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Packers fail yet again to produce a premier performance against a top NFC team in loss to Vikings MINNEAPOLIS (AP) — The top of the NFC standings are towering over the Green Bay Packers as they move toward the playoffs, casting a long shadow shaped like Vikings, Lions and Eagles over what has been an otherwise-promising season on both sides of th Dave Campbell, The Associated Press Dec 29, 2024 7:25 PM Dec 29, 2024 7:35 PM Share by Email Share on Facebook Share on X Share on LinkedIn Print Share via Text Message Green Bay Packers' Jordan Love walks off the field after an NFL football game against the Minnesota Vikings Sunday, Dec. 29, 2024, in Minneapolis. (AP Photo/Abbie Parr) MINNEAPOLIS (AP) — The top of the NFC standings are towering over the Green Bay Packers as they move toward the playoffs, casting a long shadow shaped like Vikings, Lions and Eagles over what has been an otherwise-promising season on both sides of the ball. For as well as the Packers (11-5) had been playing down the stretch, they left Minnesota with a rather murky outlook for the playoffs after stumbling into a 17-point deficit that proved too large for their late surge in the 27-25 loss to the Vikings on Sunday . “They continued to compete and battle, but you just can’t do that against good teams. The margins in this league, especially against a good football team, are razor thin," coach Matt LaFleur said. "I don’t think we were at our best, but that’s a credit to them in our slow start — and that’s me as much as anybody.” The Packers gained 126 yards in the fourth quarter and still finished with a season-low 271 yards. The defense allowed 441 yards, which was also a season worst. The most glaring set of numbers after this frustrating afternoon, though, was this: 0-5. That's Green Bay's record against the top three teams in the NFC: Minnesota, Detroit and Philadelphia. There's no shame in losing to those opponents that carry a combined 40-7 record into Monday, particularly when four of those defeats — save for the 10-point loss to the Lions on Nov. 3 — came by a total of 12 points. “It’s not about who we can and can’t beat. We can beat everybody. If we figure out how to finish, we’ll win games,” cornerback Keisean Nixon said. But the Packers will more than likely be on the road the entire time they're alive in the playoffs, so any path to the Super Bowl would undoubtedly trigger rematches with one, two or even all three teams from that daunting trio. The Packers clearly aren't overmatched by the Vikings, Lions or Eagles, but in games against those premier foes that significantly shrink the margins for error the Packers have shown a troubling pattern of not meeting the moment with too many ill-timed mistakes and not enough big-time plays. “It's hard when you put yourself in a hole and are down early and just kind of shooting yourself in the foot,” quarterback Jordan Love said. “There’s so much stuff to clean up and get better at, but I think we’re still a really good team. We can put up points. But when you put yourself in a hole, it’s just hard to climb out of that hole. And when it’s a good team like the Vikings, you know, it just makes it even tougher.” The red flag came right away. Josh Jacobs, the NFL 's fourth-leading rusher, had just given the Packers a second first down on the opening drive of the game when defensive tackle Jerry Tillery pushed the ball out and safety Cam Bynum recovered at the Minnesota 38. Jacobs had gone 11 straight games without fumbling until losing one at Seattle on Dec. 15. Now he has coughed up the ball twice in three games. “I feel like it drained the energy out of the team just starting early,” Jacobs said. “I take it personal on getting the team to start fast and things like that. Yeah, that’s on me.” Though the Vikings punted on the subsequent possession, they moved the ball enough to flip the field position. Perhaps wary of the fumble getting in Jacobs' head, LaFleur then called three straight passes from their own 15-yard line, and Love was off the mark on all three to force a punt. After a breakout performance here a year ago in a 33-10 victory over the Vikings that helped the Packers squeak into the playoffs after a rough start and ride the momentum through a first-round win at Dallas, Love looked awfully amid the cocktail of blitzes ordered by Vikings defensive coordinator Brian Flores that fueled a fierce pass rush. He finished 19 for 30 for 185 yards and one touchdown. “They do a good job of keeping a lid on the coverage. That’s how they play," LaFleur said. "We knew that going in, so there was going to be minimal opportunities to push the ball down the field. You've got to be super efficient. You've got to stay on schedule because once they get you into third down, that’s where they’re really good.” ___ AP NFL: https://apnews.com/hub/NFL Dave Campbell, The Associated Press See a typo/mistake? Have a story/tip? This has been shared 0 times 0 Shares Share by Email Share on Facebook Share on X Share on LinkedIn Print Share via Text Message Get your daily Victoria news briefing Email Sign Up More Football (NFL) Browns' Myles Garrett makes history with 2 sacks, but another loss leaves him frustrated Dec 29, 2024 6:53 PM Darnold gives Vikings another gem with career-high 377 yards in 27-25 win over Packers Dec 29, 2024 6:26 PM NFC's No. 1 seed comes down to Vikings-Lions showdown at Detroit in Week 18 Dec 29, 2024 6:16 PMHow Personality Shapes Innovation: A Deep Dive into Personality Types, Technology, and Elon Musk

UniAbuja Council Approves Promotion Of 154 Staff, Elevates 33 Professional Rank

"I do not believe that I am a weak prime minister. That is is for the historians to judge." Manmohan Singh - a scholar and a statesman who served as the 13th Prime Minister of India breathed his last on December 26 at AIIMS, Delhi, leaving behind a legacy of initiatives. In 2014, when Singh passed on the baton to Narendra Modi, said - "I do not believe that I am a weak prime minister and his legacy is marked by his transformative role in shaping the nation’s economic reforms, his quiet yet resolute leadership, and his dedication to India's progress on the global stage. Born on September 26, 1932, in the small village of Gah, Punjab—now in Pakistan—Manmohan Singh's story is one of quiet determination, perseverance, and remarkable intellect. Gah, a tranquil village nestled in the heart of what was then undivided India, seemed an unlikely birthplace for a man who would later become one of the world’s most revered economists. But from the very beginning, it was clear that Singh was destined for greatness. From Amritsar to Cambridge and Oxford In the post-partition chaos, the Singh family relocated to India, and it was in the city of Amritsar that Manmohan Singh began to show the brilliance that would define his future. His thirst for knowledge and an unrelenting pursuit of education led him to Panjab University, where he completed his undergraduate studies. It was here that his passion for economics began to take shape, but the story was far from over. Singh's aspirations pushed him beyond the borders of India, and soon, he found himself at the prestigious Cambridge University in the United Kingdom, where he earned a degree in Economics. It was at Cambridge that Singh honed his analytical skills and developed a deep understanding of economic theory, ideas that would later become the foundation of his transformative career. But his journey was not just about acquiring degrees; it was about shaping a future that would transcend his humble beginnings. Determined to push the boundaries of knowledge further, Singh continued his academic journey at Oxford University, where he earned a DPhil in Economics. It was at Oxford, amidst the ancient halls and a legacy of intellectual rigor, that Singh's ideas began to crystallize. Little did the world know at the time, but the seeds of economic reforms that would later reshape India were already being sown. From the quiet classrooms of Cambridge and Oxford, Singh emerged not just as an academic, but as a visionary. His intellectual foundation, laid in these hallowed institutions, would propel him onto the global stage as one of the most respected economists of his time. The quiet village boy from Gah had begun a journey that would eventually change the course of India's history, a journey that blended intellectual brilliance with a deep sense of purpose and commitment to his country’s progress. In a 2005 interview with the British journalist Mark Tully, Singh said about his Cambridge days: "I first became conscious of the creative role of politics in shaping human affairs, and I owe that mostly to my teachers Joan Robinson and Nicholas Kaldor." A Man With Many Masteries After completing his D.Phil. in Economics at Oxford University, he returned to India, where he began to make significant contributions to the country's academic and economic landscape. Here is a brief look at his early career: Panjab University (1957–1965): After returning to India, Singh started his teaching career as a senior lecturer in Economics at Panjab University from 1957 to 1959. He then advanced to the position of Reader in Economics from 1959 to 1963, before being appointed as a full Professor of Economics from 1963 to 1965. His time at Panjab University helped him establish a strong academic foundation and a reputation for being a brilliant economist. United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) (1966–1969): Seeking to broaden his exposure to global economic affairs, Singh joined the UNCTAD from 1966 to 1969. During this period, he gained valuable experience in international trade and economic development, which later influenced his policy approach when he returned to India. Advisor to Ministry of Foreign Trade (1969–1971): Recognising Singh’s talent, Lalit Narayan Mishra, the then Minister of Foreign Trade, appointed him as an advisor. This role marked the beginning of Singh's close involvement with India's economic policymaking. Delhi School of Economics (1969–1971): Simultaneously, Singh served as a Professor of International Trade at the Delhi School of Economics. His academic pursuits continued alongside his advisory roles, and his work in international trade began to gain prominence in academic and policy circles. Chief Economic Adviser, Ministry of Finance (1972–1976): In 1972, Singh was appointed Chief Economic Adviser in the Ministry of Finance, where he played a critical role in shaping India's economic policies, especially