
Belt Sanding Machine Switches Market Outlook and Future Projections for 2030 11-24-2024 02:05 PM CET | Business, Economy, Finances, Banking & Insurance Press release from: Dhirtek Business Research and Consulting Belt Sanding Machine Switches Market The belt sanding machine switches market represents a dynamic and continually evolving landscape, shaped by changing consumer demands and technological advancements. In this comprehensive report, we provide an in-depth exploration of the market, designed for a wide range of stakeholders including manufacturers, suppliers, distributors, and investors. Our goal is to equip industry participants with essential insights that enable informed decision-making in an ever-changing market environment. This analysis not only examines the current state of the belt sanding machine switches market but also forecasts its future trends. Scope and Purpose This report serves as an extensive resource, thoughtfully curated to deliver actionable intelligence to industry stakeholders. It covers critical elements such as market dynamics, competitive environments, growth opportunities, challenges, and regional differences. The insights provided go beyond mere descriptions, offering a valuable tool for stakeholders to refine their strategies and make informed choices in a competitive market. Request for Sample Report: https://www.dhirtekbusinessresearch.com/market-report/Belt-Sanding-Machine-Switches-Market/request-for-sample-report Comprehensive Market Analysis We are committed to providing a thorough analysis that explores every aspect of market growth, including shifts in consumer preferences and technological innovations driving demand for belt sanding machine switches products. We also address the challenges faced by the industry, such as economic uncertainties and intense competition, offering insights to help stakeholders navigate these complexities. Key Players in the Belt Sanding Machine Switches Market: Defond Marquardt GmbH Weida Machinery HUAJIE Kedu Electric CPX Switch Chuanmu Electric Tyco Electronics Yueqing Jlevel Electrical Guosheng Instrument TACLEX Baokezhen Shunfa Bremas Superior Electric Strategic Guidance for the Future This report invites stakeholders to delve into a detailed examination of the competitive landscape. By profiling key players in the belt sanding machine switches market and analyzing their strategies, we offer crucial insights to help industry participants make informed strategic decisions. Whether it's about outpacing competitors or learning from successful approaches, our analysis is designed to guide stakeholders toward success. Anticipated Insights Understanding the diverse segments within the belt sanding machine switches market is critical to success. Our report breaks down segment sizes, potential growth trajectories, and key trends, offering actionable insights that allow stakeholders to develop targeted strategies and optimize resource allocation. The knowledge provided empowers stakeholders to navigate the complexities of the belt sanding machine switches market with clarity and confidence. Balancing Market Forces and Strategic Impact This report delivers a comprehensive analysis of the factors shaping the belt sanding machine switches market. By evaluating both the drivers of market growth and the obstacles that could impede it, stakeholders gain a holistic understanding of the market's dynamics. For manufacturers, this analysis helps align innovation efforts with consumer demands and regulatory trends, while investors and decision-makers gain a deeper understanding of economic risks and supply chain vulnerabilities, allowing them to make more informed strategic choices. Our goal is to provide stakeholders with the knowledge needed to confidently and successfully navigate the belt sanding machine switches market. Competitive Landscape Our in-depth examination of the belt sanding machine switches market's competitive landscape highlights key players, scrutinizing their strategies and impacts on the industry. By analyzing the approaches of major companies, stakeholders gain a valuable understanding of market dynamics and can leverage these insights to identify growth opportunities, innovate, and make informed strategic decisions. Market Segmentation The report begins with a detailed analysis of the unique characteristics defining each segment within the belt sanding machine switches market. Segmentation can occur across various dimensions, including product types, customer demographics, or specific use cases. Understanding these differences allows stakeholders to tailor their strategies, products, and marketing efforts to meet the specific needs of each segment, enhancing competitive positioning and maximizing opportunities for success. Market Segments: Product Type: DC and AC Speed Control Switch Single Speed Switch Micro Switch Trigger Switch Rocker Switch Others Application: Cordless Corded Market Size and Segment Growth Potential A crucial part of