ph646 jilibet

ph646 jilibet OMAHA, Neb. (AP) — Creighton point guard Steven Ashworth likely won't play Tuesday in the No. 21 Bluejays' game against San Diego State in the Players Era Festival in Las Vegas. Ashworth sprained his right ankle late in a loss to Nebraska on Friday, and coach Greg McDermott said he didn't know how long he would be out. Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Please enable it in your browser settings.( ) is on a tear this year. It started around 16 and now trades above 60. With a 274% rise so far this year, Palantir stock could continue its amazing run or suffer a swift pullback. How to profit when you expect a big move but aren't sure of the direction? That's where a breakout trade such as a long strangle is good to have in your toolbox. Palantir has stellar ratings. According to the , Palantir stock is ranked No. 1 in its industry group and has a of 99, an of 97 and a of 99. Setting Up A Long Strangle On Palantir Stock A long strangle is constructed through buying an out-of-the-money call and an out-of-the-money put. The trade aims to make a profit from a big move of the underlying stock in either direction. A rise in volatility also helps the trade. Buying a long strangle is cheaper than a buying a long straddle, but will still suffer from time decay. That means the options will lose a little bit of value with each day that passes where the stock doesn't make a big move. With a long strangle, the further out in time the trade is placed, the slower the time decay. The downside if you go to far out is the options are more expensive and require more capital. For Palantir stock, we'll set up a long strangle using the 80-strike call and a 50-strike put for the Feb. 21 expiration. The call traded around 4.05 and the put around 2.15 this morning. When we add the two together, the total cost of the trade is 6.20 per share or $620 per contract. This is a risk-defined trade and the total cost of $620 is also the maximum loss for the trade. Risks And Rewards The breakeven prices are calculated by taking the call strike price plus the cost of the strangle and the put strike minus the cost of the strangle. That gives us breakeven prices of 43.80 and 86.20 for this trade. But that's at expiration. Profits can happen with a smaller move if the move comes earlier in the trade. For example, the estimated breakeven prices in mid-December are around 51 and 71. Changes to implied volatility will have a big impact on this trade and the interim breakeven prices. It's important to have a solid understanding of volatility before placing a trade like this. The ideal scenario is a large move in either direction within the first week or two of the trade. The worst-case scenario with this PLTR long strangle would be a stable stock price. In that case, the call and put slowly lose value each day. For a long strangle I usually set a stop loss at around 20% of capital at risk which would be around $120. Technically the profit potential is unlimited because of the call option but I still set a profit target of around 40%. I also wouldn't hold the trade any longer than late-December. At that point the time decay will start ramping up enough that it will be harder for the price move to overcome that drag. It's important to remember that options are risky and investors can lose 100% of their investment. This article on Palantir stock is for education purposes only and not a trade recommendation. Remember to always do your own due diligence and consult your financial advisor before making any investment decisions.QUEBEC CITY, Canada, Dec. 12, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- LeddarTech ® Holdings Inc. (“LeddarTech”) ( Nasdaq: LDTC ), an automotive software company that provides patented disruptive AI-based low-level sensor fusion and perception software technology, LeddarVision TM, for ADAS, AD and parking applications, is pleased to announce that it will host an Investor and Business Update conference call and webcast on December 18, 2024 at 8:00 a.m. EST. Frantz Saintellemy, President and Chief Executive Officer, and Chris Stewart, Chief Financial Officer, will be participating in the call. The conference call can be accessed in the U.S. by dialing (646) 307-1963 and via (800) 715-9871 for international callers. The conference ID is 1293674. Interested parties may also register for the live webcast , which will be archived on LeddarTech’s Investor Relations website following the event. About LeddarTech A global software company founded in 2007 and headquartered in Quebec City with additional R&D centers in Montreal and Tel Aviv, Israel, LeddarTech develops and provides comprehensive AI-based low-level sensor fusion and perception software solutions that enable the deployment of ADAS, autonomous driving (AD) and parking applications. LeddarTech’s automotive-grade software applies advanced AI and computer vision algorithms to generate accurate 3D models of the environment to achieve better decision making and safer navigation. This high-performance, scalable, cost-effective technology is available to OEMs and Tier 1-2 suppliers to efficiently implement automotive and off-road vehicle ADAS solutions. LeddarTech is responsible for several remote-sensing innovations, with over 170 patent applications (87 granted) that enhance ADAS, AD and parking capabilities. Better awareness around the vehicle is critical in making global mobility safer, more efficient, sustainable and affordable: this is what drives LeddarTech to seek to become the most widely adopted sensor fusion and perception software solution. Additional information about LeddarTech is accessible at www.LeddarTech.com and on LinkedIn , Twitter (X) , Facebook and YouTube . Contact: Daniel Aitken, Vice-President, Global Marketing, Communications and Investor Relations, LeddarTech Holdings Inc. Tel.: + 1-418-653-9000 ext. 232 daniel.aitken@LeddarTech.com Investor relations website: investors.LeddarTech.com Investor relations contact: Kevin Hunt, ICR Inc. kevin.hunt@icrinc.com Financial media contact: Dan Brennan, ICR Inc. dan.brennan@icrinc.com Leddar, LeddarTech, LeddarVision, LeddarSP, VAYADrive, VayaVision and related logos are trademarks or registered trademarks of LeddarTech Holdings Inc. and its subsidiaries. All other brands, product names and marks are or may be trademarks or registered trademarks used to identify products or services of their respective owners. LeddarTech Holdings Inc. is a public company listed on the Nasdaq under the ticker symbol “LDTC.”