in the post-independence era. Secretary, Ministry of Finance (1976–1980): Singh’s leadership and economic expertise were further recognized when he was appointed Secretary in the Ministry of Finance in 1976. In this capacity, he played an important role in advising the government on macroeconomic policy. Planning Commission (1980–1982): From 1980 to 1982, Singh served in the Planning Commission, where he worked on India’s long-term economic planning and helped shape the country’s development strategy. Governor, Reserve Bank of India (1982–1985): In 1982, Singh was appointed Governor of the Reserve Bank of India. During his tenure, he worked on stabilizing the country’s financial system and contributed to formulating policies to deal with inflation and currency management. Deputy Chairman, Planning Commission (1985–1987): Singh's next role was as the Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission, where he continued to shape India’s economic policies, focusing on areas such as infrastructure development and industrial growth. Secretary General, South Commission (1987–1990): After his tenure in India, Singh moved to Geneva, Switzerland, where he served as the Secretary General of the South Commission from 1987 to 1990. The South Commission was an independent economic policy think tank that focused on the economic needs of developing countries. Economic Advisor to the Prime Minister (1990–1991): Upon returning to India in 1990, Singh was appointed as Economic Advisor to the Prime Minister, providing valuable counsel during a period of economic uncertainty and reform. Chairman, University Grants Commission (1991): In March 1991, Singh was appointed as the Chairman of the University Grants Commission (UGC). This role allowed him to contribute to the improvement of higher education in India. Unexpected Appointment As FM Dr. Manmohan Singh’s entry into politics was almost by accident, yet his influence on India’s political and economic landscape would go on to define his career. Known for his scholarly approach and unassuming nature, Singh was not initially inclined toward politics. But in June 1991, his life took a dramatic turn when he was unexpectedly chosen by then-Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao to become the Finance Minister of India. In a candid conversation with British journalist Mark Tully in 2005, Singh recalled how this pivotal moment unfolded. "On the day (Rao) was formulating his cabinet, he sent his Principal Secretary to me saying, 'The PM would like you to become the Minister of Finance'. I didn’t take it seriously. He eventually tracked me down the next morning, rather angry, and demanded that I get dressed up and come to Rashtrapati Bhavan for the swearing in. So that’s how I started in politics." This unexpected appointment marked the beginning of a political journey that would see Singh lead India through some of its most significant economic transformations. At that time, India was in the midst of a severe economic crisis, with a fiscal deficit near 8.5% of GDP and foreign reserves that could cover only two weeks of imports. India had to seek a bailout from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which came with strict conditions, including the dismantling of the License Raj. Singh, alongside P. Chidambaram, pushed for economic deregulation, even though the Congress party initially resisted. Singh’s policies, which included reducing government control, slashing import duties, and encouraging Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), marked a shift from India’s socialist model to a more market-driven economy. These reforms paved the way for India’s rapid economic growth in the years to follow. In 1993, Singh briefly offered his resignation after a parliamentary report criticized his ministry’s handling of a major securities scandal, but Prime Minister Rao rejected it and instead promised accountability for those involved. Singh was elected to the Rajya Sabha in 1991, and served as the Leader of the Opposition between 1998 and 2004, when the BJP was in power. In 1999, he contested the Lok Sabha elections from South Delhi but was unsuccessful. Ultimately, Singh’s political legacy is most closely tied to his leadership as Finance Minister, where he reshaped India’s economy. His role in India’s 1991 economic liberalisation is often compared to global economic reformers like Deng Xiaoping of China, establishing him as one of the key architects of modern India’s economic rise. The Accidental Prime Minister? In the 2004 general elections, the Indian National Congress (INC) emerged as the largest party in the Lok Sabha, ending the tenure of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). Rather than claiming the prime ministership for herself, Sonia Gandhi, the Congress chairperson, made a surprising move by nominating Dr. Manmohan Singh, a respected economist and technocrat, as the UPA's candidate for Prime Minister. Singh had never contested a direct election, but his image as a clean politician untouched by corruption earned him widespread support, with many seeing him as a refreshing alternative to the political establishment. On May 22, 2004, Dr. Manmohan Singh took the oath of office as Prime Minister of India. His appointment, though unconventional, marked the start of a new chapter in Indian politics, driven by his competence and integrity. Singh’s leadership would guide India through a period of significant economic growth, while his reputation for transparency and good governance solidified his place in the country’s political history. During his first term as Prime Minister from 2004 to 2009, Dr. Manmohan Singh oversaw a series of landmark initiatives that shaped India’s future and improved the lives of millions. One of his most significant achievements was the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) of 2005, which provided 100 days of paid work annually to rural households, benefiting hundreds of millions of people. Singh also launched the National Rural Health Mission, aiming to improve healthcare services in rural areas, and introduced the Right to Education Act, which made education a fundamental right for children aged 6 to 14. Additionally, Singh’s government passed the Forest Rights Act to recognize the rights of traditional forest-dwelling communities, and established the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), strengthening national security. His administration also set up the National Investigation Agency (NIA) to combat terrorism and other national threats. A significant technological milestone during his tenure was the creation of the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), which introduced Aadhaar, the world’s largest biometric identification system, providing a unique identity to over 1.3 billion Indians. The Singh Is King Moment In the 2009 general elections, the United Progressive Alliance (UPA), led by Manmohan Singh, achieved a resounding victory, securing a comfortable majority in the 15th Lok Sabha. Singh became the first Prime Minister since Jawaharlal Nehru to win re-election after completing a full five-year term. His second term began with much optimism, as the country recognised his leadership in steering India through the global financial crisis. The media and the public, impressed by his political acumen and economic expertise, started referring to him as "Singh is King", a nod to his growing stature as a strong and effective leader. While his second term saw continued economic growth, it was also marred by a series of scandals and corruption allegations. The coal scam and the 2G spectrum scam tarnished the government's image, with accusations of mismanagement and corruption during Singh’s tenure as coal minister. The CAG report in 2012 revealed a loss of over Rs 1.85 trillion due to the coal block allocation process, and Singh’s refusal to testify before a Joint Parliamentary Committee in 2013 added fuel to the controversy. Despite these challenges, Singh's achievements during this period included the successful implementation of several economic reforms and initiatives aimed at strengthening India's infrastructure and social welfare programs, including continued support for initiatives like Aadhaar and rural employment programs. However, the second term would be remembered more for the political turbulence and corruption scandals that surrounded his leadership. Major Achievements: The Civil Nuclear Deal The Civil Nuclear Deal with the United States in 2008 stands as one of his signature achievements. Singh's government deftly navigated the political and diplomatic challenges to secure a deal that was vital to India’s energy future. "India will continue to strive to build a just, equitable, and sustainable world order. We are committed to an open world economy where all nations have the opportunity to progress," he stated during the signing of the deal, underscoring his vision for India as a global partner. While his second term as Prime Minister faced significant challenges, including corruption scandals and the rise of regional political forces, Singh's reputation for integrity remained largely untarnished. His ability to remain focused on long-term goals amidst short-term crises was a testament to his strength of character. A Man of Humility and Integrity Dr. Singh's leadership style was characterized by humility and a focus on service over self. Known for his modesty, he preferred a simple lifestyle far removed from the extravagance often associated with power. In his personal life, he was a family man, married to Sonia Gandhi in 1969, and his family remained a source of strength throughout his career. Dr. Singh’s personal reflections on leadership were often quiet yet profound: "Leadership is about creating a shared vision and empowering others to realize that vision. It is not about power or fame." His integrity and intellect shaped the course of modern India, and his role in India's post-independence growth will be remembered as one of the most significant in the nation's history. Among the many awards and honours conferred upon Dr. Singh in his public career, the most prominent are India’s second highest civilian honour, the Padma Vibhushan (1987); the Jawaharlal Nehru Birth Centenary Award of the Indian Science Congress (1995); the Asia Money Award for Finance Minister of the Year (1993 and 1994); the Euro Money Award for Finance Minister of the Year (1993), the Adam Smith Prize of the University of Cambridge (1956); and the Wright’s Prize