the report focuses on understanding the size and significance of each market segment. We provide quantitative data that illustrates the market share and contribution of each segment, enabling stakeholders to make informed decisions regarding resource allocation, strategic prioritization, and investment. This section offers insights into the growth potential of each segment, including factors driving future expansion, evolving consumer preferences, and technological adoption. Conclusion This report serves as a strategic guide for stakeholders in the belt sanding machine switches market, offering comprehensive insights into market segmentation, competitive dynamics, and growth potential. By understanding the market's complexities and emerging opportunities, industry participants can make well-informed decisions that drive success and innovation in this rapidly evolving market. 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Our objective is to enable our clientele to achieve transformational progress and help them to make better strategic business decisions and enhance their global presence. We serve numerous companies worldwide, mobilizing our seasoned workforce to help companies shape their development through proper channeling and execution. We offer our services to large enterprises, start-ups, non-profit organizations, universities, and government agencies. The renowned institutions of various countries and Fortune 500 businesses use our market research services to understand the business environment at the global, regional, and country levels. Our market research reports offer thousands of statistical information and analysis of various industries at a granular level." This release was published on openPR.None
Japan holds first memorial for 'all workers' at Sado gold mines but blurs WWII atrocity. Why?None
WWE News: Shawn Michaels Shares Behind the Scenes Footage From NXT Deadline, Top 10 NXT MomentsIf you’re looking to give your portfolio a boost before 2024 wraps up, the could offer some great opportunities to start. With oil prices holding steady for the last few months and natural gas prices inching up, some top Canadian oil and gas companies could post improved financials, which could drive their share prices higher in 2025. In this article, I’ll reveal two high-potential with stable you can consider adding to your portfolio before the year ends. Suncor Energy stock After trading on a weak note in 2023, ( ) has delivered 28% positive returns to investors year to date. With this, it currently trades at $54.15 per share with a market cap of $68.9 billion. At this market price, this Canadian integrated energy firm also offers a decent 4.2% annualized dividend yield. Financially, Suncor has had an outstanding 2024, beating Street analysts’ earnings estimates in each of the three quarters reported so far. In the September quarter, the company achieved its highest-ever refining throughput of 488,000 barrels per day with an impressive utilization rate of 105%. In addition, its upstream production reached 829,000 barrels per day, marking the best third quarter in Suncor’s history. Another key factor that makes this oil producer even more attractive for income-focused investors is its continued focus on returning value to its loyal shareholders. In the latest reported quarter, the company returned $1.5 billion to investors through a combination of share buybacks and dividends. Encouraged by its strong cash flows, Suncor also recently announced a 5% YoY (year-over-year) rise in its quarterly dividend to $0.57 per share. Besides its strong financial performance and operational efficiencies, Suncor’s strengthening balance sheet, with reducing debt, improving cost management, and investments in emissions reduction technologies, makes its stock really attractive to buy for the long term. Canadian Natural stock ( ) is another safe energy stock you may want to consider this December. After witnessing an 8.3% rise over the last year, CNQ stock currently trades at $45.90 per share with a market cap of $97 billion. At the current market price, it offers a 4.9% annualized dividend yield and distributes these payouts every quarter. In the latest quarter ended in September, Canadian Natural posted an average production of 1.36 million barrels of oil equivalent per day. This total production figure included a record-breaking synthetic crude oil (SCO) production of 529,000 barrels per day in August. The Canadian oil and gas giant recently acquired Chevron’s Alberta assets, which are likely to boost its production and cash flows in the coming years. With this acquisition, Canadian Natural has now raised its stake in the Athabasca oil sands project to 90%, adding 62,500 barrels per day of synthetic crude oil to its portfolio. Moreover, Canadian Natural’s continued efforts to expand its base of long-life, low-decline oil sand assets further strengthen its position as a high-quality energy stock to buy now and hold for years to come.
