wowjili gg secret code
Elon Musk wants to turn SpaceX's Starbase site into a Texas city
Barrister cleared of misconduct calls on head of Bar Standards Board to resignDEAR ABBY : My best friend of 40 years, "Savannah," has been in a bad marriage for 20 of those. Her husband has cheated on her repeatedly. He can't keep a job, and he emotionally abuses her and her daughter. Now that she's finally fed up, he refuses to leave the house. Despite how bad his behavior has been, Savannah is doing nothing to move the divorce forward. She continues paying for his travel and includes him in family get-togethers in what she calls a "sacrifice," made at her daughter's request. It has been incredibly difficult to be supportive, hear about how harmful this has been, support her when she says she's getting out, and then hear that for one reason or another he's still there. When I challenge her and suggest she's making excuses for not progressing with the divorce, she becomes defensive and shuts down the conversation. Over the last two years, she has taken to calling me twice a day, and becomes frustrated if I don't answer. I have asked her to stop telling me stories about her husband's behavior -- which usually lasts a week or two. I am at my wits' end about how to be a good friend without taking on the stress of her horrible situation and feeling generally overwhelmed by her outreach. What can I do to help her, but also prevent our friendship from imploding? — WEARY FRIEND IN MICHIGAN DEAR WEARY FRIEND : What you may need to do is accept that one of the reasons Savannah's dysfunctional marriage has lasted as long as it has is because she wants it to. She doesn't need to move forward because she has you to dump on when the pressure becomes too great. It may be time to stop focusing on what you can do to help Savannah and concentrate on what you need to do to help yourself. If that means stepping back and letting her find solutions to her problems without your help, don't feel guilty for doing it. Listen now and subscribe: Apple Podcasts | Spotify | Stitcher | RSS Feed | SoundStack | All Of Our Podcasts DEAR ABBY : For years, a group of us former co-workers has been going out to dinner once a month. My daughter is part of the group and is also the youngest. Lately, she has been dismissed and ignored by two members of our group (there are six of us). Being her mother, I am hurt by how they have treated her. She has stopped going out with us, but I'm uncertain if I should also stop. They have been nothing but nice to me. I'm lost on what to do anymore -- to go, or not to go? — HURT IN THE MIDWEST DEAR HURT : Have you asked these two former co-workers why they made your daughter feel unwelcome? Their behavior was rude. Have you asked the two who were welcoming what they think about all of this? Perhaps you (and your daughter) would feel more comfortable socializing with only them. That said, I do not think you should drop out of the group if you enjoy their company. Dear Abby is written by Abigail Van Buren, also known as Jeanne Phillips, and was founded by her mother, Pauline Phillips. Contact Dear Abby at www.DearAbby.com or P.O. Box 69440, Los Angeles, CA 90069. Entertainment Editor Bruce Miller says that the new Andrew Garfield and Florence Pugh film "We Live in Time" has a lot of tear-jerking moments and some adult scenes but often feels jumbled. Bruce Miller The Journal’s Jared McNett shows how to download and browse the Sioux City Journal's app. Jesse Brothers
Unveiled: 2 Must-Watch Stocks for Your TFSA Before 2025Ditch The High-End Brands: 35 Affordable Beauty Products That Are Superior To The Expensive Ones
Lam Research Corporation Comments on Newly Announced Export Regulations(ANI photo) MUMBAI: Dalal Street witnessed huge volatility on Friday, with the sensex swinging over 2,100 points in intraday trades and finally closing 843 points up at 82,133 points - a two-month closing high. The day's gains came on the back of strong foreign fund buying at Rs 2,335 crore, BSE data showed. The sensex opened Friday's session marginally lower at 81,212 points but soon, strong selling pulled it down to 80,083. Soon after, a strong recovery started that, during the closing minutes, took it to an intraday high of 82,214 points and it closed just a tad off that mark, up 1% on the day. According to Siddhartha Khemka, head of research (wealth management) at Motilal Oswal Financial Services, buying in FMCG, IT and banking stocks supported the recovery, even as broader market sentiment remained cautious. "The intraday selloff in Indian equities followed weakness across Asian markets, which posted steep losses amid a stronger dollar, rising US Treasury yields and continued skepticism over China's economic revival. The lack of clarity in China's stimulus plans weighed on metal stocks in India," he said. Although foreign funds were net buyers during the session, market players are still not convinced the buying will sustain the short term. "US Treasury yields have surged to their highest levels this year, dampening hopes for significant Federal Reserve rate cuts going ahead. The rupee hit a new low of Rs 84.88 per dollar on Thursday, pressured by a strong dollar, FII outflows, and higher crude oil prices. Investors will watch out for manufacturing and services PMI of US and India and domestic WPI inflation to be released on Monday," that could decide the market's trend going ahead, Khemka said. At close, of the 30 sensex stocks, 26 closed with gains. In the broader market, however, declines outnumbered advances with 2,173 laggards to 1,818 winners, BSE data showed. The day's session added about Rs 6.4 lakh crore to investors' wealth, with BSE's market capitalisation now at Rs 467.3 lakh crore. In the short run, a host of domestic and global factors would decide the market's trajectory. "Despite an adverse base effect, IIP growth in Oct 2024 improved marginally to 3.5% (from 3.1% in Sept). Impact of the US economic policy, recovery in domestic consumption & investment and CPI inflation are some factors to focus on over the next few months," Shrikant Chouhan, head of equity research at Kotak Securities, said. Market players also said that once Donald Trump takes office as the US President in Jan, the new administration's policies would be in focus too. Ready to Master Stock Valuation? ET’s Workshop is just around the corner!
