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1 2 Bhubaneswar: A growing number of city residents are opting for house parties and farmhouse retreats on New Year's eve instead of the usual lavish celebrations at hotels, restaurants and pubs. Many said they prefer the relaxed vibe of being surrounded by family and close friends, free from the stress of deadlines and expensive food and drinks, as the perfect way to welcome 2025. Smaranika Mishra, a homemaker, said, "New Year parties have become crowded and commercial. Parties in big hotels no longer care about people's safety, where you find strangers, loud music and so much crowd. I would rather spend my New Year's Eve with family and friends in a safe atmosphere, preferably amid nature, far from the madding crowd." Away from the hustle and bustle, several farmhouses on the outskirts of Bhubaneswar, Cuttack, Puri and Konark have become a first choice for revellers to organise family get-togethers. "We booked the last weekend of Dec at a farmhouse where five families will spend quality time. The venue has a serene atmosphere with gardens and a bonfire, and children can go fishing, visit the sunset point, and have local and traditional food and farm-fresh vegetables. It will provide a much-needed break from city life," said Pinky Patnaik, a govt employee. The shift from hotels to farmhouses reflects a desire for meaningful connections and a more relaxed atmosphere as people prioritise spending time with loved ones. Apart from the calm and serene atmosphere, farmhouses offer cottages and double rooms for night stays, bonfires, games, fishing, music/karaoke and local and traditional cuisine. For one person, including three major meals and other facilities like a night stay, the cost is between Rs 2,500 and Rs 3,500, while some farmhouses charge between Rs 9,000 and Rs 15,000 per day. There are around 50 such farmhouses available for rent for the year-end. Owner of a farmhouse near Chandaka said, "Guests want a quieter New Year amid nature, in a peaceful atmosphere, away from the noise in hotels with extravagant shows. The pandemic taught people to value close-knit gatherings, and this trend seems to be continuing. We are fairly booked in Dec and Jan." Concern for the environment, ecology and taking a break from gadgets and technology is also bringing many to farmhouses. "I want my children and their friends to experience a rustic atmosphere, away from gadgets and technology. Parties generate so much waste. Family parties and farmhouses make them more responsible and personal."CONWAY, S.C. (AP) — Colin Granger's 20 points helped Coastal Carolina defeat Warner 75-53 on Sunday night. Read this article for free: Already have an account? To continue reading, please subscribe: * CONWAY, S.C. (AP) — Colin Granger's 20 points helped Coastal Carolina defeat Warner 75-53 on Sunday night. Read unlimited articles for free today: Already have an account? CONWAY, S.C. (AP) — Colin Granger’s 20 points helped Coastal Carolina defeat Warner 75-53 on Sunday night. Granger added 12 rebounds for the Chanticleers (7-6, 0-1 Sun Belt Conference). Rasheed Jones added 17 points while going 7 of 14 (2 for 7 from 3-point range) and had nine rebounds. Blaize Darling Jr. led the Royals in scoring, finishing with 18 points and four steals. ___ The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar. Advertisement
Swiss National Bank decreased its holdings in Kite Realty Group Trust ( NYSE:KRG – Free Report ) by 0.9% in the 3rd quarter, according to its most recent filing with the Securities & Exchange Commission. The institutional investor owned 428,697 shares of the real estate investment trust’s stock after selling 3,700 shares during the quarter. Swiss National Bank owned 0.20% of Kite Realty Group Trust worth $11,386,000 at the end of the most recent reporting period. Other institutional investors have also recently bought and sold shares of the company. EntryPoint Capital LLC boosted its stake in shares of Kite Realty Group Trust by 109.6% in the first quarter. EntryPoint Capital LLC now owns 2,744 shares of the real estate investment trust’s stock valued at $59,000 after buying an additional 1,435 shares during the period. Epoch