SADO, Japan (AP) — Japan held a memorial ceremony on Sunday near the Sado Island Gold Mines , listed this summer as a UNESCO World Heritage site after the country moved past years of historical disputes with South Korea and reluctantly acknowledged the mines' dark history. However, it has not offered an apology. At these mines, hundreds of Koreans were forced to labor under abusive and brutal conditions during World War II, historians say. Japanese officials at Sunday’s ceremony time paid tribute for the first to “all workers” including Korean laborers who died at the mines, without acknowledging they were forced laborers — part of what critics call a persistent policy of whitewashing Japan's history of sexual and labor exploitation before and during the war. The ceremony, supposed to further mend wounds, renewed tensions between the two sides. South Korea boycotted Sunday's memorial service citing unspecified disagreements with Tokyo over the event. “As a resident, I must say (their absence) is very disappointing after all the preparations we made,” said Sado Mayor Ryugo Watanabe. “I wish we could have held the memorial with South Korean attendees.” The Associated Press explains the Sado mines, their history and the controversy. The 16th-century mines on the island of Sado, about the size of the Pacific island of Guam, off the western coast of Niigata prefecture, operated for nearly 400 years, beginning in 1601, and were once the world’s largest gold producer. They closed in 1989. During the Edo period, from 1603 to 1868, the mines supplied gold currency to the ruling Tokugawa Shogunate. Today, the site has been developed into a tourist facility and hiking site where visitors can learn about the changes in mining technology and production methods while looking at the remains of mine shafts and ore dressing facilities. Critics say the Japanese government only highlights the glory of the mines and covers up its use of Korean victims of forced labor and their ordeals. The mines were registered as a cultural heritage site in July after Japan agreed to include an exhibit on the conditions of Korean forced laborers and to hold a memorial service annually after repeated protests from the South Korean government. A few signs have since been erected, indicating former sites of South Korean laborers’ dormitories. A city-operated museum in the area also added a section about Korean laborers, but a private museum attached to the main UNESCO site doesn't mention them at all. At the UNESCO World Heritage Committee July meeting, the Japanese delegate said Tokyo had installed new exhibition material to explain the “severe conditions of (the Korean laborers’) work and to remember their hardship.” Japan also acknowledged that Koreans were made to do more dangerous tasks in the mine shaft, which caused some to die. Those who survived also developed lung diseases and other health problems. Many of them were given meager food rations and nearly no days off and were caught by police if they escaped, historians say. But the Japanese government has refused to admit they were “forced labor.” South Korea had earlier opposed the listing of the site for UNESCO World Heritage on the grounds that the Korean forced laborers used at the mines were missing from the exhibition. South Korea eventually supported the listing after consultations with Japan and Tokyo’s pledge to improve the historical background of the exhibit and to hold a memorial that also includes Koreans. Historians say Japan used hundreds of thousands of Korean laborers, including those forcibly brought from the Korean Peninsula, at Japanese mines and factories to make up for labor shortages because most working-age Japanese men had been sent to battlefronts across Asia and the Pacific. About 1,500 Koreans were forced to work at the Sado mines, according to Yasuto Takeuchi, an expert on Japan’s wartime history, citing wartime Japanese documents. The South Korean government has said it expects Japan to keep its pledge to be truthful to history and to show both sides of the Sado mines. “The controversy surrounding the Sado mines exhibit underscores a deeper problem” of Japan’s failure to face up to its wartime responsibility and its growing “denialism” of its wartime atrocities, Takeuchi said. All workers who died at the Sado mines were honored. That includes hundreds of Korean laborers who worked there during Japan’s 1910-1945 colonization of the Korean Peninsula. At Sunday’s ceremony, four Japanese representatives, including central and local government officials and the head of the organizing group, thanked all mine workers for their sacrifice and mourned for those who died. None offered any apology to Korean forced laborers for the harsh treatment at the mines. Attendants observed a moment of silence for the victims who died at the mines due to accidents and other causes. The ceremony dredged up long-standing frustrations in South Korea. About 100 people, including officials from Japan’s local and central government, as well as South Korean Foreign Ministry officials and the relatives of Korean wartime laborers, were supposed to attend. Because of South Korea's last-minute boycott, more than 20 seats remained vacant. The Foreign Ministry said in a statement Saturday it was impossible to settle the disagreements between both governments before the planned event on Sunday, without specifying what those disagreements were. There has been speculation that the South Korean boycott might have been due to the presence of parliamentary vice minister Akiko Ikuina at Sunday's ceremony. In August 2022, Ikuina reportedly visited Tokyo’s controversial Yasukuni Shrine , weeks after she was elected as a lawmaker. Japan’s neighbors