Patrick Mahomes will probably find a new way to celebrate a big play moving forward. The Kansas City Chiefs ' star quarterback was fined over $14,000 by the NFL for what was deemed a "violent gesture" during Kansas City's Week 11 loss to the Buffalo Bills . Here's a look at the gesture that led to Mahomes being fined. The NFL fined #Chiefs QB Patrick Mahomes $14,069 for unsportsmanlike conduct (violent gesture) as he celebrated a touchdown pass last week in Buffalo ... pic.twitter.com/dXgnmYJSYp This is just the second time that Mahomes has been fined. His first fine occurred last December when he was docked $50,000 for "verbally abusing" officials doing a game that also took place during a loss to the Bills. Mahomes wasn't the only player who was fined this weekend due to a celebration that the NFL did not appreciate. Lions wideout Jameson Williams was docked nearly $20,000 for his celebration that paid homage to former NFL running back Marshawn Lynch's celebration at the end of his legendary touchdown run in the 2010 playoffs.
The Florida Gators face the Stanford Cardinal in the Sweet 16 of the NCAA Division I volleyball tournament on Thursday, Dec. 12, 2024 (12/12/24) at Freedom Hall in Louisville, Ky. How to watch: Fans can watch the game for free via a trial of DirecTV Stream or fuboTV . You can also watch via a subscription to Sling TV , which is offering half off your first month. — DirecTV Stream is offering $30 off on Entertainment with Sports Pack featuring NFL RedZone, Big Ten Network and more. — fuboTV plans start at $79.99 per month. — Sling TV is offering plans for as low as $20 for your first month Here’s what you need to know: What: NCAA volleyball Sweet 16 Who: Florida vs. Stanford When: Thursday, Dec. 12, 2024 Where: Freedom Hall Time: 7 p.m. ET TV: ESPN2 Live stream: fuboTV (free trial), DirecTV Stream (free trial) *** Regional semifinals schedule (All times Eastern Standard) Thursday, Dec. 12 No. 3 Missouri vs. No. 3 Kentucky, 1 p.m. | ESPN2 No. 4 Oregon vs. No.1 Pitt, 30 min. after Missouri-Kentucky | ESPN2 No. 6 Florida vs. No. 2 Stanford, 7 p.m. | ESPN2 No. 4 Purdue vs. No. 1 Louisville, 30 min. after Florida-Stanford | ESPN2 Friday, Dec. 13 No. 3 Texas vs. No. 2 Creighton, 1 p.m. | ESPN2 No. 5 Marquette vs. No. 1 Penn State, 30 min. after Texas-Creighton | ESPN2 No. 6 Texas A&M vs. No. 2 Wisconsin, 7 p.m. | ESPN2 No. 5 Dayton vs. No. 1 Nebraska, 30 min. after Texas A&M-Wisconsin | ESPN2 *** Loyola Chicago 3, No. 5 BYU 0 No. 6 Minnesota 3, Western Kentucky 1 No. 7 Missouri 3, Texas State 0 No. 6 Southern Cal 3, UT Arlington 0 Mississippi 3, No. 7 Florida St. 2 No. 5 Dayton 3, South Carolina 1 No. 7 Georgia Tech 3, Tennessee 2 No. 4 Purdue 3, Western Michigan 0 No. 5 Marquette 3, Florida Gulf Coast 0 No. 5 TCU 3, Hawaii 0 No. 3 Kentucky 3, Cleveland St. 0 No. 3 Texas 3, Texas A&M-CC 0 No. 2 Creighton 3, South Dakota 0 No. 2 Wisconsin 3, Fairfield 0 No. 2 SMU 3, Wichita 0 No. 4 Baylor 3, Wofford 0 No. 4 Oregon 3, High Point 0 No. 4 Utah 3, Charleston 0 No. 8 Oklahoma 3, UTEP 2 No. 8 N. Iowa 3, Illinois 1 No. 6 Florida 3, NC State 0 No. 8 North Carolina 3, Yale 1 No. 8 Miami 3, South Dakota St. 0 No. 6 Texas A&M 3, Colorado St. 1 No. 1 Pittsburgh 3, Morehead St. 0 No. 1 Louisville 3, Chicago St. 0 No. 3 Kansas 3, Colgate 0 No. 7 Loyola Marymount 3, Washington 2 No. 1 Penn State 3, Delaware St. 0 No. 1 Nebraska 3, Florida A&M 0 No. 3 Arizona St. 3,New Hampshire 0 No. 2 Stanford 3, Sacramento St. 0 No. 4 Purdue 3, Loyola Chicago 0 No. 1 Texas 3, No. 6 Southern California 0 No. 7 Missouri 3, No. 2 SMU 1 No. 3 Kentucky 3, No. 6 Minnesota 1 No. 2 Creighton 3, Mississippi 0 No. 2 Wisconsin 3, No. 7 Georgia Tech 1 No. 5 Dayton 3, No. 4 Baylor 2 No. 5 Marquette 3, No. 4 Utah 2 No. 4 Oregon 3, No. 3 TCU 1 No. 1 Louisville 3, No. 8 N. Iowa 2 No. 1 Penn St. 3, No. 8 North Carolina 1 No. 1 Pittsburgh 3, No. 8 Oklahoma 0 No. 6 Florida 3, No. 3 Kansas 2 No. 1 Nebraska 3, No. 8 Miami 0 No. 6 Texas A&M 3, No. 3 Arizona St, 1 No. 2 Stanford 3, No. 7 Loyola Marymount 0 *** Final Top 25 NCAA Volleyball Rankings Games through Dec. 2, 2024 1, Pitt; 2, Penn State; 3, Nebraska; 4, Louisville; 5, Stanford; 6, Creighton; 7, Wisconsin; 8, Arizona State; 9, Purdue; 10, SMU; 11, Kentucky; 12, Kansas; 13, Teas; 14, Oregon; 15, Minnesota; 16, Baylor; 17, Utah; 18, Georgia Tech; 19, Southern California; 20, TCU; 21, Florida State; 22, Florida; 23, Dayton; 24, BYU; 25, Missouri. *** Here are the best streaming options for college sports: Fubo TV (free trial): fuboTV carries ESPN, FOX, ABC, NBC and CBS. DirecTV Stream (free trial) : DirecTV Stream carries ESPN, FOX, NBC and CBS. Sling TV - Sling TV carries ESPN, FOX, ABC and NBC. ESPN+ ($11.99 a month): ESPN+ carries college basketball games each week for only $11.99 a month. These games are exclusive to the platform. Peacock TV ($7.99 a month): Peacock is the exclusive home of 75-plus Big Ten men’s and women’s basketball games for the 2024-25 season. The streaming service will also broadcast several Big East men’s basketball and Atlantic 10 men’s women’s basketball contests. Paramount+ (free trial): Paramount Plus will live stream college football games airing on CBS this year. Thank you for relying on us to provide the journalism you can trust. Please consider supporting us with a subscriptionMalcolm In the Middle's Frankie Muniz details hair loss battle and how finding the solution got him 'back into racing'