Investment Partners Inc. acquired a new stake in shares of Kite Realty Group Trust during the 1st quarter worth $2,432,000. Price T Rowe Associates Inc. MD increased its position in shares of Kite Realty Group Trust by 6.5% in the first quarter. Price T Rowe Associates Inc. MD now owns 137,186 shares of the real estate investment trust’s stock worth $2,975,000 after purchasing an additional 8,353 shares during the period. Bayesian Capital Management LP raised its stake in Kite Realty Group Trust by 22.5% in the first quarter. Bayesian Capital Management LP now owns 36,422 shares of the real estate investment trust’s stock valued at $790,000 after purchasing an additional 6,700 shares in the last quarter. Finally, EMC Capital Management bought a new stake in Kite Realty Group Trust during the first quarter worth about $208,000. Institutional investors own 90.81% of the company’s stock. Insiders Place Their Bets In other news, Director Steven P. Grimes sold 37,295 shares of the business’s stock in a transaction dated Monday, September 16th. The stock was sold at an average price of $26.80, for a total transaction of $999,506.00. Following the sale, the director now directly owns 732,252 shares in the company, valued at approximately $19,624,353.60. The trade was a 4.85 % decrease in their ownership of the stock. The transaction was disclosed in a document filed with the SEC, which is accessible through the SEC website . Insiders own 2.00% of the company’s stock. Kite Realty Group Trust Stock Performance Kite Realty Group Trust Increases Dividend The company also recently disclosed a quarterly dividend, which will be paid on Thursday, January 16th. Investors of record on Thursday, January 9th will be given a dividend of $0.27 per share. The ex-dividend date of this dividend is Thursday, January 9th. This represents a $1.08 dividend on an annualized basis and a yield of 3.94%. This is a positive change from Kite Realty Group Trust’s previous quarterly dividend of $0.26. Kite Realty Group Trust’s payout ratio is currently -2,700.00%. Wall Street Analyst Weigh In Several equities analysts have commented on the stock. KeyCorp raised their target price on shares of Kite Realty Group Trust from $28.00 to $31.00 and gave the company an “overweight” rating in a report on Tuesday, November 12th. Piper Sandler boosted their price objective on shares of Kite Realty Group Trust from $30.00 to $33.00 and gave the company an “overweight” rating in a research report on Tuesday, September 3rd. Wells Fargo & Company upgraded Kite Realty Group Trust from an “underweight” rating to an “equal weight” rating and upped their target price for the stock from $23.00 to $26.00 in a research note on Wednesday, August 28th. Raymond James upgraded Kite Realty Group Trust from a “market perform” rating to a “strong-buy” rating and set a $28.00 price target on the stock in a research note on Friday, August 16th. Finally, Compass Point upped their price objective on Kite Realty Group Trust from $29.00 to $32.00 and gave the stock a “buy” rating in a research report on Wednesday, September 4th. Three investment analysts have rated the stock with a hold rating, four have issued a buy rating and one has assigned a strong buy rating to the company’s stock. According to MarketBeat.com, the stock has a consensus rating of “Moderate Buy” and a consensus price target of $28.86. Read Our Latest Research Report on KRG Kite Realty Group Trust Company Profile ( Free Report ) Kite Realty Group Trust (NYSE: KRG) is a real estate investment trust (REIT) headquartered in Indianapolis, IN that is one of the largest publicly traded owners and operators of open-air shopping centers and mixed-use assets. The Company’s primarily grocery-anchored portfolio is located in high-growth Sun Belt and select strategic gateway markets. Featured Stories Want to see what other hedge funds are holding KRG? Visit HoldingsChannel.com to get the latest 13F filings and insider trades for Kite Realty Group Trust ( NYSE:KRG – Free Report ). Receive News & Ratings for Kite Realty Group Trust Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for Kite Realty Group Trust and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .
Stock market today: Wall Street ends mixed after a bumpy week
Sofi technologies EVP Kelli Keough sells shares worth $139,593Lending reforms to aid real estate firms in 2025TESCO customers can make a difference to the lives people facing hunger and hardship by donating long-life items this week. This comes as stores in Ilkley are taking part in the 12th annual Tesco Winter Food Collection, with donated items going directly to the charities Trussell and FareShare. Both charities expect to see extremely high demand for their services this winter, and the Food Collection provides vital extra donations. Ken Murphy, Tesco Group CEO, said: “Our partners tell us they’ve seen even more families needing their help and they expect demand to increase this winter, so we’re encouraging Ilkley customers to donate whatever they can to our Winter Food Collection. With frontline charities and foodbanks facing exceptionally high demand this year, pre-packed donation bags make it easy to make a big difference to someone else’s Christmas. “We’ve boosted our ongoing support to FareShare and Trussell with a donation of £500,000 each this year to help them meet additional demand through the summer and winter holiday periods when family finances are facing the most strain.” In response to this, Tesco is making its pre-packed customer donation bags available at even more stores in an effort to top the two million meals donated at last year’s collection. All large stores already offer them during the supermarket’s Winter Food Collection, but this year 86 of the largest Express stores will also stock them to make donating even easier no matter where you shop. The bags, which typically cost between £2 and £3, are pre-filled with healthy and nutritious long-life items and can be picked up by Ilkley customers in store and paid for at the checkout. The donated food is passed to FareShare and Trussell, who will distribute it to charities and food banks to help families who need it most. Tesco’s Winter Food Collection, runs in Express stores from November 25-30 and in large stores from November 28-30. According to FareShare and Trussell are UHT and powered milk, the most-needed items tinned meat and fish, and sponge/rice pudding. Emma Revie, Trussell Chief Executive, said: “Food banks are a last resort for people who’ve been left facing hunger and hardship. They’re a lifeline, offering a warm welcome and space to be heard. But with so many people unable to afford the essentials right now, food banks are having to purchase record amounts of emergency food.”S&P Dow Jones Indices Announces Dow Jones Sustainability Indices 2024 Review Results
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NEW YORK (AP) — Geronimo Rubio De La Rosa scored 27 points as Columbia beat Fairfield 85-72 on Saturday night. De La Rosa shot 8 of 15 from the field, including 5 for 11 from 3-point range, and went 6 for 6 from the line for the Lions (11-1). Avery Brown shot 5 of 8 from the field and 5 of 5 from the free-throw line to add 16 points. Kenny Noland went 5 of 12 from the field (3 for 7 from 3-point range) to finish with 15 points. The Stags (5-8, 1-1 Metro Atlantic Athletic Conference) were led by Louis Bleechmore, who recorded 12 points. Fairfield also got 12 points and seven assists from Jamie Bergens. Deon Perry had 12 points and five assists. Columbia's next game is Monday against Rutgers on the road, and Fairfield visits Merrimack on Friday. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Defying expectations Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” ‘Country come to town’ Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” A ‘leader of conscience’ on race and class Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn was Carter's closest advisor Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Reevaluating his legacy Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. Pilgrimages to Plains The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.
A total of 98,490,539 voted representing 33.48% of the issued and outstanding shares were voted in connection with the meeting. The Corporation is pleased to announce that all resolutions put forward to shareholders in the Corporation's management information circular (“Circular”) dated October 24, 2024, were overwhelmingly approved, including: “I would like to thank shareholders for their continued support. Our strategy to target larger revenue commercial and utility solar projects, combined with owning our own solar projects, has created the foundation for a growing, sustainable company that is well positioned to take advantage of the current global shift to renewable energy,” said CEO Brian Timmons. Brian Timmons, CEO About Solar Alliance Energy Inc. ( ) Solar Alliance is an energy solutions provider focused on the commercial, utility and community solar sectors. Our experienced team of solar professionals reduces or eliminates customers' vulnerability to rising energy costs, offers an environmentally friendly source of electricity generation, and provides affordable, turnkey clean energy solutions. Solar Alliance's strategy is to ultimately build, own and operate our own solar assets while also generating stable revenue through the sale and installation of solar projects to commercial and utility community customers Statements in this news release, other than purely historical information, including statements relating to the Company's future plans and objectives or expected results, constitute Forward-looking statements. The words“would”,“will”,“expected” and“estimated” or other similar words and phrases are intended to identify forward-looking information. Forward-looking information is subject to known and unknown risks, uncertainties and