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Polls close in Uruguay’s election, with ruling coalition and opposition headed for photo finish MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay (AP) — Uruguayans on Sunday voted in the second round of the country's presidential election , with the conservative governing party and the left-leaning coalition locked in a close runoff after failing to win an outright majority Nayara Batschke, The Associated Press Nov 24, 2024 2:47 PM Share by Email Share on Facebook Share on X Share on LinkedIn Print Share via Text Message Pedestrians pass by Uruguay's national flag and political party banners for sale on the day of the presidential run-off election in Montevideo, Uruguay, Sunday, Nov. 24, 2024. (AP Photo/Natacha Pisarenko) MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay (AP) — Uruguayans on Sunday voted in the second round of the country's presidential election , with the conservative governing party and the left-leaning coalition locked in a close runoff after failing to win an outright majority in last month’s vote . The closing of polls started a countdown to the announcement of official results as independent polling firms were preparing to release so-called quick counts. Depending on how tight the vote turns out to be, electoral officials may not call the race for days — as happened in the contentious 2019 runoff that brought center-right President Luis Lacalle Pou to office and ended 15 years of rule by Uruguay’s left-leaning Broad Front. Uruguay's staid election has turned into a hard-fought race between Álvaro Delgado, the incumbent party’s candidate who won 27% in the first round of voting on Oct. 27, and Yamandú Orsi from the Broad Front, who took 44% of the vote in the first round. But other conservative parties that make up the government coalition — in particular, the Colorado Party — notched 20% of the vote collectively, enough to give Delgado an edge over his challenger. Congress ended up evenly split in the October vote. Most polls have shown a virtual tie between Delgado and Orsi, with nearly 10% of Uruguayan voters undecided even at this late stage. Many said they believed turnout would be low if voting weren't compulsory in the country. “Neither candidate convinced me and I feel that there are many in my same situation," said Vanesa Gelezoglo, 31, in the capital, Montevideo, adding she would make up her mind at “the last minute.” Analysts say the candidates' lackluster campaigns and broad consensus on key issues have generated extraordinary indecision and apathy in an election dominated by discussions about social spending and concerns over income inequality but largely free of the anti-establishment rage that has vaulted populist outsiders to power elsewhere . “The question of whether Frente Amplio (the Broad Front) raises taxes is not an existential question, unlike what we saw in the U.S. with Trump and Kamala framing each other as threats to democracy," said Nicolás Saldías, a Latin America and Caribbean senior analyst for the London-based Economist Intelligence Unit. “That doesn't exist in Uruguay.” Both candidates are also appealing to voter angst over a surge in violent crime that has shaken a nation long regarded as one of the region’s safest, with Delgado promising tough-on-crime policies and Orsi advocating a more community-oriented approach. Delgado, 55, a rural veterinarian with a long career in the National Party, campaigned on a vow to continue the legacy of current President Lacalle Pou — in some ways making the election into a referendum on his leadership. He campaigned under the slogan “re-elect a good government." While a string of corruption scandals rattled Lacalle Pou's government last year, the president — who constitutionally cannot run for a second consecutive term — now enjoys high approval ratings and a strong economy expected to grow 3.2% this year, according to the International Monetary Fund. Inflation has also eased in recent months, boosting his coalition. Delgado served most recently as Secretary of the Presidency for Lacalle Pou and promises to pursue his predecessor's pro-business policies. He would continue pushing for a trade deal with China that has raised hackles in Mercosur, an alliance of South American countries promoting regional commerce. "We have to give the government coalition a chance to consolidate its proposals,” said Ramiro Pérez, a street vendor voting for Delgado on Sunday. Orsi, 57, a former history teacher and two-time mayor from a working-class background, is widely seen as the political heir to iconic former President José “Pepe” Mujica , an ex-Marxist guerilla who raised Uruguay's international profile as one of the region's most socially liberal and environmentally sustainable nations during his 2010-2015 term. His Broad