FREMONT, Calif. , Dec. 2, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- Lam Research Corp. (Nasdaq: LRCX). Today, the U.S. government announced additional measures to further restrict semiconductor technology exports to China . Our initial assessment is that the effect of the announced measures on Lam's business will be broadly consistent with our prior expectations. As a result, at this time we have no plans to update Lam's financial guidance for the December 2024 quarter as stated in our earnings press release on October 23, 2024 . About Lam Research Lam Research Corporation is a global supplier of innovative wafer fabrication equipment and services to the semiconductor industry. Lam's equipment and services allow customers to build smaller and better performing devices. In fact, today, nearly every advanced chip is built with Lam technology. We combine superior systems engineering, technology leadership, and a strong values-based culture, with an unwavering commitment to our customers. Lam Research (Nasdaq: LRCX) is a FORTUNE 500® company headquartered in Fremont, Calif. , with operations around the globe. Learn more at www.lamresearch.com . (LRCX) Caution Regarding Forward-Looking Statements: Statements made in this press release that are not of historical fact are forward-looking statements and are subject to the safe harbor provisions of the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. Such forward-looking statements relate to but are not limited to the effect of U.S. government restrictions on semiconductor technology exports to China , the effect of such measures on Lam's business, and our outlook and guidance for future financial results. Some factors that may affect these forward-looking statements include: trade regulations, export controls, trade disputes, and other geopolitical tensions may inhibit our ability to sell our products; our understanding of newly announced trade restrictions and their impact on our business may change over time; business, political and/or regulatory conditions in the consumer electronics industry, the semiconductor industry and the overall economy may deteriorate or change; the actions of our customers and competitors may be inconsistent with our expectations; supply chain cost increases and other inflationary pressures have impacted and may continue to impact our profitability; supply chain disruptions or manufacturing capacity constraints may limit our ability to manufacture and sell our products; and natural and human-caused disasters, disease outbreaks, war, terrorism, political or governmental unrest or instability, or other events beyond our control may impact our operations and revenue in affected areas; as well as the other risks and uncertainties that are described in the documents filed or furnished by us with the Securities and Exchange Commission, including specifically the Risk Factors described in our annual report on Form 10-K for the fiscal year ended June 30, 2024 and quarterly report on Form 10-Q for the quarter ended September 29, 2024 . These uncertainties and changes could materially affect the forward-looking statements and cause actual results to vary from expectations in a material way. The Company undertakes no obligation to update the information or statements made in this press release. Company Contacts: Ram Ganesh Investor Relations (510) 572-1615 Email: investor.relations@lamresearch.com Source: Lam Research Corporation### View original content to download multimedia: https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/lam-research-corporation-comments-on-newly-announced-export-regulations-302320046.html SOURCE Lam Research Corporation Best trending stories from the week. Success! An email has been sent to with a link to confirm list signup. Error! There was an error processing your request. You may occasionally receive promotions exclusive discounted subscription offers from the Roswell Daily Record. Feel free to cancel any time via the unsubscribe link in the newsletter you received. You can also control your newsletter options via your user dashboard by signing in.