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will inaugurate the three-day investment summiit in Jaipur on Monday. Chief Minister Bhajan Lal Sharma will spell out plans and development goals of the Rajasthan government during the ecent where representatives from 32 countries will participate, out of which 17 countries will participate as partner countries The three-day Rising Rajasthan Global Investment Summit 2024 begins on December 9 in Jaipur and will be inaugurated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Chief Minister Bhajan Lal Sharma will deliver the welcome address, wherein the plans and development goals of the Rajasthan government will be discussed. Representatives from 32 countries will participate in this event, out of which 17 countries will participate as partner countries. Several members of the Union Cabinet and State Cabinet, more than 5000 investors, business and trade officials, delegates, and other participants will be present at the summit, which will conclude on December 11. Prominent industrialists will include Gautam Adani, Anand Mahindra, and Kumar Mangalam Birla, while diplomats like Japan’s ambassador, Keiichi Ono, will also be a part of this mega event. Discover the future of manufacturing with Industry 4.0. Join the session at Rising Rajasthan Global Investment Summit 2024 and explore how innovation is transforming the industry. See you there! 🗓️December 9–11, 2024 📍JECC, Jaipur, Rajasthan ▶️Learn more -... pic.twitter.com/jOCOulSHk5 — Rising Rajasthan (@biprajasthan) December 8, 2024 Who is attending the summit? Meanwhile, even before this event, agreements have already been made with big businessmen of the country and the world for investment of Rs 30 lakh crore. These MoUs were signed in different cities of Rajasthan. Additionally, targets have been set to make this entire investment in the coming four years, and cities like Jaipur, Bikaner, Jaisalmer, and Barmer are at the top of this investment list. The summit aims to establish Rajasthan as a major investment destination and give a boost to the state’s economy. Country sessions and round tables will be organised for 8 countries, wherein Denmark, Japan, South Korea, Singapore, Switzerland, Malaysia, Spain, Cuba, Venezuela, Morocco, Argentina, Brazil, Costa Rica, Nepal, Oman, Poland, and Thailand will participate as country partners. Representatives from America, the UK, Germany, Australia, Indonesia, Egypt, Finland, Russia, the Seychelles, Chad, Ecuador, Ghana, Iraq, Madagascar, Paraguay, and Zimbabwe will also participate. What to expect? CM Bhajan Lal Sharma has claimed that the Rajasthan government has set a target of taking the state’s economy to US$ 350 billion in the coming years. Through this summit, possibilities in areas like agriculture, health, sustainable energy, and tourism will be discussed with the aim of harnessing the economic progress of Rajasthan. Apart from the inaugural and ‘country sessions’, the three-day investment summit includes the Pravasi Rajasthani Conclave, MSME Conclave, and thematic sessions for 12 sectors. Many experts from the country and the world, top officials of the industry and business world, officials of the Central and Rajasthan government etc. will participate in these sessions, and during this, the major challenges, technological changes, and emerging opportunities related to the subject will be discussed. On the second day of the summit, ie, December 10, the Pravasi Rajasthani Conclave will be organised, which aims to bring the Pravasi Rajasthani spread across the world on one platform and promote cooperation and the feeling of being Rajasthani among them. In this session, the commitment of the Rajasthan government towards the Pravasi Rajasthani community and the efforts being made by the state government under this will also be discussed. On the third day, December 11, MSME entrepreneurs, investors, many experts from the country and the world, top officials of the industry and business world, officials of the Central and Rajasthan governments, etc. will participate and discuss the future challenges and preparations of this sector. A major highlight of the Investment Summit is the Rajasthan Global Business Expo, which will feature exhibits by leading Indian and global business groups, including the Rajasthan Pavilion, Country Pavilion, Startup Pavilion, and major Public Sector Enterprises (PSEs). The exhibition will not only showcase Rajasthan’s immense potential and existing strengths in various sectors but will also showcase the state’s progressive