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NoneA $750 million educational bond to fund new facilities at Mt. San Antonio College just garnered enough votes to exceed the threshold for passage, the community college announced in a statement Friday, Nov. 22. LIVE ELECTION RESULTS: See a chart of the latest vote counts Measure V needed 55% of the vote to pass and as of the Nov. 21 update, yes on Measure V had received 55.6% or 140,409 votes, according to the L.A. County Registrar of Voters. “This success is a direct result of voters who understand the vital role Mt. SAC plays in our region,” Mt. SAC Community College District Board President Manuel Baca said in a statement. “We are deeply grateful for their continued support.” The funds from the bond will enable Mt. SAC to complete construction of its Technology and Health building, which will house 10 departments and 26 programs. According to the school, once complete it will be the largest building on any college campus in California. Measure V will also support the construction of facilities for the School of Continuing Education, a new library and address infrastructure needs. The measure will cost property owners within the school’s district $15 per $100,000 of assessed property value. A Citizens’ Oversight Committee will be created to oversee the use of funds, according to Mt. Sac.
South Africa Ranks Low in Digital Economy and 5G Connectivity, Study Finds
TRENTON, N.J. (AP) — A large number of mysterious drones have been reported flying over New Jersey and across the eastern U.S., sparking speculation and concern over where they came from and why. New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy and U.S. Sen. Andy Kim have both gone out on drone hunts, hoping for answers. The FBI, Homeland Security, state police and other agencies are investigating. Murphy and law enforcement officials have stressed that the drones don’t appear to be a threat to public safety , but many state and municipal lawmakers have nonetheless called for stricter rules about who can fly the unmanned aircraft — and to be allowed to shoot them out of the sky. Dozens of witnesses have reported seeing drones statewide since mid-November, including near the Picatinny Arsenal, a military research and manufacturing facility, and over President-elect Donald Trump’s golf course in Bedminster. Murphy, a Democrat, said Monday that equipment supplied by the federal government has yielded little new information. He declined to describe the equipment except to say it was powerful and could even “mitigate” the drones, though he added that’s not currently legal on U.S. soil. The state tallied 12 sightings Saturday and just one on Sunday. Murphy urged Congress to give states more authority to deal with the drones. The growing anxiety among some residents is not lost on the Biden administration, which has faced criticism from Trump for not dealing with the matter more aggressively. White House national security spokesman John Kirby on Monday said the federal government has yet to identify any public safety or national security risks from reported drone sightings in the northeast, saying officials believe they were lawfully flown drones, planes or even stars. “There are more than 1 million drones that are lawfully registered with the Federal Aviation Administration here in the United States,” Kirby said. “And there are thousands of commercial, hobbyist and law enforcement drones that are lawfully in the sky on any given day. That is the ecosystem that we are dealing with.” The federal government has deployed personnel and advanced technology to investigate the reports in New Jersey and other states, and is evaluating each tip reported by citizens, he said. The FBI received more than 5000 tips in recent weeks, he added, with only “about 100” deemed credible enough to require additional investigation. Authorities say they do not know. The Department of Homeland Security and FBI said they have no evidence that the aircraft pose “a national security or public safety threat or have a foreign nexus.” Speculation has nevertheless raged online, with some expressing concerns that the drones could be part of a nefarious plot by foreign agents. Officials stress that ongoing investigations have found no evidence to support such concerns, but U.S. Rep Chris Smith, a Republican, on Saturday echoed such speculation. “The elusive maneuvering of these drones suggests a major military power sophistication that begs the question whether they have been deployed to test our defense capabilities — or worse — by violent dictatorships, perhaps maybe Russia, or China, or Iran, or North Korea,” he said. On Monday, Pentagon spokesperson Maj. Gen. Pat Ryder cast doubt on the idea that the drones are engaged in intelligence gathering, given how loud and bright they are. He said about 1 million drones are registered drones in the U.S. and about 8,000 flying on any given day. Pentagon spokeswoman Sabrina Singh has said the aircraft are not U.S. military drones. In Boston, city police arrested two men accused of operating a drone “dangerously close” to Logan Airport on Saturday night. Authorities said an officer using drone monitoring technology detected the aircraft and the location of the operators. A third man fled police and remains at large. Authorities said the two men face trespassing charges and could face more charges