Front coalition oversaw the legalization of abortion, same-sex marriage and the sale of marijuana in the small South American nation of 3.4 million people. “He's my candidate, not only for my sake but also for my children's,” Yeny Varone, a nurse, said of Orsi. “In the future they'll have better working conditions, health and salaries.” Mujica, now 89 and recovering from esophageal cancer , was among the first to cast his ballot after polls opened. “Uruguay is a small country, but it has earned recognition for being stable, for having a citizenry that respects institutional formalities,” he told reporters from his local polling station. “This is no small feat.” While promising to forge a “new left” in Uruguay, Orsi plans no dramatic changes. He proposes tax incentives to lure investment and social security reforms that would lower the retirement age but fall short of a radical overhaul sought by Uruguay's unions. The contentious plebiscite on whether to boost pension payouts failed to pass in October, with Uruguayans rejecting generous pensions in favor of fiscal constraint. Both candidates pledged full cooperation with each other if elected. “I want (Orsi) to know that my idea is to form a government of national unity,” Delgado told reporters after casting his vote in the capital's upscale Pocitos neighborhood. He said that if he won, he and Orsi would chat on Monday over some yerba mate, the traditional herbal drink beloved by Uruguayans. Orsi similarly pledged a smooth and respectful transition of power, describing Sunday's democratic exercise as “an incredible experience" as he voted in Canelones, the sprawling town of beaches and cattle ranches just north of Montevideo where he served as mayor for a decade. “The essence of politics is agreements,” he said. “You never end up completely satisfied.” ___ Associated Press writer Isabel DeBre in Villa Tunari, Bolivia, contributed to this report. Nayara Batschke, The Associated Press See a typo/mistake? Have a story/tip? 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MEXICO CITY: The growing popularity of Chinese sport utility vehicles and pickup trucks has shaken up Mexico’s luxury car market, hitting sales of traditionally dominant brands such as Mercedes-Benz and BMW. According to industry experts, Mexicans are increasingly switching from traditionally dominant sedans to Chinese vehicles due to a combination of comfort, technology and price. It is no small feat in a country home to factories of foreign brands such as Audi and BMW, and where until a few years ago imported Chinese cars were stigmatized, as in other parts of the world. According to the Mexican Association of Automotive Distributors (AMDA), the high-end segment of the market registered a sales drop of 8.1 percent from January to November. Audi’s sales slumped by 21.9 percent, while BMW, which includes the Mini brand, saw no growth in Latin America’s second-largest economy, home to 129 million people. Mercedes-Benz suffered a 9.8 percent decline, according to the state-run statistics institute INEGI. In contrast, Motornation, which sells the BAIC, JMC and Changan brands in Mexico, saw an 8.8 percent increase in sales in the first 11 months of this year, while those of Jetour rose 131 percent, it said. Chinese firms now control 9.3 percent of the Mexican market, according to the AMDA. They have brought stiff competition to the pickup truck segment, with many of the features of high-end models offered by premium brands, the association’s president Guillermo Rosales told AFP. Traditionally, the premium segment included sedan-type vehicles with luxury engines and top-of-the-range features. However, over the past decade consumer preferences have shifted toward utility vehicles such as pickup trucks, minivans and SUVs. Asian brands also benefited from an exemption from import tariffs on electric vehicles that was in effect in Mexico from 2020 until October 1. As in other Latin American countries, Mexicans are becoming more used to seeing Chinese brands on the streets that were unknown to them until about five years ago. Miguel Reyes, a 71-year-old retiree, said that choosing a Chinese car over others was “simple arithmetic.” “I needed a car that had the necessary technology, such as steering assist, to make driving safer,” Reyes said. As well as the design and comfort, the “competitive” price was another factor, said Reyes, who paid around 550,000 pesos—roughly $27,000. A similar model from a traditional brand would have cost him between $40,000 and $50,000, he said. According to Gerardo Gomez, an expert at the data and analytics company J D Power, there are around 30 Chinese brands in Mexico, with vehicles ranging from compacts to luxury cars. “They can offer you anything at any point in the range.” BYD offers an electric pickup truck for more than a