for Distinguished Performance at St. John’s College in Cambridge (1955). Dr. Singh has also been honoured by a number of other associations including the Japanese Nihon Keizai Shimbun. Dr. Singh is a recipient of honorary degrees from many universities including the Universities of Cambridge and Oxford. Dr. Manmohan Singh is survived by his wife, children, and grandchildren, and will be remembered as one of the most influential figures in India's post-independence history. As a nation mourns his loss, his legacy of integrity, wisdom, and economic foresight will remain a beacon for generations to come. May his soul rest in peace. Get Latest News Live on Times Now along with Breaking News and Top Headlines from India and around the world.New Delhi, Dec. 26, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- The global mobile crushers and screeners market is projected to hit the market valuation of US$ 6.84 billion by 2033 from US$ 4.20 billion in 2024 at a CAGR of 5.56% during the forecast period 2025–2033. The mobile crushers and screeners market experiences significant demand from construction, mining, and recycling industries, largely attributed to the surge in urbanization and the need for on-site material processing. For instance, India’s National Infrastructure Pipeline plans to invest over US$1.4 trillion by 2025, fueling extensive road, railway, and commercial projects that rely on mobile equipment to reduce transportation costs. Meanwhile, China’s urban population recently surpassed 850 million, highlighting the intense need for efficient material processing across major cities. Brazil’s mining production, which includes over 400 million metric tons of iron ore, drives increased adoption of flexible machinery capable of handling large volumes. In parallel, Africa’s urban population is projected to triple by 2050, further intensifying infrastructure activities where mobile crushers and screeners offer agility and cost advantages. Download a detailed overview: https://www.astuteanalytica.com/request-sample/mobile-crushers-and-screeners-market Opportunities in the mobile crushers and screeners market arise from advanced technologies that enhance equipment capabilities. The global industrial IoT market reached an estimated value of US$300 billion in 2023, prompting manufacturers to integrate automation, telematics, and IoT into mobile crushers for real-time monitoring, predictive maintenance, and improved safety. Stringent environmental regulations worldwide have also promoted recycling and sustainable practices, incentivizing the adoption of screeners to manage construction waste and transform it into reusable materials. In Europe, which aims to recycle at least 70% of construction waste, demand for low-emission, fuel-efficient machinery continues to climb. The US infrastructure bill has allocated significant funds to upgrade roads, bridges, and public transport, creating multiple projects that benefit from mobile crushing solutions. Similarly, Japan’s focus on the upcoming 2025 World Expo underscores the demand for rapid, on-site material processing. Another influential driver in the mobile crushers and screeners market is the rise of rental services, which account for over 30% of equipment usage among small operators, offering a cost-effective option for those hesitant to commit to full ownership. Australia’s approved mining projects, valued in the billions, often rely on rental agreements to scale operations efficiently. This rental trend intersects with a growing emphasis on fuel efficiency and electric-powered equipment, reflecting worldwide efforts to reduce carbon footprints. Combined with Europe’s continued focus on green initiatives, these developments underscore why mobile crushers and screeners remain crucial for infrastructure expansion, mining activities, and sustainable waste management on a global scale. Key Findings in Mobile Crushers and Screeners Market Latest Developments in Global Movements Shaping The Mobile Crushers And Screeners Market The mobile crushers and screeners market is witnessing a wave of new developments driving higher asset utilization, improved user experience, and innovative approaches to meeting sustainability goals. Certain brands have over 900 authenticated dealership networks that distribute modern units with real-time data analytics. More than 6,000 advanced hybrid crushers are now in operation worldwide, signaling a shift toward cleaner technology. Some of the largest rental fleets include as many as 1,500 portable crushing and screening machines, reflecting a growing preference for flexible, short-term contracts. Construction firms have expanded their fleets by 8,000 additional units this year, aiming to cope with elaborate urban infrastructural demands. In tandem with environmental mandates, at least 15 major manufacturers have introduced electric-driven crushers that help cut carbon emissions by substantial margins each project. The cost of low-emission machines has hit about 520,000 USD for standard mid-tier models. Asia-Pacific leads the mobile crushers and screeners market in adopting multi-functional screeners, logging over 2,200 new equipment deliveries since January 2023. Telematics integration is more prominent than ever, with up to 2,500 connected units sending performance metrics to centralized dashboards daily. Research institutes highlight technological collaborations, where 25 universities are working on AI-driven improvements for crushing efficiency. Industry observers also note that the combined capacity of newly sold mobile crushers and screeners can exceed 105 million tons of processed material annually. These advancements, fueled by environmental considerations and rapid construction initiatives, are repositioning the market for robust growth and operational breakthroughs over the coming years. Global Shifts Spotlight The Evolving Mobile Crushers And Screeners Market Recent trends underscore a substantial push toward multi-functional, eco-conscious solutions in the mobile crushers and screeners arena. Global valuation has inched up to nearly US$ 4.7 billion in 2023, reflecting new infrastructure investments and a demand for on-site recycling measures. An impressive 6,500 brand-new units have come online in the past eight months, indicating an acceleration in adoption. In Europe, a thriving retrofit market valued at about US$ 780 million caters to operators upgrading older machines to meet stricter emission rules. More than 3,200 crushers worldwide are now equipped with AI-based monitoring to optimize fuel usage and minimize downtime. The largest rental fleet in North America, which hosts over 1,700 mobile machines, has reported a spike in short-term lease agreements as construction firms strive for project flexibility. Catering to evolving workforce needs, over 85 specialized training programs have been established to elevate skill sets in operating and maintaining advanced crushers. Industry events are also seeing fresh momentum: one major expo in Asia mobile crushers and screeners market drew 25,000 visitors exclusively from the crushing and screening domain earlier this year. This surge in interest has benefited manufacturers, who now boast shortened lead times, with new orders being fulfilled in around 10 weeks instead of the former 14. Governments are further stimulating sales by offering up to 200,000 USD in tax incentives for each certified low-emission model purchased. Additionally, the discovery of more than 45 new mineral sites across developing regions has triggered a spike in demand for mobile screeners specialized in high-volume sifting operations. These collective shifts point to a highly dynamic sector—one in which innovations and regulatory imperatives converge to redefine how crushing and screening machines are designed, deployed, and maintained. Crushers Outpacing Screeners: How Jaw, Impact, And Cone Technologies Dominate The Mobile Market Mobile crushers—particularly jaw, impact, and cone variants—are fast overtaking screeners in the mobile crushers and screeners market when it comes on-site capability, scale, and overall market demand. One key factor is raw power: a single mobile cone crusher can process up to 300 tons of material per hour. Versatility is another driver, as these units adeptly handle recycled asphalt, concrete debris, and even primary hard-rock applications. An estimated 21,000 jaw crushers are in operation at construction sites worldwide, many of which are chosen for their ease of setup, mobility, and consistent throughput. On the economic front, crushers minimize transportation costs by allowing materials to be processed directly on-site. Instead of hauling large volumes of unprocessed rock to central plants, contractors can crush it where they work, saving both labor and fuel. Rapid urban development across Asia, Europe, and North America continues to expand highways and infrastructure, further fueling this surge in crusher demand. Several leading manufacturers have recorded combined annual revenues surpassing US$800 million from mobile crushers, reflecting robust interest from major construction firms. As sustainable practices become more urgent, operators also view mobile crushers as an efficient way to recycle aggregates and reduce environmental impact, ensuring that these crushing technologies maintain their clear lead over screeners in today’s market. Ask For Customization @ https://www.astuteanalytica.com/ask-for-customization/mobile-crushers-and-screeners-market Mining and Quarry Applications to Remain at the Top of Mobile Crushers and Screeners Market with 31% Market Share The mining and quarry industries stand as the largest consumers of mobile crushers and screeners because these operations demand consistent, large-scale volume management. As of 2023, the worldwide deployment of mobile crushers and screeners in mining and quarry sites is valued at roughly US$1.6 billion. Some large-scale mines handle daily loads exceeding 200,000 tons of extracted material, intensifying the need for high-capacity crushers that can operate continuously in rugged conditions. Meanwhile, one top-tier European quarry manages nearly 1,000 tons of aggregate each hour using modern mobile crushing rigs, showcasing the sheer scale at which these machines work. Expanding mining activities in regions such as Africa, Latin America, and Asia-Pacific mobile crushers and screeners market further amplify demand for portable hardware that can navigate remote sites. Leading manufacturers have collectively shipped over 12,000 