other factors that may cause the Company's actual results, level of activity, performance or achievements to be materially different than those expressed or implied by such forward-looking information. Such factors include but are not limited to: the ability to complete the Company's projects on schedule or at all, uncertainties related to the ability to raise sufficient capital; changes in economic conditions or financial markets; litigation, legislative or other judicial, regulatory, legislative and political competitive developments; technological or operational difficulties; the ability to maintain revenue growth; the ability to execute on the Company's strategies; the ability to complete the Company's current and backlog of solar projects; the ability to grow the Company's market share; the high growth rate of the US solar industry; the ability to convert the backlog of projects into revenue; the expected timing of the construction and completion of the 1500 kW Kentucky solar projects; the targeting of larger customers; the ability to predict and counteract the effects, should they re-emerge, of COVID-19 on the business of the Company, including but not limited to the effects of COVID-19, on the construction sector, capital market conditions, restriction on labour and international travel and supply chains; potential corporate growth opportunities and the ability to execute on the key objectives in 2024. Consequently, actual results may vary materially from those described in the forward-looking statements. “Neither TSX Venture Exchange nor its Regulation Services Provider (as that term is defined in the policies of the TSX Venture Exchange) accepts responsibility for the adequacy or accuracy of this release." MENAFN13122024004107003653ID1108992016 Legal Disclaimer: MENAFN provides the information “as is” without warranty of any kind. We do not accept any responsibility or liability for the accuracy, content, images, videos, licenses, completeness, legality, or reliability of the information contained in this article. If you have any complaints or copyright issues related to this article, kindly contact the provider above.Keir Starmer vows to move Britain closer to the EU - despite warnings it could alienate Donald Trump Follow DailyMail.com's politics live blog for all the latest news and updates By JASON GROVES POLITICAL EDITOR Published: 21:30 GMT, 2 December 2024 | Updated: 22:25 GMT, 2 December 2024 e-mail 97 View comments Keir Starmer last night vowed to move Britain closer to the EU, despite warnings it could alienate Donald Trump . The Prime Minister insisted a softer Brexit deal was ‘vital for our growth and security’ - and said he had ‘already made progress’ on a reset of relations with Brussels. In the annual speech to the Lord Mayor’s banquet in the City of London , the PM insisted he could strengthen ties with Mr Trump at the same time, revealing that he had told the President-elect he would ‘invest more deeply than ever in this transatlantic bond with our American friends’. Mr Trump has been a vocal critic of the EU and allies have warned that Sir Keir cannot expect a close relationship with the incoming administration in Washington if he cosies up to Brussels. Stephen Moore, an economic adviser to Mr Trump, said last month that Britain would have to choose between the EU and Washington, saying: ‘Britain has to decide - do you want to go towards the European socialist model or do you want to go towards the US free market?’ Mr Moore said the US would be ‘less interested’ in a new trade deal with the UK if Sir Keir forges closer economic ties with Brussels. Some Labour MPs have urged the PM to accelerate closer ties with Brussels in the wake of President Trump’s victory, while Lib Dem leader has advised him to ‘Trump-proof’ Britain by cosying up to the EU. The PM last night insisted he could ride both horses at once, saying it was ‘plain wrong’ to suggest he would have to prioritise between relations with Britain’s most important ally and its biggest trading market. The Prime Minister insisted a softer Brexit deal was ‘vital for our growth and security’ - and said he had ‘already made progress’ on a reset of relations with Brussels Last night Starmer said he would never turn his back on the US, despite foreign secretary David Lammy once describing Donald Trump as a ‘tyrant in a toupee’ ‘I want to be clear at the outset,’ he said. ‘Against the backdrop of these dangerous times, the idea that we must choose between our allies - that somehow we’re with either America or Europe - is plain wrong. I reject it utterly. ‘Attlee did not choose between allies. Churchill did not choose. The national interest demands that we work with both.’ In recent months, Sir Keir has tried to rebuild relations with Mr Trump following years in which Labour painted him as a Right-wing bogeyman. Last night he said he would never turn his back on the US, despite foreign secretary David Lammy once describing Mr Trump as a ‘tyrant in a toupee’. Read More DAILY MAIL COMMENT: A reset can't disguise PM's lack of vision The PM said the US had been ‘the cornerstone of our security and our prosperity for over a century’, adding: ‘We will never turn away from that.’ He said the ‘special relationship’ was forged on the battlefields of two world wars, adding: ‘This is not about sentimentality. It is about hard-headed realism. Time and again the best hope for the world and the surest way to serve our mutual national interest has come from our two nations working together. It still does.’ Sir Keir said that when Mr Trump ‘graciously hosted me for dinner’ in New York in September ‘I told him that we will invest more deeply than ever in this transatlantic bond with our American friends in the years to come.’ He added: ‘And we will rebuild our ties with Europe too.’ Sir Keir has invested heavily in strengthening relations with EU leaders as part of efforts to reset relations with Brussels. Ministers are said to be close to agreeing a deal which would allow young Europeans to travel and work in the UK, which they hope will open to door to a wider trade agreement. Last night the PM insisted he was not trying to reverse Brexit, saying the talks were ‘about looking forward, not back’. Some Labour MPs have urged the PM to accelerate closer ties with Brussels in the wake of President Trump’s victory, while Lib Dem leader has advised him to ‘Trump-proof’ Britain by cosying up to the EU. Pictured: European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen ‘There will be no return to freedom of movement, no return to the customs union and no return to the single market,’ he said. ‘Instead we will find practical, agile ways to cooperate which serve the national interest. But he said renewed relations with the EU were ‘on any objective assessment vital for our growth and security.’ And he accused the Conservatives of undermining Britain’s influence by souring relations with Europe and ‘demonising’ the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg as a ‘foreign court’. ‘None of this was aimed at seriously trying to solve the problems we face,’ he said. ‘And added together, it actively harmed the national interest.’ Read More Over 20,000 small boat migrants have arrived in the UK since Labour came into power The PM defended recent efforts to thaw relations with China, saying Britain ‘can’t simply look the other way’ at the actions of the emerging superpower. ‘We need to engage,’ he said. Sir Keir renewed his commitment to Ukraine, saying it was ‘deeply in our self-interest’. But, in an acknowledgement that an incoming Trump administration could pressure Kyiv to sue for peace, he suggested the aim now must be to ‘put Ukraine in the strongest possible position for negotiations so they can secure a just and lasting peace on their terms that guarantees their security, independence - and right to choose their own future’. Making the case for continued support for Ukraine’s military effort, he said the ‘future of freedom in Europe is being decided today’. ‘We face a near and present danger with Russia as an erratic, increasingly desperate aggressor, on our continent marshalling all its resources - along with North Korean troops and Iranian missiles - aiming to kill and to conquer,’ he said. The PM repeated his commitment to increasing defence spending to 2.5 per cent of GDP but again gave no timetable for when military funding might increase. With Mr Trump raising concerns about the financial contributions made by Nato members, Sir Keir said it was ‘vital that all European nations step up to protect our shared future’. Brussels Donald Trump Labour Keir Starmer Share or comment on this article: Keir Starmer vows to move Britain closer to the EU - despite warnings it could alienate Donald Trump e-mail Add commentFORT WORTH, Texas (AP) — TCU leading scorer Frankie Collins will miss the rest of the season because of a broken bone in his left foot, the school said Friday. The 6-foot-2 senior guard, in his first season at TCU after spending the past two at Arizona State, is scheduled to have surgery Tuesday in Dallas. Collins leads the Horned Frogs (5-4) with 11.2 points and 4.4 assists per game. He also averages 4.4 rebounds per game. TCU said Collins broke his foot in the first half of its 83-74 loss to Vanderbilt last Sunday. He still played 35 minutes, finishing with six points and seven assists. Collins played 31 games as a freshman for Michigan's NCAA Sweet 16 team in 2021-22 before transferring to Arizona State. He started all 32 games last season for the Sun Devils, averaging 13.6 points, 4.4 rebounds and 3.2 assists per game. He could potentially get another college season through a medical redshirt. Arizona State is in its first Big 12 season. It will host TCU on Feb. 15. AP college basketball: https://apnews.com/hub/college-basketball and https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-basketball-poll
--(BUSINESS WIRE)--Dec 13, 2024-- UnitedHealth Group today issued the following update: Claims approval rates Whether the killer and his parents were UnitedHealthcare members We grieve the passing of our dear friend and colleague and continue to work closely with law enforcement and their investigation of this horrific crime. About UnitedHealth Group UnitedHealth Group is a health care and well-being company with a mission to help people live healthier lives and help make the health system work better for everyone through two distinct and complementary businesses. Optum delivers care aided by technology and data, empowering people, partners and providers with the guidance and tools they need to achieve better health. UnitedHealthcare offers a full range of health benefits, enabling affordable coverage, simplifying the health care experience and delivering access to high-quality care. Visit UnitedHealth Group at www.unitedhealthgroup.com and follow UnitedHealth Group on LinkedIn . View source version on businesswire.com : https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20241213224931/en/ Media:uhgmedia@uhg.com KEYWORD: MINNESOTA UNITED STATES NORTH AMERICA INDUSTRY KEYWORD: PROFESSIONAL SERVICES HEALTH INSURANCE HEALTH INSURANCE MANAGED CARE GENERAL HEALTH SOURCE: UnitedHealth Group Copyright Business Wire 2024. PUB: 12/13/2024 06:57 PM/DISC: 12/13/2024 06:56 PM http://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20241213224931/enPLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.
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