million pesos ($50,000) but also a compact car for $17,000. Zeekr, a premium electric brand, sells luxury models for around $40,000. Chinese cars’ growing presence in Mexico, which is itself a major exporter of vehicles, comes at a time when China is a source of contention between the United States, Mexico and Canada, partners in a regional free trade agreement. During his campaign, US President-elect Donald Trump suggested that China was building car factories in Mexico to sell vehicles in the United States. Canadian officials have accused Mexico of being a springboard for Chinese products in the region—a claim denied by Mexican authorities. Trump has also threatened to impose 25 percent tariffs on both Mexico and Canada unless they stop flows of migrants and drugs. According to Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum, only seven percent of the components of cars manufactured in the Latin American country are Chinese. “There’s no evidence from anywhere that proves that Mexico is being used as a springboard” for Chinese products, said Diego Marroquin, a trade policy specialist at the Wilson Center in the United States. “It’s a political narrative that comes from the United States and now from Canada.” Sheinbaum said last month that she would propose to the United States and Canada a Chinese import substitution plan, noting that in the case of Mexico alone, the trade deficit with the Asian giant amounted to $80 billion. – AFP
JACKSON, Miss. (AP) — The U.S. Supreme Court should overturn Mississippi's Jim Crow-era practice of removing voting rights from people convicted of certain felonies, including nonviolent crimes such as forgery and timber theft, attorneys say in new court papers. Most of the people affected are disenfranchised for life because the state provides few options for restoring ballot access. “Mississippi’s harsh and unforgiving felony disenfranchisement scheme is a national outlier,” attorneys representing some who lost voting rights said in an appeal filed Wednesday. They wrote that states "have consistently moved away from lifetime felony disenfranchisement over the past few decades.” This case is the second in recent years — and the third since the late 19th century — that asks the Supreme Court to overturn Mississippi's disenfranchisement for some felonies. The cases use different legal arguments, and the court rejected the most recent attempt in 2023. The new appeal asks justices to reverse a July ruling from the conservative 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, which said Mississippi legislators, not the courts, must decide whether to change the laws. Stripping away voting rights for some crimes is unconstitutional because it is cruel and unusual punishment, the appeal argues. A majority of justices rejected arguments over cruel and unusual punishment in June when they cleared the way for cities to enforce bans on homeless people sleeping outside in public places. Attorneys who sued Mississippi over voting rights say the authors of the state's 1890 constitution based disenfranchisement on a list of crimes they thought Black people were more likely to commit. A majority of the appeals judges wrote that the Supreme Court in 1974 reaffirmed constitutional law allowing states to disenfranchise felons. About 38% of Mississippi residents are Black. Nearly 50,000 people were disenfranchised under the state's felony voting ban between 1994 and 2017. More than 29,000 of them have completed their sentences, and about 58% of that group are Black, according to an expert who analyzed data for plaintiffs challenging the voting ban. To regain voting rights in Mississippi, a person convicted of a disenfranchising crime must receive a governor’s pardon or win permission from two-thirds of the state House and Senate. In recent years, legislators have restored voting rights for only a few people. The other recent case that went to the Supreme Court argued that authors of Mississippi's constitution showed racist intent when they chose which felonies would cause people to lose the right to vote. In that ruling, justices declined to reconsider a 2022 appeals court decision that said Mississippi remedied the discriminatory intent of the original provisions in the state constitution by later altering the list of disenfranchising crimes. In 1950, Mississippi dropped burglary from the list. Murder and rape were added in 1968. The Mississippi attorney general issued an opinion in 2009 that expanded the list to 22 crimes, including timber larceny, carjacking, felony-level shoplifting and felony-level writing bad checks. Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson wrote in a 2023 dissent that Mississippi's list of disenfranchising crimes was “adopted for an illicit discriminatory purpose." Emily Wagster Pettus, The Associated Press