units specifically targeted for mining uses this year, underscoring the sector’s appetite for advanced equipment. Beyond extraction volume, evolving regulations on emissions and reclamation underscore the appeal of mobile crushers and screeners: these units reduce material transport and lower fuel consumption, aligning with environmental standards. Asia-Pacific players alone are investing over US$700 million in mobile crushers to boost quarry output, reflecting robust economic growth and rising infrastructure development. Ultimately, the need for operational efficiency, environmental compliance, and large-scale throughput cements mining and quarry operations as the prime consumers driving the continued rise of mobile crushers and screeners. Global Mobile Crushers and Screeners Market Key Players: Komatsu Mining Corporation Anaconda Equipment Ltd ASTEC INDUSTRIES, INC. KLEEMANN Komatsu Mining Corporation McCloskey International Metso RUBBLE MASTER HMH GMBH Sandvik AB Terex Corporation Other Prominent Players Key Segmentation: By Type Crushers Jaw Crushers Impact Crushers Cone Crushers Others Screeners Incline Screeners Horizontal Screeners Scalping Screeners Others By Application Mining and Quarry Construction Aggregates Material Recycling Others By Region North America Europe Asia Pacific Middle East & Africa South America Inquire more about this report before purchase: https://www.astuteanalytica.com/inquire-before-purchase/mobile-crushers-and-screeners-market About Astute Analytica Astute Analytica is a global analytics and advisory company which has built a solid reputation in a short period, thanks to the tangible outcomes we have delivered to our clients. We pride ourselves in generating unparalleled, in depth and uncannily accurate estimates and projections for our very demanding clients spread across different verticals. We have a long list of satisfied and repeat clients from a wide spectrum including technology, healthcare, chemicals, semiconductors, FMCG, and many more. These happy customers come to us from all across the Globe. They are able to make well calibrated decisions and leverage highly lucrative opportunities while surmounting the fierce challenges all because we analyze for them the complex business environment, segment wise existing and emerging possibilities, technology formations, growth estimates, and even the strategic choices available. In short, a complete package. All this is possible because we have a highly qualified, competent, and experienced team of professionals comprising of business analysts, economists, consultants, and technology experts. In our list of priorities, you-our patron-come at the top. You can be sure of best cost-effective, value-added package from us, should you decide to engage with us. Contact Us: Astute Analytica Phone: +1-888 429 6757 (US Toll Free); +91-0120- 4483891 (Rest of the World) For Sales Enquiries: sales@astuteanalytica.com Website: https://www.astuteanalytica.com/ LinkedIn | Twitter | YouTubeNEW YORK (AP) — U.S. stocks rose to records Tuesday after Donald Trump’s created only some ripples on Wall Street, even if they could were they to take effect. The S&P 500 climbed 0.6% to top the it set a couple weeks ago. The Dow Jones Industrial Average added 123 points, or 0.3%, to set the day before, while the Nasdaq composite gained 0.6% as Microsoft and Big Tech led the way. Stock markets abroad mostly fell after said he on Mexico, Canada and once he takes office. But the movements were mostly modest. Stock indexes were down 0.1% in Shanghai and nearly flat in Hong Kong, while Canada’s main index edged down by less than 0.1%. Trump has often praised the , but investors are weighing whether his latest threat will actually become policy or is just an opening point for negotiations. For now, the market seems to be taking it more as the latter. The consequences otherwise for markets and the global economy could be painful. Unless the United States can prepare alternatives for the autos, energy products and other goods that come from Mexico, Canada and China, such tariffs would raise the price of imported items all at once and make households poorer, according to Carl Weinberg and Rubeela Farooqi, economists at High Frequency Economics. They would also hurt profit margins for U.S. companies, while raising the threat of retaliatory tariffs by other countries. And unlike tariffs in Trump’s first term, his latest proposal would affect products across the board. General Motors sank 9%, and Ford Motor fell 2.6% because both import automobiles from Mexico. Constellation Brands, which sells Modelo and other Mexican beer brands in the United States, dropped 3.3%. The value of the Mexican peso fell 1.8% against the U.S. dollar. Beyond the pain such tariffs would cause U.S. households and businesses, they could also push the Federal Reserve to slow or even halt its cuts to interest rates. The Fed had just begun from a two-decade high a couple months ago to offer support for the . While lower interest rates can boost the economy, they can also offer more fuel for inflation. “Many” officials at the Fed’s earlier this month said they should lower rates gradually, according to released Tuesday afternoon. The talk about tariffs overshadowed another mixed set of profit reports from U.S. retailers that answered few questions about how much more shoppers can keep spending. They’ll need to stay resilient after helping the economy avoid a recession, despite the high interest rates imposed by the Fed to get inflation under control. A report on Tuesday from the Conference Board said improved in November, but not by as much as economists expected. tumbled 17% after its results for the latest quarter fell short of analysts’ expectations. CEO Tom Kingsbury said sales remain soft for apparel and footwear. A day earlier, Kingsbury said he plans to step down as CEO in January. Ashley Buchanan, CEO of Michaels and a retail veteran, will replace him. fell 4.9% after likewise falling short of analysts’ expectations. Dick’s Sporting Goods topped forecasts for the latest quarter thanks to a strong back-to-school season, but its stock lost an early gain to fall 1.4%. Still, more stocks rose in the S&P 500 than fell. J.M. Smucker had one of the biggest gains and climbed 5.7% after topping analysts’ expectations for the latest quarter. CEO Mark Smucker credited strength for its Uncrustables, Meow Mix, Café Bustelo and Jif brands. also helped prop up U.S. indexes. Gains of 3.2% for Amazon and 2.2% for Microsoft were the two strongest forces lifting the S&P 500. All told, the S&P 500 rose 34.26 points to 6,021.63. The Dow gained 123.74 to 44,860.31, and the Nasdaq composite climbed 119.46 to 19,174.30. In the bond market, Treasury yields held relatively steady following their big drop from a day before driven by relief following Trump’s pick for Treasury secretary. The yield on the 10-year Treasury inched up to 4.29% from 4.28% late Monday, but it’s still well below the 4.41% level where it ended last week. In the crypto market, bitcoin continued to pull back after late last week. It’s since dipped back toward $91,000, according to CoinDesk. It’s a sharp turnaround from the following Trump’s election. That boom had also appeared to have spilled into some corners of the stock market. Strategists at Barclays Capital pointed to stocks of unprofitable companies, along with other areas that can be caught up in bursts of optimism by smaller-pocketed “retail” investors. AP Business Writer Elaine Kurtenbach contributed.

Marilyn Manson drops lawsuit against Evan Rachel Wood, handed hefty legal billProvide venture capital, private equity to startups, SMEs

WASHINGTON – Jimmy Carter, the earnest Georgia peanut farmer who as United States president struggled with a bad economy and the Iran hostage crisis but brokered peace between Israel and Egypt and later received the Nobel Peace Prize for his humanitarian work, died at his home in Plains, Georgia, on Sunday, the Carter Center said. He was 100. “My father was a hero, not only to me but to everyone who believes in peace, human rights, and unselfish love,” said Chip Carter, the former president’s son. “My brothers, sister, and I shared him with the rest of the world through these common beliefs. The world is our family because of the way he brought people together, and we thank you for honoring his memory by continuing to live these shared beliefs.” A Democrat, he served as president from January 1977 to January 1981 after defeating incumbent Republican President Gerald Ford in the 1976 US election. Carter was swept from office four years later in an electoral landslide as voters embraced Republican challenger Ronald Reagan, the former actor and California governor. Carter lived longer after his term in office than any other US president. Along the way, he earned a reputation as a better former president than he was a president – a status he readily acknowledged. His one-term presidency was marked by the highs of the 1978 Camp David accords between Israel and Egypt, bringing some stability to the Middle East. But it was dogged by an economy in recession, persistent unpopularity and the embarrassment of the Iran hostage crisis that consumed his final 444 days in office. In recent years, Carter had experienced several health issues including melanoma that spread to his liver and brain. Carter decided to receive hospice care in February 2023 instead of undergoing additional medical intervention. His wife, Rosalynn Carter, died on November 19, 2023, at age 96. He looked frail when he attended her memorial service and funeral in a wheelchair. Carter left office profoundly unpopular but worked energetically for decades on humanitarian causes. He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 in recognition of his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter had been a centrist as governor of Georgia with populist tendencies when he moved into the White House as the 39th US president. He was a Washington outsider at a time when America was still reeling from the Watergate scandal that led Republican Richard Nixon to resign as president in 1974 and elevated Ford from vice president. “I’m Jimmy Carter and I’m running for president. I will never lie to you,” Carter promised with an ear-to-ear smile. Asked to assess his presidency, Carter said in a 1991 documentary: “The biggest failure we had was a political failure. I never was able to convince the American people that I was a forceful and strong leader.” Despite his difficulties in office, Carter