policies that provide a conducive environment for businesses to grow. How successful were previous similar summits? It may be noted that before the Rising Rajasthan Global Investment Summit 2024, similar events were organised under the Vasundhara Raje and Ashok Gehlot governments during their respective tenures, but not even 10 per cent of the claims made regarding investment and MoUs materialised. While Vasundhara Raje organised this event of investors in 2015 under the name ‘Resurgent Rajasthan’ when she was the CM, Ashok Gehlot organised a similar bigger event in 2022 under the name ‘Invest Rajasthan’ during his third tenure as Chief Minister. It may be noted that during Raje’s tenure in the ‘Resurgent Rajasthan’ investment of Rs 3 lakh 40 crore was claimed through the 470 Memorandum of Understanding (MOU), but despite all efforts, her government and the officials of that government were successful in bringing only Rs 33 thousand crore investment on the ground. Back then, of the several MOUs signed, only 18 per cent could be implemented. Similarly, in the ‘Invest Rajasthan’ conference held in the fourth year of Ashok Gehlot’s third term, 4,195 MOUs worth Rs 12 lakh 53 thousand crores were signed, but when it came to investment, only Rs 26,000 crores of investment was seen on the ground. Contrary to the claim, only 2 per cent of the investors fulfilled their investment promise to the government. However, as far as the Rising Rajasthan Investment Summit 2024 is concerned, the Bhajan Lal government is organising it in its first year of coming to power, and it is hoped that the government will get four years to ensure that the signed MoUs reach a logical conclusion. The government has a full chance to get investors to invest money by removing all their doubts and difficulties. Even more important is that an IAS and RAS officer has been appointed to get every investor to invest as promised and their responsibility will be to convince them and remove the obstacles coming in their investment. Click for more latest Opinion Analysis news . Also get top headlines and latest news from India and around the world at News9. Kavita Pant is an Associate Editor at News9 with over 20 years of experience in media. She writes opinions on politics, and international affairs and analyses anything that catches her attention. Thriving on Newsroom pressure, Kavita has worked with print editions of Hindustan Times, Times of India and DNA and covered both Lok Sabha and Assembly Elections extensively in Rajasthan. Beyond headlines, she's a full-time mom, avid foodie, and adventure-seeking Pahadi. She can be reached at kavita.pant@tv9.comMove Over Smartwatches: This Pee-Scanning Toilet Gadget Knows Your Health Better25 Nov 2024 Landmark mental health act reform set for second reading Victoria Macdonald Health and Social Care Editor Long-awaited reforms to the 40-year-old Mental Health Act moved a step closer to becoming law today with their second reading in the House of Lords. The Mental Health Bill will give patients a greater say in their care, but charities are concerned there may not be enough funding to support these changes Share on Facebook Share Share on Twitter Tweet Share on WhatsApp Send Share on WhatsApp Send Share on WhatsApp Email Load more share options

Brayden Point scored twice and added two assists, and the visiting Tampa Bay Lightning downed the Vancouver Canucks 4-2 on Sunday. Nikita Kucherov had a goal and two helpers for the Lightning (14-9-3), while Jake Guentzel put away the game winner on a power play late in the third period. Captain Quinn Hughes and Kiefer Sherwood found the back of the net for the Canucks (14-8-4), who fell to 4-6-3 at home. Tampa Bay’s Andrei Vasilevskiy stopped 22 of the 24 shots he faced and Kevin Lankinen made 28 saves for Vancouver. OH CAPTAIN❗️ MY CAPTAIN❗️ Canucks: Hughes took a stick to the face 55 seconds into the game, missed more than 11 minutes, then returned to open the scoring 16:08 into the first period. It was the 50th goal of the defenceman’s career and extended his points streak to seven games with three goals and 10 assists across the stretch. Lightning: Kucherov, who returned to the lineup Sunday after missing two games with a lower-body injury, added another potent piece to Tampa’s red-hot power play. The Lightning were 2-for-4 with the man advantage and scored a power-play goal for the sixth straight game. Tampa took the lead 6:29 into the second when Kucherov sliced a pass to Point at the bottom of the faceoff circle and the Lightning winger blasted it in past Lankinen for his 17th of the season. Kucherov put the visitors on the board just a minute and 49 seconds earlier. Point scored his league-leading 10th power-play goal of the season. He’s one away from becoming the third player to score 100 power-play goals for the Lightning Canucks: Continue a six-game homestand Tuesday against the St. Louis Blues. Lightning: Visit the Oilers in Edmonton on Tuesday.Gonzaga lands Virginia transfer G Jalen Warley