The seabed has increasingly emerged as a significant and contested domain in recent years, drawing global attention due to unprecedented events and developments. In 2022 alone, incidents such as the breaking of the Svalbard subsea communication cable, the explosion of the Nord Stream 1 & 2 subsea gas pipelines and the breakage of the SHEFA-2 communication cable underscored the vulnerability of underwater critical infrastructure (UCI). This trend persisted into 2023, with similar disruptions affecting subsea communication cables, such as the one connecting Taiwan. Even in 2024, Pakistan had only gone through four incidents of submarine cables, which cost the nation millions of rupees. These events have not only highlighted the fragile nature of UCIs, including oil and gas pipelines, power transmission cables and submarine communication systems, but they have also spurred significant political, military, and scholarly interest in what is now termed "seabed warfare." Historically, seabed warfare is not a new concept. Navies have long conducted operations on the seabed, particularly during the Cold War, when the U.S. and the Soviet Union developed extensive acoustic surveillance systems for anti-submarine warfare (ASW) and strategic intelligence. Notably, the U.S. Navy's Operation IVY BELLS in the 1970s involved tapping Soviet subsea cables, yielding critical intelligence. Seabed warfare has evolved into a complex, multi-dimensional field, incorporating advanced technologies and strategies to protect and disrupt Underwater Critical Infrastructure (UCIs), reflecting its growing importance in defensive and offensive naval operations. The last two decades have witnessed a major boom in the energy distribution sector through the seabed. Various oil and gas pipelines run on the seabed in different oceans, which ensures energy supply among other countries and regions; they hold vital economic importance. Nord Stream 1 and 2 gas pipelines transport Russian gas to Europe and run on the seabed of the Baltic Sea. Within Europe, there is also a network of underwater gas pipelines that transport Norwegian gas to the U.K., France, Belgium, Germany, Denmark and Poland. These gas pipelines run on the seabed of the North and Baltic Seas . In the East, the subsea Ichthys Export Pipeline (Timor Sea) transports gas from the Ichthys field to mainland Australia. Yacheng 13-1 gas pipeline transports gas from the Yacheng gas field to mainland China, and the list goes on. Subsea oil pipelines are also being extensively used to transport oil from offshore terminals to land. According to surveys, the web of 2,381 operational oil and gas pipelines spread across 162 nations back in 2020. Similarly, offshore drilling for new energy resources on the seabed of different oceans around the world is also witnessing a boom. Keeping in view projects such as the Trans Caspian, subsea energy transportation is likely to have an upward trend. Subsea communication cables also hold significant importance for the world’s economic growth and stability. More than 97% of the world’s internet data flows through the ocean. Let alone subsea communication cables enable money transactions worth $10 trillion per day across the world. Any disruption to these cables is considered socio-economically catastrophic. Politically, growing subsea connectivity and dependency on energy and information are being considered lucrative foreign policy tools. Subsea pipelines and cables have gained unprecedented strategic importance. Safe operations of subsea pipelines and cables are crucial for socio-economic stability, but at the same time, their blockage and disruption can impose significant strategic effects. New international relations (IR) terms such as ‘pipeline diplomacy’ reflect the same political thought. For military strategists, seabed warfare capability to protect (defensive) and even disrupt (offensive) subsea pipelines and cables has become a priority area. Seabed warfare is inherently attractive for the hybrid military strategy; therefore, it has great potential to grow in "no war-no peace" and "low-intensity conflict" environments. Based on an analysis of seabed operations in naval history, recent events and development strategies of different navies, the scope of emerging seabed warfare can be divided into benign, defensive and offensive operations. Benign operations will be mainly aimed at oceanographic research, search and rescue (SAR) and salvage operations. Defensive operations will focus on the protection of UCIs. Emerging concepts like Seabed-to-Space Situational Awareness (S3A), Distributed Remote Sensing (DRS), the Great Underwater Wall, etc., will define the framework of defensive seabed operations. Similarly, offensive operations will focus on the destruction or disruption of UCIs and the tapping of digital data flowing through subsea communication cables. Technological advancements enabled seabed access more than ever. Modern hydro-mechanical