had few rivals for accomplishments as a former president. He gained global acclaim as a tireless human rights advocate, a voice for the disenfranchised and a leader in the fight against hunger and poverty, winning the respect that eluded him in the White House. Carter won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 for his efforts to promote human rights and resolve conflicts around the world, from Ethiopia and Eritrea to Bosnia and Haiti. His Carter Center in Atlanta sent international election-monitoring delegations to polls around the world. A Southern Baptist Sunday school teacher since his teens, Carter brought a strong sense of morality to the presidency, speaking openly about his religious faith. He also sought to take some pomp out of an increasingly imperial presidency – walking, rather than riding in a limousine, in his 1977 inauguration parade. The Middle East was the focus of Carter’s foreign policy. The 1979 Egypt-Israel peace treaty, based on the 1978 Camp David accords, ended a state of war between the two neighbors. Carter brought Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin to the Camp David presidential retreat in Maryland for talks. Later, as the accords seemed to be unraveling, Carter saved the day by flying to Cairo and Jerusalem for personal shuttle diplomacy. The treaty provided for Israeli withdrawal from Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula and establishment of diplomatic relations. Begin and Sadat each won a Nobel Peace Prize in 1978. By the 1980 election, the overriding issues were double-digit inflation, interest rates that exceeded 20% and soaring gas prices, as well as the Iran hostage crisis that brought humiliation to America. These issues marred Carter’s presidency and undermined his chances of winning a second term. On November 4, 1979, revolutionaries devoted to Iran’s Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini had stormed the US Embassy in Tehran, seized the Americans present and demanded the return of the ousted shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, who was backed by the United States and was being treated in a US hospital. The American public initially rallied behind Carter. But his support faded in April 1980 when a commando raid failed to rescue the hostages, with eight US soldiers killed in an aircraft accident in the Iranian desert. Carter’s final ignominy was that Iran held the 52 hostages until minutes after Reagan took his oath of office on January 20, 1981, to replace Carter, then released the planes carrying them to freedom. In another crisis, Carter protested the former Soviet Union’s 1979 invasion of Afghanistan by boycotting the 1980 Olympics in Moscow. He also asked the US Senate to defer consideration of a major nuclear arms accord with Moscow. Unswayed, the Soviets remained in Afghanistan for a decade. Carter won narrow Senate approval in 1978 of a treaty to transfer the Panama Canal to the control of Panama despite critics who argued the waterway was vital to American security. He also completed negotiations on full US ties with China. Carter created two new US Cabinet departments – education and energy. Amid high gas prices, he said America’s “energy crisis” was “the moral equivalent of war” and urged the country to embrace conservation. “Ours is the most wasteful nation on earth,” he told Americans in 1977. In 1979, Carter delivered what became known as his “malaise” speech to the nation, although he never used that word. “After listening to the American people I have been reminded again that all the legislation in the world can’t fix what’s wrong with America,” he said in his televised address. “The threat is nearly invisible in ordinary ways. It is a crisis of confidence. It is a crisis that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will. The erosion of our confidence in the future is threatening to destroy the social and the political fabric of America.” As president, the strait-laced Carter was embarrassed by the behavior of his hard-drinking younger brother, Billy Carter, who had boasted: “I got a red neck, white socks, and Blue Ribbon beer.” Carter withstood a challenge from Massachusetts Senator Edward Kennedy for the 1980 Democratic presidential nomination but was politically diminished heading into his general election battle against a vigorous Republican adversary. Reagan, the conservative who projected an image of strength, kept Carter off balance during their debates before the November 1980 election. Reagan dismissively told Carter, “There you go again,” when the Republican challenger felt the president had misrepresented Reagan’s views during one debate. Carter lost the 1980 election to Reagan, who won 44 of the 50 states and amassed an Electoral College landslide. James Earl Carter Jr. was born on October 1, 1924, in Plains, Georgia, one of four children of a farmer and shopkeeper. He graduated from the US Naval Academy in 1946, served in the nuclear submarine program and left to manage the family peanut farming business. He married his wife, Rosalynn, in 1946, a union he called “the most important thing in my life.” They had three sons and a daughter. Carter became a millionaire, a Georgia state legislator and Georgia’s governor from 1971 to 1975. He mounted an underdog bid for the 1976 Democratic presidential nomination, and out-hustled his rivals for the right to face Ford in the general election. With Walter Mondale as his vice presidential running mate, Carter was given a boost by a major Ford gaffe during one of their debates. Ford said that “there is no Soviet domination of Eastern Europe and there never will be under a Ford administration,” despite decades of just such domination. Carter edged Ford in the election, even though Ford actually won more states – 27 to Carter’s 23. Not all of Carter’s post-presidential work was appreciated. Former president George W. Bush and his father, former President George H.W. Bush, both Republicans, were said to have been displeased by Carter’s freelance diplomacy in Iraq and elsewhere. In 2004, Carter called the Iraq war launched in 2003 by the younger Bush one of the most “gross and damaging mistakes our nation ever made.” He called George W. Bush’s administration “the worst in history” and said Vice President Dick Cheney was “a disaster for our country.” In 2019, Carter questioned Republican Donald Trump’s legitimacy as president, saying “he was put into office because the Russians interfered on his behalf.” Trump responded by calling Carter “a terrible president.” Carter also made trips to communist North Korea. A 1994 visit defused a nuclear crisis, as President Kim Il Sung agreed to freeze his nuclear program in exchange for resumed dialogue with the United States. That led to a deal in which North Korea, in return for aid, promised not to restart its nuclear reactor or reprocess the plant’s spent fuel. But Carter irked Democratic President Bill Clinton’s administration by announcing the deal with North Korea’s leader without first checking with Washington. In 2010, Carter won the release of an American sentenced to eight years hard labor for illegally entering North Korea. Carter wrote more than two dozen books, ranging from a presidential memoir to a children’s book and poetry, as well as works about religious faith and diplomacy. His book “Faith: A Journey for All,” was published in 2018. – Rappler.comStormont minister Maurice Morrow told an official he would not raise the issue with the Northern Ireland Executive, despite similar measures being considered in England and Wales. A file on planning arrangements for the jubilee celebrations reveals a series of civil service correspondences on how Northern Ireland would mark the occasion. It includes a letter sent on January 11 2001 from an official in the Office of the First Minister/Deputy First Minister (OFMDFM) to the Department of Social Development, advising that a committee had been set up in London to consider a programme of celebrations. The correspondence says: “One of the issues the committee is currently considering is the possibility of deregulating liquor licensing laws during the golden jubilee celebrations on the same lines as the arrangements made for the millennium. “It is felt that the golden jubilee bank holiday on Monday 3 June 2002 is likely to be an occasion on which many public houses and similar licensed premises would wish to stay open beyond normal closing time.” The letter said a paper had been prepared on the issue of extending opening hours. It adds: “You will note that paragraph seven of the paper indicates that the devolved administrations ‘would need to consider deregulation separately within their own jurisdictions’. “I thought that you would wish to be aware that this issue is receiving active consideration for England and Wales and to consider whether anything needs to be done for Northern Ireland.” Some months later a “progress report” was sent between officials in OFMDFM, which again raised the issue of licensing laws. It says: “I spoke to Gordon Gibson, DSD, about Terry Smith’s letter of 12 January 2001 about licensing laws: the matter was put to their minister Maurice Morrow (DUP) who indicated that he would not be asking the NIE (Northern Ireland Executive) to approve any change to current licensing laws in NI to allow for either 24 hour opening (as at the millennium) nor a blanket approval for extended opening hours as is being considered in GB. “In both cases, primary legislation would be required here and would necessitate consultation and the minister has ruled out any consultation process.” The correspondence says individual licensees could still apply for an extension to opening hours on an ad hoc basis, adding “there the matter rests”. It goes on: “DSD await further pronouncements from the Home Office and Gibson and I have agreed to notify each other of any developments we become aware of and he will copy me to any (existing) relevant papers. “Ministers may well come under pressure in due course for a relaxation and/or parity with GB.” The document concludes “That’s it so far...making haste slowly?” Emails sent between officials in the department the same month said that lord lieutenants in Northern Ireland had been approached about local events to mark the jubilee. One message says: “Lord lieutenants have not shown any enthusiasm for encouraging GJ celebrations at a local level. “Lady Carswell in particular believes that it would be difficult for LLs to encourage such activities without appearing political.”

