government deployed men and machinery to restore services following Saturday's heavy snowfall that disrupted connectivity. The snowfall, being dubbed as among the heaviest in recent memory, began on Friday evening and continued into Saturday. Chief Minister Omar Abdullah commended the efforts of various departments involved in the restoration process. In a post on X, he praised the power department for effectively managing outages. He also lauded the roads and buildings department for its effective snow clearance operations. 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The Srinagar-Jammu national highway, crucial for connecting the valley with the rest of the country, was also reopened for vehicular traffic after a day's closure. However, commuters were advised to exercise caution, particularly between Banihal and Qazigund, where roads remained slippery. Several key interdistrict routes, including Mughal Road and Sinthan Pass, continue to be closed due to heavy snow accumulation. Saturday's snowfall had significantly impacted air, rail and road traffic. In neighbouring Punjab, and Haryana, a thick blanket of fog reduced visibility early in the morning at several places, according to the Met office. In Haryana, severe cold prevailed during the day at most places. The maximum temperature in Ambala was recorded at 15.8 degrees Celsius, Hisar 13.6 degrees, Karnal 13 degrees, Rohtak 12.2 degrees, Sirsa 13.4 degrees and Gurugram 13.2 degrees. In Punjab, Amritsar registered a day temperature of 16.7 degrees Celsius and Ludhiana 16 degrees. Delhi, on the other hand, recorded a maximum temperature of 18 degrees Celsius, two notches below normal, the India Meteorological Department said. The minimum temperature was at 13 degrees Celsius, six notches above normal. In Rajasthan, Kota recorded light rain in the 24-hour period ending at 8:30 am while the weather remained dry in the state's western parts. The highest maximum temperature in the state was recorded in Barmer at 24.5 degrees Celsius. (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel )Puzzling Proposed Trade Scenario Should Draw Ire From Spurs Fans

Jimmy Carter: Many evolutions for a centenarian ‘citizen of the world’None

NEW YORK (AP) — The man accused of burning a woman to death inside a New York City subway train used a shirt to fan the flames, causing her to become engulfed in fire, a prosecutor said Tuesday at his arraignment on murder charges that could put him in prison for life. Sebastian Zapeta, 33, who federal immigration officials said is a Guatemalan citizen who entered the U.S. illegally, was not required to enter a plea and did not speak at the hearing in Brooklyn criminal court. Zapeta, wearing a white jumpsuit over a weathered black hooded sweatshirt, will remain jailed and is due back in court on Friday. His lawyer did not ask for bail. Zapeta is charged with two counts of murder, accusing him of intentionally killing the woman and killing her while committing arson. He is also charged with one count of arson. The top charge carries a maximum sentence of life in prison without parole. Brooklyn District Attorney Eric Gonzalez called the attack a “gruesome and senseless act of violence” and said it would be “met with the most serious consequences.” The apparently random attack occurred Sunday morning on an F train that was stopped at the Coney Island station. Police said Tuesday the victim's identification is still pending. Authorities say Zapeta approached the woman, who may have been sleeping in the train, and set her clothing on fire with a lighter. Zapeta then fanned the flames with a shirt, engulfing her in fire, Assistant District Attorney Ari Rottenberg said in court Tuesday. Zapeta then sat on a bench on the subway platform and watched, police said. According to Rottenberg, Zapeta told detectives that he didn’t know what happened but identified himself in images of the attack. Zapeta's lawyer, Ed Friedman, did not speak to reporters after the arraignment. Video on social media appears to show some people looking on from the platform and at least one police officer walking by while the woman is on fire inside the train. NYPD Transit Chief Joseph Gulotta said Sunday that several officers responded to the fire and one stayed to keep the crime scene “the way it’s supposed to be" while the others went to get fire extinguishers and transit workers. “Officers who were on patrol on an upper level of that station smelled and saw smoke and went to investigate. What they saw was a person standing inside the train car fully engulfed in flames,” Police Commissioner Jessica Tisch said. They eventually put the fire out, but “unfortunately, it was too late,” Tisch said, and the woman was pronounced dead at the scene. Zapeta was taken into custody Sunday afternoon while riding a train on the same subway line after teenagers recognized him from images circulated by the police. A Brooklyn address for Zapeta released by police matches a shelter that provides housing and substance abuse support. The shelter did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Federal immigration officials said Zapeta was deported in 2018 but later reentered the U.S. illegally. The crime deepened a growing sense of unease among some New Yorkers about the safety of the subway system, amplified by graphic video of the attack that ricocheted across social media. Overall, crime is down in the transit system compared to last year. Major felonies declined 6% between January and November compared to the same time period last year, according to data from the Metropolitan Transportation Authority. But murders are up, with nine killings this year through November compared to five during the same period last year. Earlier this month, a Manhattan jury acquitted former Marine Daniel Penny in the chokehold death last year of an agitated subway rider. The case became a flashpoint in debates over safety, homelessness and mental illness on the system. Policing the subway is difficult, given the vast network of trains moving between 472 stations. Each stop contains multiple entry points and, in many stations, multiple floors and platforms.