and fines. Drones flying around Wright-Patterson Air Force Base near Dayton, Ohio, forced base officials to close its airspace for about four hours late Friday into early Saturday, said Robert Purtiman, a base spokesperson. It was the first time drones had been spotted at the base, one of the largest in the world, and no sightings have been reported since, Purtiman said Monday. He said the drones had no impact on any facilities on the base. Trump has said he believes the government knows more than it’s saying. “Let the public know, and now. Otherwise, shoot them down!!!” he posted on Truth Social. Kim said he’s heard no support for the notion the government is hiding anything. He said a lack of faith in institutions is playing a key part in the saga. “Nothing that I’m seeing, nothing that I’ve engaged in gives me any impression of that nature. But like, I get it, some people won’t believe me, right? Because that’s the level of distrust that we face," Kim said Monday. Sen. Richard Blumenthal of Connecticut last week called for the drones to be “shot down." Rep. Smith urged the Pentagon to authorize the use of force to bring down one or more drones to try to figure out who deployed them. The objects could be downed over the ocean or in an unpopulated area on land, Smith said Saturday. “Why can't we bag at least one of these drones and get to the bottom of it?” Smith said. Monmouth County Sheriff Shaun Golden said members of the public must not try to shoot down drones, as that would violate state and federal laws. Drone sightings were also reported in New York, where a permit is required. Mayor Eric Adams said the city was investigating and collaborating with New Jersey and federal officials. The runways at Stewart International Airport — about 60 miles (100 kilometers) north of the city — were shut down for about an hour Friday night because of drone activity, Gov. Kathy Hochul said. “This has gone too far,” she said in a statement. The governor called on Congress to strengthen the FAA’s oversight of drones and give more investigative authority to state and local law enforcement. Associated Press writers John Seewer in Toledo, Ohio; Bruce Schreiner in Shelbyville, Kentucky; and Aamer Madhani in West Palm Beach, Florida, contributed.Stock market today: Nasdaq hits a record as Wall Street drifts ahead of Federal Reserve's meeting
By BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.As 2024 fades away and 2025 looms on the horizon, it is natural for both employees and employers to reflect on the past year while contemplating what lies ahead. Both groups are undoubtedly hoping for an improvement in global economic activity and better economic prospects within their respective regions. From the employer’s perspective, increased business activity translates to greater profitability. Meanwhile, workers remain optimistic that enhanced revenue generation and profits will lead to better wages, salaries, and benefits. Historically, workers have borne the brunt of economic downturns, facing inadequate pay, high taxation—whether direct or indirect—job insecurity, and poor-quality, unsustainable employment. In 2024, some reports suggested that unemployment was trending downward. However, with layoffs and retrenchments still affecting workers, the accuracy of such claims is questionable. In a global economy increasingly driven by technology and artificial intelligence, there is a growing risk of further job losses as physical labour is replaced. The pressures on social security systems are intensifying as workforce numbers dwindle due to retrenchment, retirement, and attrition. This issue becomes even more acute when one considers the thousands of school leavers entering the job market each year, many of whom find themselves unable to secure gainful employment or access higher education and vocational training opportunities. Promoting entrepreneurship as a solution to unemployment requires more than lip service. A sustainable entrepreneurship strategy must be supported by dedicated funding, market access, and resources to help businesses thrive. Vendors and entrepreneurs must embrace innovation in their offerings to attract and retain clientele. It makes sense to focus on ventures with realistic growth potential and long-term viability. Aligning new employment initiatives with national priorities is critical, and food security offers an ideal starting point. You Might Be Interested In Crystal Beckles-Holder, 2nd runner up in regional competition GUYANA: Body of child found after gold mine collapses Barbadians asked to help with return tickets for Haitians Incentives to encourage involvement in agro-industrial projects can drive both job creation and economic sustainability. Countries must also explore their unique strengths. For example, Barbados, famed for its sun, sea, and hospitality, could position itself as a global leader in rehabilitation healthcare, creating opportunities for nurses, medical professionals, support staff, and other associated services. To remain competitive, countries must look inward and leverage their distinct advantages rather than solely attempting to rival other jurisdictions. Furthermore, foreign borrowing should always serve productive and provident purposes, ensuring long-term benefits for the nation. Dennis De Peiza is a Labour & Employee Relations Consultant with Regional Management Services Inc.