FDA approves cancer drug developed by B.C.'s Zymeworks

Jared Birchall, Elon Musk’s money manager and the head of his family office, is listed as the chief executive officer. Jehn Balajadia, a longtime Musk aide who has worked at SpaceX and the Boring Co., is named as an official contact. But they’re not connected to Musk’s new technology venture, or the political operation that’s endeared him to Donald Trump. Instead, they’re tied to the billionaire’s new Montessori school outside Bastrop, Texas, called Ad Astra, according to documents filed with state authorities and obtained via a Texas Public Information Act request. The world’s richest person oversees an overlapping empire of six companies — or seven, if you include his political action committee. Alongside rockets, electric cars, brain implants, social media and the next Trump administration, he is increasingly focused on education, spanning preschool to college. One part of his endeavor was revealed last year, when Bloomberg News reported that his foundation had set aside roughly $100 million to create a technology-focused primary and secondary school in Austin, with eventual plans for a university. An additional $137 million in cash and stock was allotted last year, according to the most recent tax filing for the Musk Foundation. Ad Astra is closer to fruition. The state documents show Texas authorities issued an initial permit last month, clearing the way for the center to operate with as many as 21 pupils. Ad Astra’s website says it’s “currently open to all children ages 3 to 9.” The school’s account on X includes job postings for an assistant teacher for preschool and kindergarten and an assistant teacher for students ages 6 to 9. To run the school, Ad Astra is partnering with a company that has experience with billionaires: Xplor Education, which developed Hala Kahiki Montessori school in Lanai, Hawaii, the island 98% owned by Oracle Corp. founder Larry Ellison. Ad Astra sits on a highway outside Bastrop, a bedroom community about 30 miles from Austin and part of a region that’s home to several of Musk’s businesses. On a visit during a recent weekday morning, there was a single Toyota Prius in the parking lot and no one answered the door at the white building with a gray metal roof. The school’s main entrance was blocked by a gate, and there was no sign of any children on the grounds. But what information there is about Ad Astra makes it sound like a fairly typical, if high-end, Montessori preschool. The proposed schedule includes “thematic, STEM-based activities and projects” as well as outdoor play and nap time. A sample snack calendar features carrots and hummus. While Birchall’s and Balajadia’s names appear in the application, it isn’t clear that they’ll have substantive roles at the school once it’s operational. Musk, Birchall and Balajadia didn’t respond to emailed questions. A phone call and email to the school went unanswered. Access to high-quality, affordable childcare is a huge issue for working parents across the country, and tends to be an especially vexing problem in rural areas like Bastrop. Many families live in “child care deserts” where there is either not a facility or there isn’t an available slot. Opening Ad Astra gives Musk a chance to showcase his vision for education, and his support for the hands-on learning and problem solving that are a hallmark of his industrial companies. His public comments about learning frequently overlap with cultural concerns popular among conservatives and the Make America Great Again crowd, often focusing on what he sees as young minds being indoctrinated by teachers spewing left-wing propaganda. He has railed against diversity, equity and inclusion efforts, and in August posted that “a lot of schools are teaching white boys to hate themselves.” Musk’s educational interests dovetail with his new role as Trump’s “first buddy.” The billionaire has pitched a role for himself that he — and now the incoming Trump administration — call “DOGE,” or the Department of Government Efficiency. Though it’s not an actual department, DOGE now posts on X, the social media platform that Musk owns. “The Department of Education spent over $1 billion promoting DEI in America’s schools,” the account posted Dec. 12. Back in Texas, Bastrop is quickly becoming a key Musk point of interest. The Boring Co., his tunneling venture, is based in an unincorporated area there. Across the road, SpaceX produces Starlink satellites at a 500,000-square-foot facility. Nearby, X is constructing a building for trust and safety workers. Musk employees, as well as the general public, can grab snacks at the Boring Bodega, a convenience store housed within Musk’s Hyperloop Plaza, which also contains a bar, candy shop and hair salon. Ad Astra is just a five-minute drive away. It seems to have been designed with the children of Musk’s employees — if not Musk’s own offspring — in mind. Musk has fathered at least 12 children, six of them in the past five years. “Ad Astra’s mission is to foster curiosity, creativity, and critical thinking in the next generation of problem solvers and builders,” reads the school’s website. A job posting on the website of the Montessori Institute of North Texas says, “While their parents support the breakthroughs that expand the realm of human possibility, their children will grow into the next generation of innovators in a way that only authentic Montessori can provide.” The school has hired an executive director, according to documents Bloomberg obtained from Texas Health and Human Services. Ad Astra is located on 40 acres of land, according to the documents, which said a 4,000-square-foot house would be remodeled for the preschool. It isn’t uncommon for entrepreneurs to take an interest in education, according to Bill Gormley, a professor emeritus at the McCourt School of Public Policy at Georgetown University who studies early childhood education. Charles Butt, the chairman of the Texas-based H-E-B grocery chain, has made public education a focus of his philanthropy. Along with other business and community leaders, Butt founded “Raise Your Hand Texas,” which advocates on school funding, teacher workforce and retention issues and fully funding pre-kindergarten. “Musk is not the only entrepreneur to recognize the value of preschool for Texas workers,” Gormley said. “A lot of politicians and business people get enthusiastic about education in general — and preschool in particular — because they salivate at the prospect of a better workforce.” Political moves Musk spent much of October actively campaigning for Trump’s presidential effort, becoming the most prolific donor of the election cycle. He poured at least $274 million into political groups in 2024, including $238 million to America PAC, the political action committee he founded. While the vast majority of money raised by America PAC came from Musk himself, it had support from other donors. Betsy DeVos, who served as education secretary in Trump’s first term, donated $250,000, federal filings show. The Department of Education is already in the new administration’s crosshairs. Trump campaigned on the idea of disbanding the department and dismantling diversity initiatives, and he has also taken aim at transgender rights. “Rather than indoctrinating young people with inappropriate racial, sexual, and political material, which is what we’re doing now, our schools must be totally refocused to prepare our children to succeed in the world of work,” Trump wrote in Agenda 47, his campaign platform. Musk has three children with the musician Grimes and three with Shivon Zilis, who in the past was actively involved at Neuralink, his brain machine interface company. All are under the age of 5. Musk took X, his son with Grimes, with him on a recent trip to Capitol Hill. After his visit, he shared a graphic that showed the growth of administrators in America’s public schools since 2000. Tuition costs Musk is a fan of hands-on education. During a Tesla earnings call in 2018, he talked about the need for more electricians as the electric-car maker scaled up the energy side of its business. On the Joe Rogan podcast in 2020, Musk said “too many smart people go into finance and law.” “I have a lot of respect for people who work with their hands and we need electricians and plumbers and carpenters,” Musk said while campaigning for Trump in Pennsylvania in October. “That’s a lot more important than having incremental political science majors.” Ad Astra’s website says the cost of tuition will be initially subsidized, but in future years “tuition will be in line with local private schools that include an extended day program.” “I do think we need significant reform in education,” Musk said at a separate Trump campaign event. “The priority should be to teach kids skills that they will find useful later in life, and to leave any sort of social propaganda out of the classroom.”

DUP minister rejected suggestion licensing laws could be relaxed for jubileeTrimble and Mallon sanctioned DUP ministers over rotation plan

Minutes of an Executive meeting from June of that year state further action would be considered “as appropriate” if the DUP went ahead with a threat to rotate its ministers. The minutes are within files which have been declassified at the Public Record Office in Belfast. Devolved powersharing had been restored to Northern Ireland in May 2000 when Ulster Unionist leader David Trimble had received the backing of his party to go back into the Assembly, despite there having been no decommissioning of IRA arms at that point. Then DUP deputy leader Mr Robinson and Mr Dodds took up the offices as ministers for regional development and social development, but refused to attend Executive meetings due to the presence of Sinn Fein ministers. The party also said it would rotate its ministerial posts to prevent other parties from taking them. A minute of an Executive meeting on June 8 said Mr Robinson and Mr Dodds had refused a request from First Minister Mr Trimble and deputy First Minister Seamus Mallon to meet with them “to discuss recent public comments by the DUP concerning their positions as ministers”. The minute records that the Executive endorsed a proposal from the First and deputy First Ministers to write again to the two DUP ministers setting out sanctions against them. It says: “The First Minister and and Deputy First Minister would assume responsibility for representing the Executive Committee on transport matters at the British-Irish Council in place of the Minister for Regional Development. “The Minister for Social Development and the Minister for Regional Development would not be nominated to attend meetings of the Joint Ministerial Committee. “Pending the receipt of satisfactory assurances from DUP Ministers regarding the confidentiality and integrity of Executive Committee business, the Minister for Social Development and Minister for Regional Development would not receive Executive Committee papers as of right. “The First Minister and Deputy First Minister would seek briefing, as appropriate, from officials in the Department for Regional Development and Department for Social Development.” The minute continues: “If the DUP carried out their threat to change the holders of the two Ministerial offices on a frequent basis, the Executive Committee would consider other action as appropriate.” Mr Robinson and Mr Dodds resigned as ministers on June 27 and were replaced by party colleagues Gregory Campbell and Maurice Morrow. A minute from an Executive meeting that day says: “The Executive Committee noted that the Minister for Social Development and Minister for Regional Development would be resigning their posts that afternoon, and expressed concern at the proposed rotation of the ministries held by their Party Members.”