view Yasukuni, which commemorates 2.5 million war dead including war criminals, as a symbol of Japan’s past militarism. Her visit could have been seen as a sign of a lack of remorse. Some South Koreans criticized the Seoul government for throwing its support behind an event without securing a clear Japanese commitment to highlight the plight of Korean laborers. There were also complaints over South Korea agreeing to pay for the travel expenses of Korean victims’ family members who were invited to attend the ceremony. Critics say Japan’s government has long been reluctant to discuss wartime atrocities. That includes what historians describe as the sexual abuse and enslavement of women across Asia, many of them Koreans who were deceived into providing sex to Japanese soldiers at frontline brothels and euphemistically called “comfort women,” and the Koreans who were mobilized and forced to work in Japan, especially in the final years of World War II. Korean compensation demands for Japanese atrocities during its brutal colonial rule have strained relations between the two Asian neighbors, most recently after a 2018 South Korean Supreme Court ruling ordered Japanese companies to pay damages over their wartime forced labor. Japan’s government has maintained that all wartime compensation issues between the two countries were resolved under the 1965 normalization treaty. Ties between Tokyo and Seoul have improved recently after Washington said their disputes over historical issues hampered crucial security cooperation as China’s threat grows in the region. South Korea’s conservative President Yoon Suk Yeol announced in March 2023 that his country would use a local corporate fund to compensate forced labor victims without demanding Japanese contributions. Japan’s then-Prime Minister Fumio Kishida later expressed sympathy for their suffering during a Seoul visit. Security, business and other ties between the sides have since rapidly resumed. Japan’s whitewashing of wartime atrocities has risen since the 2010s, particularly under the past government of revisionist leader Shinzo Abe . For instance, Japan says the terms “sex slavery” and “forced labor” are inaccurate and insists on the use of highly euphemistic terms such as “comfort women” and “civilian workers” instead. Takeuchi, the historian, said listing Japan’s modern industrial historical sites as a UNESCO World Heritage is a government push to increase tourism. The government, he said, wants “to commercialize sites like the Sado mines by beautifying and justifying their history for Japan’s convenience.” Associated Press writer Kim Tong-hyung in Seoul, South Korea contributed to this report.FBI Director Wray says he intends to resign before Trump takes office in January
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BETHLEHEM, Pa. (AP) — Keith Higgins Jr. had 22 points to lead Lehigh to an 87-67 victory over Neumann on Sunday. Read this article for free: Already have an account? To continue reading, please subscribe: * BETHLEHEM, Pa. (AP) — Keith Higgins Jr. had 22 points to lead Lehigh to an 87-67 victory over Neumann on Sunday. Read unlimited articles for free today: Already have an account? BETHLEHEM, Pa. (AP) — Keith Higgins Jr. had 22 points to lead Lehigh to an 87-67 victory over Neumann on Sunday. Higgins added eight rebounds for the Mountain Hawks (5-6). Tyler Whitney-Sidney shot 7 for 12 (2 for 5 from 3-point range) and 3 of 3 from the free-throw line to add 19 points. Cam Gillus scored 10. Mike Smith III led the Knights with 15 points. Gary Francis added 12 points and DJ Earl had 12 points and three steals. Led by 13 points from Higgins before the break, Lehigh entered halftime tied with Neumann 42-42. Lehigh pulled away with a 9-0 run in the second half to extend a nine-point lead to 18 points. ___ The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar. Advertisement
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FBI Director Wray says he intends to resign before Trump takes office in JanuaryATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said in posting about his death on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. As reaction poured in from around the world, President Joe Biden mourned Carter’s death, saying the world lost an “extraordinary leader, statesman and humanitarian” and he lost a dear friend. Biden cited Carter’s compassion and moral clarity, his work to eradicate disease, forge peace, advance civil and human rights, promote free and fair elections, house the homeless and advocacy for the disadvantaged as an example for others. “To all of the young people in this nation and for anyone in search of what it means to live a life of purpose and meaning – the good life – study Jimmy Carter, a man of principle, faith, and humility,” Biden said in a statement. “He showed that we are a great nation because we are a good people – decent and honorable, courageous and compassionate, humble and strong.” Biden said he is ordering a state funeral for Carter in Washington. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A president from Plains A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. And then, the world Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” ‘An epic American life’ Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. A small-town start James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. 'Jimmy Who?' His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Accomplishments, and ‘malaise’ Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. 'A wonderful life' At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” Sanz is a former Associated Press reporter.Elias Cato scores 23 as Central Arkansas tops UNC Asheville 92-83 in double OT