systems, advanced electronics and artificial intelligence are enabling the maritime industry to produce ships, submarines and UUVs (uncrewed underwater vehicles) that would carry out activities on the seabed. So where research, exploration and productive machines can go, there will also be military vehicles accessing the seabed to turn it into a new battlefield. Seabed warfare is a technologically intensive field. Artificial intelligence is reckoned to be the backbone of all enablers of seabed warfare. Enablers of seabed warfare can be divided into three categories: launch platforms (submarines, ships, extra-large UUVs), execution vehicles (UUVs, ROVs, and AUVs) and remote sensors (underwater buoys, ocean data buoys, and air/satellite-based sensors). It is interesting to highlight that there is significant technological progress in each category. The Belgorod Class Submarine (Russian Navy) is designed to address this requirement for seabed operations. Though U.S. submarines have the capability to carry out similar operations at present, it has decided to develop the VA SSW (Modified Virginia Subsea and Seabed Warfare) submarine. The same trend is followed even by conventional submarines; the latest Swedish A-26 Class submarines have specific features such as rapid and straightforward bottoming and UUV launch and control capability for seabed warfare. The Italian NFS (Near Future Submarine) project and the German-Norwegian Type 212 CD have similar claims. UUV technology is considered the linchpin of seabed warfare. A long list of special ships will be mainly used for benign and defensive seabed operations. UUVs are becoming more capable in terms of operating depths, endurance, power and propulsion day by day. UUVs are the world’s leading defense companies' top priority. Data from remote sensors such as underwater hydrophone networks, ocean buoys and even satellites can be fused together for robust surveillance. As seabed warfare continues to evolve, driven by rapid technological advancements and strategic competition, it is becoming an increasingly sophisticated and high-stakes arena. The development of seabed warfare capabilities, such as the Russian Belgorod Class Submarine and the U.S. Virginia-class submarines, reflects the growing emphasis on controlling this new battlefield. Until clear international rules are established to govern seabed warfare, the potential for conflict in this domain remains significant, with implications for global security and stability. Moreover, in the context of Pakistan, a country with a strategic vicinity and growing dependence on undersea cables, it is imperative to assess its preparedness and resilience against emerging threats of seabed warfare.Julia Wick | (TNS) Los Angeles Times As California politicos look ahead to 2025, the biggest question looming is whether Vice President Kamala Harris — a native daughter, battered just weeks ago by presidential election defeat — will enter the 2026 California governor’s race. Related Articles National Politics | Senate begins final push to expand Social Security benefits for millions of people National Politics | Trump taps immigration hard-liner Kari Lake as head of Voice of America National Politics | Trump invites China’s Xi to his inauguration even as he threatens massive tariffs on Beijing National Politics | Pressure on a veteran and senator shows what’s next for those who oppose Trump National Politics | What Americans think about Hegseth, Gabbard and key Trump Cabinet picks AP-NORC poll Harris has yet to give any public indication on her thoughts and those close to her suggest the governorship is not immediately top of mind. But if Harris does ultimately run — and that’s a massive if — her entrée would seismically reshape the already crowded race for California’s highest office. Recent polling suggests Harris would have a major advantage, with 46% of likely voters saying they were somewhat or very likely to support her for governor in 2026, according to a UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies survey co-sponsored by The Times. “If Vice President Harris were to choose to run, I am certain that that would have a near field-clearing effect on the Democratic side,” Rep. Katie Porter, D-Irvine, said during a recent UC Irvine panel interview . Porter, a high-profile Democrat who has been eyeing the wide-open governor’s race, has yet to say whether she plans to run. Porter’s point was broadly echoed in conversations with nearly a dozen California political operatives and strategists, several of whom requested anonymity to speak candidly. Most speculated that a Harris entry would cause some other candidates in the race to scatter, creating further upheaval in down-ballot races as a roster of ambitious politicians scramble for other opportunities. “In politics, you always let the big