In addition to our main Game of the Year Awards 2024 , each member of the PC Gamer team is shining a spotlight on a game they loved this year. We'll post new personal picks, alongside our main awards, throughout the rest of the month. As the protagonist of Dragon's Dogma 2, I'm equal parts mythic hero, destined monarch, and fledgling demigod, but the most important thing I can do during my adventures is make sure I'm not left with a backpack full of rotten meat. My Arisen can fire a hail of magic darts from an enchanted bow; he can enlist a legion of soulbonded companions drawn from countless parallel worlds in a metaphysical conflict spanning the infinite strata of reality. That only counts for so much if I'm not keeping track of my camping supplies. I won't pretend like it's not obnoxious when me and my party of pawns are awoken after our campfire meal of beast scrags by a midnight assault from a redwolf pack, leaving us stranded in the wilderness with ruined tents and only a spoiling stock of harspuds to fuel our trek back to civilization. Dragon's Dogma 2 makes sure that no hero's quest goes too long without contending with daily tediums and mundanities—and I love it. Other fantasies can feel paranoid about the times between your moments of high adventure. Take Blizzard's, for example. I've spent a few dozen hours with Diablo 4 this year, and there's an almost anxious tension during the long stretches of riding overland between dungeons and world events—like the game's self-conscious about whether I'll notice that the downtime conveniently gives me plenty of time to ponder all the spots on my horse and hero that I haven't draped in premium cosmetics. World of Warcraft, meanwhile, feels like it's waking from a fugue state spanning multiple expansions, where its mad sprint to endgame content meant blazing through regions and villains at such a blistering pace that everything smeared together into an undifferentiated blur of magic and huge pauldrons. Dragon's Dogma 2 is unapologetic about slowing down. It gets just as high fantasy as your Azeroths and Faeruns; by the end of the game, you'll watch a dragon get incinerated by a second, cooler dragon. But here, that high fantasy is tempered by an understanding that the magical often works best when it's firmly planted in the material. Dragon's Dogma 2 isn't just comfortable with the mundane. It revels in it, and that only makes the fantasy stronger. Dragon's Dogma 2 is unapologetic about slowing down. Traveling long distances is more feasible by ox cart than by arcane portcrystal. Incriminating letters vanquish more of the kingdom's villains than heroic combat. When you're tasked with protecting an empress during a sacred rite, you're not defending her from some kind of rude necromancer's terrible spell; her greatest threat in the crowd of onlookers is a guy with a knife. And if you're going to fight monsters, the best way to prepare yourself is finding a place for a hearty meal and a full night's sleep. The biggest gaming news, reviews and hardware deals Keep up to date with the most important stories and the best deals, as picked by the PC Gamer team. When I'm eventually conjuring a pillar of ice so I can leap from it to kill a medusa with a plunging greatsword slash, the excitement is only heightened by the fact that—hours beforehand—I was doing the more humble task of helping an aging dissident secure a pair of glasses so he can do historical research while hiding in a library. Other games will have you fighting an escalating parade of fantastic beasts until you're barely blinking an eye at the gnarliest freaks a Monster Manual could muster. Dragon's Dogma 2 is confident enough to leave you fighting hordes of generic goblins, wolves, and harpies so that whenever a griffon does thunder down out of the clouds while you're trying to navigate a narrow cliffside path, it feels like a moment worth savoring. I won't minimize it: It's an odd game. But it's an honest oddness. It's weird without pretension. It's so dense with charming design idiosyncracies—like mechanics letting you clamber all over an ogre like a horrid little bug, or grab a panicked stag as it sprints past and casually lob it at an enemy—that it feels like it never occurred to anyone that it could play any other way. Of those idiosyncrasies, the player-made pawns are the highlight. I'm ensuring I won't beat any sicko allegations by saying so, but I love the pawn chatter, no matter how many hundreds of times I've been warned about the Dragonsplague. When another player's pawn points out a chest it knows is in the area, there's a good chance it'll contain a cloak I've seen in a few vendors' inventories. But all those bits of advice and strategic suggestions—pleasantly and repeatedly shared—came from discoveries made alongside other players. Whatever brief disappointment I might've felt finding that cloak in that chest could've been shared by that pawn's Arisen in their own world. It might've been after their own camp was ambushed by redwolves—after their own harrowing midnight journey, where their own meager provisions might've been made more dire by a minotaur charging out of the darkness. When the latest pawn I'd passed on the road or pulled from a riftstone offers its insights, it's sketching the outline of its own history: of other adventurers' battles with titanic monsters and all the quiet ox cart rides, inn stays, and campfire-grilled beast-steaks shared along the way.

SEATTLE--(BUSINESS WIRE)--Nov 21, 2024-- Milliman, Inc., a premier global consulting and actuarial firm, today announced the latest results of its Milliman Pension Buyout Index (MPBI). As the pension risk transfer (PRT) market continues to grow, it has become increasingly important to monitor the annuity market for plan sponsors that are considering transferring retiree pension obligations to an insurer. During October, the estimated cost to transfer retiree pension risk to an insurer in a competitive bidding process decreased from 101.7% of a plan’s accounting liabilities (accumulated benefit obligation, or ABO) to 101.2% of those liabilities. That means the estimated retiree PRT cost is now 101.2% of a plan’s ABO. During the same time period, the average annuity purchase cost across all insurers in our index also decreased, from 104.4% to 103.9%. The competitive bidding process is estimated to save plan sponsors about 2.7% of PRT costs as of October 31. “Unlike what we saw in 2023, insurers still seem to have capacity as we approach year end,” said Jake Pringle, a Milliman principal and co-author of the MPBI. “With a new insurer entering the market in 2025, and a change in the political winds, we may see fluctuations in the PRT market in the new year.” The MPBI uses the FTSE Above Median AA Curve, along with annuity purchase composite interest rates from nine insurers, to estimate the competitive and average costs of a PRT annuity de-risking strategy. Individual plan annuity buyouts can vary based on plan size, complexity, and competitive landscape. To view the complete Milliman Pension Buyout Index, go to https://www.milliman.com/mpbi . To receive regular updates with Milliman’s pension buyout analysis, contact us at pensionbuyout@milliman.com . About Milliman Milliman leverages deep expertise, actuarial rigor, and advanced technology to develop solutions for a world at risk. We help clients in the public and private sectors navigate urgent, complex challenges—from extreme weather and market volatility to financial insecurity and rising health costs—so they can meet their business, financial, and social objectives. Our solutions encompass insurance, financial services, healthcare, life sciences, and employee benefits. Founded in 1947, Milliman is an independent firm with offices in major cities around the globe. Visit us at milliman.com . View source version on businesswire.com : https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20241121690052/en/ CONTACT: Jake Pringle Milliman, Inc. Tel: +1 713 202 0819 jake.pringle@milliman.com KEYWORD: WASHINGTON UNITED STATES NORTH AMERICA INDUSTRY KEYWORD: PROFESSIONAL SERVICES INSURANCE FINANCE ASSET MANAGEMENT CONSULTING PERSONAL FINANCE ACCOUNTING SOURCE: Milliman, Inc. Copyright Business Wire 2024. PUB: 11/21/2024 02:47 PM/DISC: 11/21/2024 02:46 PM http://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20241121690052/enThe most anticipated matchup of the second round of the College Football Playoff is set to be a rematch between the No. 8 Ohio State Buckeyes and the No. 1 Oregon Ducks on Jan. 1 in the iconic Rose Bowl Game, with a trip to the semifinals on the line. The first meeting back in Week 7 ended in dramatic fashion, with the Ducks escaping Eugene with a 32-31 win in what could be considered one of the biggest victories in program history, especially in front of their home crowd. Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Thanks for the feedback.Seattle, WA (Grist) What if the resistance to climate science is not really about science at all? Household appliances used to be a safe conversation topic, if a boring one. But these days, many Republican politicians see gas stoves, refrigerators, dishwashers, and laundry machines as symbols of the government meddling in people's lives. Earlier this year, lawmakers in the House passed the "Hands Off Our Home Appliances Act" to make it harder for the Department of Energy to create new energy-saving standards, though it stalled in the Senate. Other appliance-related bills proposed this year included the "Refrigerator Freedom Act" and "Liberty in Laundry Act." The uproar over efficient appliances is just one of the ways that deepening polarization threatens efforts to cut carbon emissions. On the campaign trail, President-elect Donald Trump revived longstanding complaints about energy-efficient dishwashers and showerheads and also railed against clean technologies, falsely claiming that wind turbines break down when exposed to saltwater and that hydrogen-powered cars are prone to blowing up like bombs. A growing portion of the public appears to share some of Trump's reservations. Four years ago, 84 percent of Republicans supported new solar farms; by this spring, the number had slumped to 64 percent, according to polling from Pew Research Center. Wind power saw a similar dip in support, and the share of Americans who say they would consider buying an electric vehicle for their next purchase dropped from 38 percent in 2023 to 29 percent this year. Dislodging climate change from the culture wars might feel nearly impossible. But scientists have found ways to talk about the changing weather that resonate with Fox News fans, a segment of the population that many climate advocates consider a lost cause, by taking a "just the facts" approach. "If you're talking about just pure observations, there's nothing political about that," said Keith Sietter, a lecturer at the College of the Holy Cross and executive director emeritus at the American Meteorological Society. Telling people that hurricanes are intensifying more rapidly because they're sitting over record-warm ocean water, for instance, lets them come to their own conclusions about how the world is changing. Climate Central, a nonprofit that aims to be "scrupulously non-advocacy and non-partisan," provides localized data and graphics to help newspapers, online news sites, meteorologists, and TV and radio programs explain the science behind our