The construction of the new house is not just a matter of bricks and mortar; it is a labor of love and a testament to the enduring bond between mother and son. Tang has spared no effort in ensuring that every detail of the house is perfect, from the design and layout to the materials used. He wants his mother to feel proud and happy in her new home, a place that reflects her warmth, kindness, and loving spirit.Dana Hull | (TNS) Bloomberg News Jared Birchall, Elon Musk’s money manager and the head of his family office, is listed as the chief executive officer. Jehn Balajadia, a longtime Musk aide who has worked at SpaceX and the Boring Co., is named as an official contact. Related Articles National Politics | Biden will decide on US Steel acquisition after influential panel fails to reach consensus National Politics | Biden vetoes once-bipartisan effort to add 66 federal judgeships, citing ‘hurried’ House action National Politics | A history of the Panama Canal — and why Trump can’t take it back on his own National Politics | President-elect Trump wants to again rename North America’s tallest peak National Politics | Inside the Gaetz ethics report, a trove of new details alleging payments for sex and drug use But they’re not connected to Musk’s new technology venture, or the political operation that’s endeared him to Donald Trump. Instead, they’re tied to the billionaire’s new Montessori school outside Bastrop, Texas, called Ad Astra, according to documents filed with state authorities and obtained via a Texas Public Information Act request. The world’s richest person oversees an overlapping empire of six companies — or seven, if you include his political action committee. Alongside rockets, electric cars, brain implants, social media and the next Trump administration, he is increasingly focused on education, spanning preschool to college. One part of his endeavor was revealed last year, when Bloomberg News reported that his foundation had set aside roughly $100 million to create a technology-focused primary and secondary school in Austin, with eventual plans for a university. An additional $137 million in cash and stock was allotted last year, according to the most recent tax filing for the Musk Foundation. Ad Astra is closer to fruition. The state documents show Texas authorities issued an initial permit last month, clearing the way for the center to operate with as many as 21 pupils. Ad Astra’s website says it’s “currently open to all children ages 3 to 9.” The school’s account on X includes job postings for an assistant teacher for preschool and kindergarten and an assistant teacher for students ages 6 to 9. To run the school, Ad Astra is partnering with a company that has experience with billionaires: Xplor Education, which developed Hala Kahiki Montessori school in Lanai, Hawaii, the island 98% owned by Oracle Corp. founder Larry Ellison. Ad Astra sits on a highway outside Bastrop, a bedroom community about 30 miles from Austin and part of a region that’s home to several of Musk’s businesses. On a visit during a recent weekday morning, there was a single Toyota Prius in the parking lot and no one answered the door at the white building with a gray metal roof. The school’s main entrance was blocked by a gate, and there was no sign of any children on the grounds. But what information there is about Ad Astra makes it sound like a fairly typical, if high-end, Montessori preschool. The proposed schedule includes “thematic, STEM-based activities and projects” as well as outdoor play and nap time. A sample snack calendar features carrots and hummus. While Birchall’s and Balajadia’s names appear in the application, it isn’t clear that they’ll have substantive roles at the school once it’s operational. Musk, Birchall and Balajadia didn’t respond to emailed questions. A phone call and email to the school went unanswered. Access to high quality, affordable childcare is a huge issue for working parents across the country, and tends to be an especially vexing problem in rural areas like Bastrop. Many families live in “childcare deserts” where there is either not a facility or there isn’t an available slot. Opening Ad Astra gives Musk a chance to showcase his vision for education, and his support for the hands-on learning and problem solving that are a hallmark of his industrial companies. His public comments about learning frequently overlap with cultural concerns popular among conservatives and the Make America Great Again crowd, often focusing on what he sees as young minds being indoctrinated by teachers spewing left-wing propaganda. He has railed against diversity, equity and inclusion efforts, and in August posted that “a lot of schools are teaching white boys to hate themselves.” Musk’s educational interests dovetail with his new role as Trump’s “first buddy.” The billionaire has pitched a role for himself that he — and now the incoming Trump administration — call “DOGE,” or the Department of Government Efficiency. Though it’s not an actual department, DOGE