dogs eat first,” quipped Democratic political consultant Peter Ragone. The current gubernatorial field is a who’s who of California politicians, but lacks a clear favorite or star with widespread name recognition. The vast majority of California’s 22 million voters have yet to pay attention to the race and have little familiarity with the candidates. The list of Democratic candidates includes Los Angeles’ first Latino mayor in more than a century ( Antonio Villaraigosa ); the first female and first out LGBTQ leader of the state Senate ( Toni Atkins ); the sitting lieutenant governor and first woman to hold that post ( Eleni Kounalakis ); the state superintendent of public instruction ( Tony Thurmond ) and the former state controller ( Betty Yee ). Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom is serving his second term as California governor, meaning he is ineligible to run again. Several other Democrats, including Porter, outgoing Health and Human Services Director Xavier Becerra and state Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta have also publicly toyed with the idea of a run. They could be less likely to enter the fray should Harris decide to run. What the billionaire mall mogul Rick Caruso — who has also been exploring a run — would choose to do is an open question, as Caruso might contrast himself with Harris as a more centrist candidate. The real estate developer was a registered Republican until November 2019. It’s unlikely that Harris will proffer a public decision in the immediate term, leaving plenty of time for political insiders to game out hypotheticals in the weeks and months to come. Harris’ office did not respond to a request for comment. “I think every candidate for governor is trying to get some kind of intel,” Mike Trujillo, a Los Angeles-based Democratic political consultant and former Villaraigosa staffer, said of a potential Harris run. Trujillo speculated that Harris’ current state was probably similar to Hillary Clinton’s hiking sojourns in the Chappaqua woods after losing to Donald Trump in 2016, or Al Gore growing a beard in the bruising aftermath of his 2000 defeat. “The first thing she’s probably thinking about is, ‘Well, can I run again for president in four years?’ Not, ‘Do I run for governor in two years?’” said one political operative who’s worked with Harris in the past. Harris maintains a home in Brentwood and previously served as California’s senator and attorney general. A successful run for governor in 2026 would almost certainly impede a grab for the presidency in 2028. (Though if history is any guide, an unsuccessful run for California governor does not definitively preclude a bid for the Oval Office: Two years after losing the White House to John F. Kennedy, Richard Nixon lost the 1962 contest for governor to Pat Brown . The Yorba Linda native became the nation’s 37th president in 1969.) As the chief executive of a state that doubles as the world’s fifth-largest economy, Harris would have more power to steer policy and make changes as a California governor than she did as vice president, where her job required deference to President Biden. But leading a state, even the nation’s most populous, could feel like small potatoes after being a heartbeat (and a few dozen electoral votes) from the presidency. The protracted slog to November 2026 would also be a stark contrast to her ill-fated 107-day sprint toward the White House, particularly for a candidate whose 2020 presidential primary campaign was dogged by allegations of infighting and mismanagement. “I don’t think Kamala Harris has a deep psychological need to be governor of California, or to be in elective office in order to feel like she can contribute to society,” said the operative who’s worked with Harris in the past. “I think some of these people do, but she’s somebody who has enough prominence that she could do a lot of big, wonderful things without having to worry about balancing California’s budget or negotiating with Assemblyman Jesse Gabriel,” the Encino Democrat who chairs the Assembly’s budget committee. Technically, Harris has until March 2026 to decide whether she enters a race. But political strategists who spoke to The Times theorized that she probably would make a move by late spring, if she chooses to do so. “People will be more annoyed if she drops in in June,” a Democratic strategist involved with one of the gubernatorial campaigns said. Sending a clear signal by February would be more “courteous,” the strategist continued, explaining that such a move would give candidates more time to potentially enter other races. Kounalakis is a longtime friend and ally of Harris’ , and the vice president also has long-term relationships with some of the other candidates and potential candidates. California has eight statewide elected offices and campaign