increasingly weird weather, from warming winters to longer allergy seasons. The organization has had success working with right-leaning media, like Fox affiliates, because of its apolitical approach, according to Peter Girard, Climate Central's vice president for external communications. "Audiences, regardless of what their political stripes are, want to know what the science is telling them about the weather and climatological experiences that they're having in their backyards," Girard said. Yet even as fires, floods, and heat waves become noticeably worse, Democrats and Republicans are further apart on the science of human-caused global warming than almost any other issue. Some observers have noted that the resistance to accepting climate science might not be about the science at all, but what attempts to fix the problem might entail. An experiment in 2014 found that Republicans who read a speech about the United States using environmentally friendly technologies to fuel the economy, versus a speech about enacting stringent environmental regulations and pollution taxes, were twice as likely as other Republicans to agree with mainstream climate science. In other words, it might be easier to just ignore a problem if you don't like the proposed solution. This concept of "solution aversion" might help explain how the culture war over climate solutions started. In the early 1990s, with the public freshly alerted by scientists that global warming had already begun, momentum began building for global action, with countries considering mandatory requirements to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Corporations that had a stake in continuing to burn fossil fuels -- oil companies, utilities, automakers, railroads, and steelmakers -- saw this as an impending disaster and organized a counter-offensive. Conservatives began casting doubt on climate science and arguing that shifting away from fossil fuels threatened the economy and the American way of life. A gulf grew between Republicans and Democrats on a subject they used to mostly agree on, with congressional Republicans increasingly voting against environmental measures. Climate change "became the stand-in for everything that's wrong with the government," said Aaron McCright, a sociologist at Michigan State University, in an interview with CNN last year. ""You can't tell me what I can and can't do on my land. Federal government -- stay away from me."" Between 1992 and 2012, the gap in support for environmental action between Democrats and Republicans widened from 5 percent to 39 percent, according to Pew polling. The fault lines have deepened in recent years. When progressives pushed for a Green New Deal in 2019, Republicans falsely claimed, "They want to take away your hamburgers." It became a refrain, with the right warning that Democrats were coming for your cars and your gas stoves. "This is all part of an agenda to control you, and to control your behavior," said Florida Governor Ron DeSantis in a speech last year, delivered in front of an oil rig in West Texas. "They are trying to limit your choices as Americans." There have been efforts to position climate action in a way that appeals to conservative values, tying it to patriotism, innovation, or competition with China. But Kenneth Barish, a psychologist and the author of the upcoming book Bridging Our Political Divide: How Liberals and Conservatives Can Understand Each Other and Find Common Ground, says that in practice, conservatives might reject this kind of framing outright, because they feel like they haven't been listened to. His formula for depolarization starts with a one-on-one conversation between two people who disagree. The goal is to learn why your discussion partner feels the way they do, and then work together to find solutions that address both of your concerns. This kind of dialogue creates opportunities for creative, pragmatic workarounds -- perhaps ones that manage to reduce greenhouse gas emissions while limiting the government's power over household decisions. Matthew Burgess, an environmental economist at the University of Wyoming, said it's possible that simply making electric stoves more responsive to temperature adjustments, or making electric vehicles cheaper and charging stations more readily available, would dissolve some of the resistance to those technologies. "When you make this shift from having an opinion to understanding the concern that underlies the opinion, it's really a different kind of conversation," Barish said. The approach is reminiscent of "deep canvassing," an outreach method developed by LGBTQ+ advocates that involves listening to people's worries without judgment and helping them work through their conflicted feelings. Personal conversations like these have been shown to change people's minds, with lasting effects. In one experiment in British Columbia, volunteers hoping to convince local governments to shift to 100 percent renewable energy kept running into roadblocks in the rural town of Trail, home to one of the world's largest lead and zinc smelting plants. They spoke to hundreds of residents, listening to their concerns about lost jobs and working to find common ground. In the end, 40 percent of residents shifted their beliefs, and Trail's city council voted in 2022 to move to 100 percent renewable energy by 2050. It's evidence that breakthroughs can happen, but also suggests there's a lot of work for climate advocates ahead. Knee-jerk reactions are fast and easy; engaging in meaningful dialogue is slow and difficult. Barish said that better conversations require acknowledging that complex problems like climate change need to be seen from different perspectives. "If we come at someone who is opposing certain interventions and try and convince her why we're right and she's wrong, then we're probably not going to get anywhere." This story is provided as a service of the Institute for Nonprofit News’ On the Ground news wire. The Institute for Nonprofit News (INN) is a network of more than 475 independent, nonprofit newsrooms serving communities throughout the US, Canada, and globally. On the Ground is a service of INN, which aggregates the best of its members’ elections and political content, and provides it free for republication. Read more about INN here: https://inn.org/ . Please coordinate with rglickhouse@grist.org should you want to publish photos for this piece. This content cannot be modified, apart from rewriting the headline. To view the original version, visit: https://grist.org/language/climate-change-culture-wars-depolarization/Waltham, Mass., Dec. 23, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Nano Dimension Ltd. (Nasdaq: NNDM) ("Nano Dimension” or the "Company”), a supplier of Additive Manufacturing solutions, today shared its response to a December 20, 2024 lawsuit filed by Desktop Metal, Inc. (NYSE: DM) ("Desktop Metal”) against the Company in the Delaware Court of Chancery alleging Nano Dimension has failed to use its reasonable best efforts to obtain regulatory approval in connection with the merger agreement between the parties dated July 2, 2024 (the "Merger Agreement”). The Company believes the lawsuit is without merit and inconsistent with the terms of the Merger Agreement, particularly with respect to the Company's right to work through the review process that is under way with the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States ("CFIUS"). The Company believes the lawsuit is nothing more than an effort by Desktop Metal to prevent the Company from exercising its rights under the Merger Agreement and to impose deadlines and obligations that are inconsistent with that agreement. The Company intends to vigorously defend itself and preserve its rights under the Merger Agreement. About Nano Dimension Ltd. Nano Dimension (Nasdaq: NNDM) offers a variety of Digital Manufacturing technologies serving customers across vertical target markets such as aerospace and defense, advanced automotive, high-tech industrial, specialty medical technology, and R&D and academia. With its suite of digital manufacturing technologies, Nano Dimension is enabling its customers with prototyping and high-mix-low-volume production, along with IP security, design-for-manufacturing capabilities, and more sustainable means of fabrication. For more information, please visit https://www.nano-di.com/ Forward-Looking Statements This press release contains forward-looking statements within the meaning of the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. For example, Nano is using forward-looking statements in this press release when it discusses (i) its beliefs regarding the merits of the lawsuit filed by Desktop Metal, (ii) its beliefs regarding the lawsuit with respect to Nano's rights under the Merger Agreement and (iii) its intention to vigorously defend itself against the lawsuit and preserve its rights under the Merger Agreement. Such forward-looking statements include statements regarding Nano's future intentions, strategic plan, events or developments that Nano intends, expects, projects, believes or anticipates will or may occur in the future. Such statements are based on management's beliefs and assumptions made based on information currently available to management. When used in this communication, the words "outlook,” "guidance,” "expects,” "believes,” "anticipates,” "should,” "estimates,” "may,” "will,” "intends,” "projects,” "could,” "would,” "estimate,” "potential,” "continue,” "plan,” "target,” or the negative of these words or similar expressions are intended to identify forward-looking statements, though not all forward-looking statements contain these identifying words. These forward-looking statements involve known and unknown risks and uncertainties, which may cause the Company's actual results and performance to be materially different from those expressed or implied in the forward-looking statements. Accordingly, we caution you that any such forward-looking statements are not guarantees of future performance and are subject to risks, assumptions, estimates and uncertainties that are difficult to predict. Because such statements deal with future events and are based on the current expectations of Nano, they are subject to various risks and uncertainties. Factors and risks that may cause Nano's actual results or performance to be materially different from those expressed or implied in the forward-looking statements include, but are not limited to, (i) the occurrence of any event, change or other circumstance that could give rise to the termination of the proposed transaction; (ii) the satisfaction of the closing conditions of the proposed transaction; and (iii) other risks related to the completion of the proposed transaction and actions related thereto. Except as otherwise required by law, Nano undertakes no obligation to publicly release any revisions to these forward-looking statements to reflect events or circumstances after the date hereof or to reflect the occurrence of unanticipated events. References and links to websites have been provided as a convenience, and the information contained on such websites is not incorporated by reference into this communication. Nano is not responsible for the contents of third-party websites. Nano Dimension Contacts Investors: Julien Lederman, VP Corporate Development | [email protected] Media: Kal Goldberg / Bryan Locke / Kelsey Markovich | [email protected]