now posts on X, the social media platform that Musk owns. “The Department of Education spent over $1 billion promoting DEI in America’s schools,” the account posted Dec. 12. Back in Texas, Bastrop is quickly becoming a key Musk point of interest. The Boring Co., his tunneling venture, is based in an unincorporated area there. Across the road, SpaceX produces Starlink satellites at a 500,000-square-foot (46,000-square-meter) facility. Nearby, X is constructing a building for trust and safety workers. Musk employees, as well as the general public, can grab snacks at the Boring Bodega, a convenience store housed within Musk’s Hyperloop Plaza, which also contains a bar, candy shop and hair salon. Ad Astra is just a five-minute drive away. It seems to have been designed with the children of Musk’s employees — if not Musk’s own offspring — in mind. Musk has fathered at least 12 children, six of them in the last five years. “Ad Astra’s mission is to foster curiosity, creativity, and critical thinking in the next generation of problem solvers and builders,” reads the school’s website. A job posting on the website of the Montessori Institute of North Texas says “While their parents support the breakthroughs that expand the realm of human possibility, their children will grow into the next generation of innovators in a way that only authentic Montessori can provide.” The school has hired an executive director, according to documents Bloomberg obtained from Texas Health and Human Services. Ad Astra is located on 40 acres of land, according to the documents, which said a 4,000-square-foot house would be remodeled for the preschool. It isn’t uncommon for entrepreneurs to take an interest in education, according to Bill Gormley, a professor emeritus at the McCourt School of Public Policy at Georgetown University who studies early childhood education. Charles Butt, the chairman of the Texas-based H-E-B grocery chain, has made public education a focus of his philanthropy. Along with other business and community leaders, Butt founded “Raise Your Hand Texas,” which advocates on school funding, teacher workforce and retention issues and fully funding pre-kindergarten. “Musk is not the only entrepreneur to recognize the value of preschool for Texas workers,” Gormley said. “A lot of politicians and business people get enthusiastic about education in general — and preschool in particular — because they salivate at the prospect of a better workforce.” Political Moves Musk spent much of October actively campaigning for Trump’s presidential effort, becoming the most prolific donor of the election cycle. He poured at least $274 million into political groups in 2024, including $238 million to America PAC, the political action committee he founded. While the vast majority of money raised by America PAC came from Musk himself, it also had support from other donors. Betsy DeVos, who served as education secretary in Trump’s first term, donated $250,000, federal filings show. The Department of Education is already in the new administration’s cross hairs. Trump campaigned on the idea of disbanding the department and dismantling diversity initiatives, and he has also taken aim at transgender rights. “Rather than indoctrinating young people with inappropriate racial, sexual, and political material, which is what we’re doing now, our schools must be totally refocused to prepare our children to succeed in the world of work,” Trump wrote in Agenda 47, his campaign platform. Musk has three children with the musician Grimes and three with Shivon Zilis, who in the past was actively involved at Neuralink, his brain machine interface company. All are under the age of five. Musk took X, his son with Grimes, with him on a recent trip to Capitol Hill. After his visit, he shared a graphic that showed the growth of administrators in America’s public schools since 2000. Tuition Costs Musk is a fan of hands-on education. During a Tesla earnings call in 2018, he talked about the need for more electricians as the electric-car maker scaled up the energy side of its business. On the Joe Rogan podcast in 2020, Musk said that “too many smart people go into finance and law.” “I have a lot of respect for people who work with their hands and we need electricians and plumbers and carpenters,” Musk said while campaigning for Trump in Pennsylvania in October. “That’s a lot more important than having incremental political science majors.” Ad Astra’s website says the cost of tuition will be initially subsidized, but in future years “tuition will be in line with local private schools that include an extended day program.” “I do think we need significant reform in education,” Musk said at a separate Trump campaign event. “The priority should be to teach kids skills that they will find useful later in life, and to leave any sort of social propaganda out of the classroom.” With assistance from Sophie Alexander and Kara Carlson. ©2024 Bloomberg News. Visit at bloomberg.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.