finance laws allow candidates to fundraise interchangeably for them, meaning money already raised for a candidate’s gubernatorial campaign could easily be redirected should they decide to run for, say, lieutenant governor instead. There are already a number of candidates running for lieutenant governor, including former Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs, former state Sen. Steven Bradford and former state Treasurer Fiona Ma. But that office probably would see even more interest should Harris enter the gubernatorial race. It’s a largely ceremonial position, but one that has served as a launching pad for the governorship. Still, even if Harris does enter the race, Republican political strategist Mike Murphy threw cold water on the idea that she would have an automatic glide path to the governor’s office. “It’s like Hollywood. Nobody knows anything. She’s famous enough to look credible in early polling. That’s all we know for sure,” Murphy said. “Does that predict the future? No. Are there a lot of downsides (to a potential Harris candidacy)? Totally, yes.” ©2024 Los Angeles Times. Visit latimes.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.
A range of independent TDs are contemplating the prospect of entering Ireland’s next coalition government as Fianna Fail and Fine Gael consider ways to secure a solid majority. Three long days of counting in the General Election finished late on Monday night when the final two seats were declared in the constituency of Cavan-Monaghan. Fianna Fail was the clear winner of the election, securing 48 of the Dail parliament’s 174 seats. Sinn Fein took 39 and Fine Gael 38. Labour and the Social Democrats both won 11 seats; People Before Profit-Solidarity took three; Aontu secured two; and the Green Party retained only one of its 12 seats. Independents and others accounted for 21 seats. The return of a Fianna Fail/Fine Gael-led coalition is now highly likely. However, their combined seat total of 86 leaves them just short of the 88 needed for a majority in the Dail. While the two centrist parties that have dominated Irish politics for a century could look to strike a deal with one of the Dail’s smaller centre-left parties, such as the Social Democrats or Labour, a more straightforward route to a majority could be achieved by securing the support of several independent TDs. For Fianna Fail leader Micheal Martin and current taoiseach and Fine Gael leader Simon Harris, wooing like-minded independents would be likely to involve fewer policy concessions, and financial commitments, than would be required to convince another party to join the government benches. Longford-Westmeath independent TD Kevin “Boxer” Moran, who served in a Fine Gael-led minority government between 2017 and 2020, expressed his willingness to listen to offers to join the new coalition in Dublin. “Look, my door’s open,” he told RTE. “Someone knocks, I’m always there to open it.” Marian Harkin, an independent TD for Sligo-Leitrim, expressed her desire to participate in government as she noted that Fianna Fail and Fine Gael were within “shouting distance” of an overall majority. “That means they will be looking for support, and I certainly will be one of those people who will be speaking to them and talking to them and negotiating with them, and I’m looking forward to doing that, because that was the reason that I ran in the first place,” she said. Meanwhile, the Social Democrats and Irish Labour Party both appear cautious about the prospect of an alliance with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael. They will no doubt be mindful of the experience of the Green Party, the junior partner in the last mandate. The Greens experienced near wipeout in the election, retaining only one of their 12 seats. Sinn Fein appears to currently have no realistic route to government, given Fianna Fail and Fine Gael’s ongoing refusal to share power with the party. Despite the odds being stacked against her party, Sinn Fein president Mary Lou McDonald contacted the leaders of the Social Democrats and Labour on Monday to discuss options. Earlier, Fianna Fail deputy leader and outgoing Finance Minister Jack Chambers predicted that a new coalition government would not be in place before Christmas. Mr Chambers said planned talks about forming an administration required “time and space” to ensure that any new government will be “coherent and stable”. After an inconclusive outcome to the 2020 election, it took five months for Fianna Fail, Fine Gael and the Greens to strike the last coalition deal. Mr Chambers said he did not believe it would take that long this time, as he noted the Covid-19 pandemic was a factor in 2020, but he also made clear it would not be a swift process. He said he agreed with analysis that there was no prospect of a deal before Christmas. “I don’t expect a government to be formed in mid-December, when the Dail is due to meet on December 18, probably a Ceann Comhairle (speaker) can be elected, and there’ll have to be time and space taken to make sure we can form a coherent, stable government,” he told RTE. “I don’t think it should take five months like it did the last time – Covid obviously complicated that. But I think all political parties need to take the time to see what’s possible and try and form a stable government for the Irish people.” Fine Gael minister of state Peter Burke said members of his parliamentary party would have to meet to consider their options before giving Mr Harris a mandate to negotiate a new programme for government with Fianna Fail. “It’s important that we have a strong, stable, viable government, whatever form that may be, to ensure that we can meet the challenges of our society, meet the challenges in terms of the economic changes that are potentially going to happen,” he told RTE. Despite being set to emerge with the most seats, it has not been all good news for Fianna Fail. The party’s outgoing Health Minister Stephen Donnelly became one of the biggest casualties of the election when he lost his seat in Wicklow in the early hours of Monday morning. Mr Donnelly was always predicted to face a fight in the constituency after boundary changes saw it reduced from five to four seats. If it is to be a reprise of the Fianna Fail/Fine Gael governing partnership of the last mandate, one of the major questions is around the position of taoiseach and whether the parties will once again take turns to hold the Irish premiership during the lifetime of the new government. The outcome in 2020 saw the parties enter a coalition on the basis that the holder of the premier position would be exchanged midway through the term. Fianna Fail leader Mr Martin took the role for the first half of the mandate, with Leo Varadkar taking over in December 2022. Current Fine Gael leader Mr Harris succeeded Mr Varadkar as taoiseach when he resigned from the role earlier this year. However, this time Fianna Fail has significantly increased its seat lead over Fine Gael, compared with the last election when there were only three seats between the parties. The size of the disparity in party numbers is likely to draw focus on the rotating taoiseach arrangement, raising questions as to whether it will be re-run in the next coalition and, if it is, on what terms. On Sunday, Simon Coveney, a former deputy leader of Fine Gael, said a coalition that did not repeat the rotating taoiseach arrangement in some fashion would be a “difficult proposition” for his party. Meanwhile, Fine Gael minister Paschal Donohoe said he would be making the case for Mr Harris to have another opportunity to serve as taoiseach. On Monday, Mr Chambers said while his party would expect to lead the government it would approach the issue of rotating the taoiseach’s role on the basis of “mutual respect” with Fine Gael. “I think the context of discussions and negotiations will be driven by mutual respect, and that’s the glue that will drive a programme for government and that’s the context in which we’ll engage,” he said. On Monday, Labour leader Ivana Bacik reiterated her party’s determination to forge an alliance with fellow centre-left parties with the intention of having a unified approach to the prospect of entering government. Asked if Labour was prepared to go into government with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael on its own, she told RTE: “No, not at this stage. We are absolutely not willing to do that. “We want to ensure there’s the largest number of TDs who share our vision and our values who want to deliver change on the same basis that we do.” The Social Democrats have been non-committal about any potential arrangement with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael, and have restated a series of red lines they would need to achieve before considering taking a place in government. Leader Holly Cairns, who gave birth to a daughter on polling day on Friday, said in a statement: “The party is in a very strong position to play an important role in the next Dail. In what position, government or opposition, remains to be seen.” Fianna Fail secured the most first preference votes in Friday’s proportional representation election, taking 21.9% to Fine Gael’s 20.8%. Sinn Fein came in third on 19%. While Sinn Fein’s vote share represented a marked improvement on its disappointing showing in June’s local elections in Ireland, it is still significantly down on the 24.5% poll-topping share it secured in the 2020 general election. The final breakdown of first preferences also flipped the result of Friday night’s exit poll, which suggested Sinn Fein was in front on 21.1%, with Fine Gael on 21% and Fianna Fail on 19.5%.