Ontario to restrict electricity exports to US and bar American-made alcohol if Trump tariffs appliedAgilent Technologies, Inc. ( NYSE:A – Get Free Report ) announced a quarterly dividend on Wednesday, November 20th, Wall Street Journal reports. Stockholders of record on Tuesday, December 31st will be paid a dividend of 0.248 per share by the medical research company on Wednesday, January 22nd. This represents a $0.99 dividend on an annualized basis and a dividend yield of 0.73%. The ex-dividend date is Tuesday, December 31st. This is a boost from Agilent Technologies’s previous quarterly dividend of $0.24. Agilent Technologies has raised its dividend payment by an average of 19.0% annually over the last three years. Agilent Technologies has a payout ratio of 17.8% meaning its dividend is sufficiently covered by earnings. Equities analysts expect Agilent Technologies to earn $6.16 per share next year, which means the company should continue to be able to cover its $0.99 annual dividend with an expected future payout ratio of 16.1%. Agilent Technologies Price Performance A stock opened at $135.54 on Friday. The firm has a 50-day moving average of $135.33 and a 200 day moving average of $136.57. The company has a debt-to-equity ratio of 0.57, a current ratio of 2.09 and a quick ratio of 1.58. The company has a market cap of $38.71 billion, a P/E ratio of 30.67, a PEG ratio of 4.48 and a beta of 1.07. Agilent Technologies has a 1 year low of $124.16 and a 1 year high of $155.35. Analyst Ratings Changes A number of research firms have recently weighed in on A. JPMorgan Chase & Co. reduced their target price on shares of Agilent Technologies from $165.00 to $160.00 and set an “overweight” rating on the stock in a research report on Tuesday, November 26th. Bank of America cut their price objective on shares of Agilent Technologies from $153.00 to $150.00 and set a “neutral” rating on the stock in a report on Friday, December 13th. Evercore ISI lifted their target price on shares of Agilent Technologies from $135.00 to $145.00 and gave the company an “in-line” rating in a report on Tuesday, October 1st. Wells Fargo & Company cut their price target on Agilent Technologies from $157.00 to $155.00 and set an “overweight” rating on the stock in a research note on Monday, December 9th. Finally, Sanford C. Bernstein lowered their price objective on Agilent Technologies from $140.00 to $135.00 and set a “market perform” rating for the company in a research note on Tuesday, November 26th. One research analyst has rated the stock with a sell rating, six have given a hold rating and eight have assigned a buy rating to the company. According to MarketBeat.com, the company currently has an average rating of “Hold” and an average target price of $143.62. View Our Latest Analysis on Agilent Technologies Agilent Technologies Company Profile ( Get Free Report ) Agilent Technologies, Inc provides application focused solutions to the life sciences, diagnostics, and applied chemical markets worldwide. The company operates in three segments: Life Sciences and Applied Markets, Diagnostics and Genomics, and Agilent CrossLab. The Life Sciences and Applied Markets segment offers liquid chromatography systems and components; liquid chromatography mass spectrometry systems; gas chromatography systems and components; gas chromatography mass spectrometry systems; inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry instruments; atomic absorption instruments; microwave plasma-atomic emission spectrometry instruments; inductively coupled plasma optical emission spectrometry instruments; raman spectroscopy; cell analysis plate based assays; flow cytometer; real-time cell analyzer; cell imaging systems; microplate reader; laboratory software; information management and analytics; laboratory automation and robotic systems; dissolution testing; and vacuum pumps, and measurement technologies. Featured Stories Receive News & Ratings for Agilent Technologies Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for Agilent Technologies and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .

Updated December 29, 2024 at 17:44 PM ET Few presidents have come as far as fast in national politics as Jimmy Carter . In 1974, he was nearing the end of his single term as governor of Georgia when he told the world he wanted to be president. Two years later, he was the president-elect. Although his name recognition nationally was only 2% at the time of his announcement, Carter believed he could meet enough people personally to make a strong showing in the early presidential caucuses and primaries. He embarked on a 37-state tour, making more than 200 speeches before any of the other major candidates had announced. When voting began in Iowa and New Hampshire in the winter of 1976, Carter emerged the winner in both states. He rode that momentum all the way to the presidential nomination and held on to win a close contest in the general election. His career as a highly active former president lasted four full decades and ended only with his death Sunday in his hometown of Plains, Ga. He was 100 and had lived longer than any other U.S. president, battling cancer in both his brain and liver in his 90s. A life that bridged political eras James Earl Carter Jr. was the 39th U.S. president, elected as a Democrat displacing the incumbent Republican, Gerald Ford, in 1976. Carter would serve a single tumultuous term in the White House, beset by inflation, energy shortages, intraparty challenges and foreign crises. But he managed to win the nomination for a second term. He lost his bid for reelection to Republican Ronald Reagan in a landslide in 1980. Thereafter, he worked with Habitat for Humanity and traveled the globe as an indefatigable advocate for peace and human rights. He was given the U.N. Prize in the Field of Human Rights in 1998 and awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002. Carter was the first president from the Deep South elected since the Civil War. He entered politics at a time when Democrats still dominated in his home state and region. He had begun his career as a naval officer in the submarine corps, but in 1953 he left the service to take over the family peanut business when his father died. He later served four years in Georgia's state legislature before making his first bid for governor in 1966. In that contest, he finished behind another Democrat, Lester Maddox, a populist figure known for brandishing a pickax handle to confront civil rights protesters outside his Atlanta restaurant. Carter shared much of the traditional white Southern cultural identity. But he was also noted for his support for integration and the Civil Rights Movement led by fellow Georgian Martin Luther King Jr. Four years after losing to Maddox, Carter was elected his successor and declared in his inaugural speech that "the time for racial discrimination is over." Time magazine would feature him on its cover four months later, making him a symbol of the "New South." And as his term as governor ended, he was all in on a presidential bid. But he did not burst onto the national stage so much as he crept up onto it, appearing before small groups in farming communities and elsewhere far from the big media centers. A meteoric rise to the White House Beyond his earnest image and rhetoric, Carter also had a savvy game plan based on the new presidential nominating rules that the Democratic Party had adopted in the early 1970s. Carter's team, led by campaign manager Hamilton Jordan, mastered this new road map, with Carter climbing from a strong showing in the still-new Iowa caucuses to a clean win in New Hampshire's primary. So though in January 1976 he was the first choice of only 4% of Democrats nationally, he won the first two events and leveraged that attention to capture the imagination of voters in other regions. Carter shut out segregationist champion George Wallace in the Southern primaries and also dominated in the industrial states of the North and Midwest. Democrats held 48 primaries or caucuses around the United States that year, and Carter won 30, with no other candidate winning more than five. Wherever he went, he was able to connect with rural voters and evangelicals wherever they were to be found — doing well in big cities but also in the sparsely populated parts of Ohio and Pennsylvania. While Carter's juggernaut lost momentum in the summer and fall, with Republican President Gerald Ford nearly closing the polling gap by Election Day, the Georgian held on to win 50% of the popular vote in November. By winning in his home state and everywhere else in the South (save only Virginia) while holding on to enough of the key population centers in the Northeast and Great Lakes regions, Carter was able to cobble together nearly 300 Electoral College votes without winning California, Illinois or Michigan. Troubles in office The surprisingly modest margin of Carter's victory over Ford augured more difficulties ahead. And as well as the Carter persona may have suited the national mood in 1976, it did not fit well in the Washington he found in 1977. All presidential candidates who "run against Washington" find it necessary to adjust their tactics if and when they are elected. But the former peanut farmer and his campaign staff known as the "Georgia mafia" never seemed to lose faith in the leverage they thought they had as outsiders. Almost immediately upon taking office, Carter encountered difficulties with various power centers in Congress. He and his tight circle of aides brought along from Georgia and the campaign were not attuned to congressional customs or prerogatives, and a variety of their agenda priorities ran afoul of their own party's preferences. A case in point was a "hit list" of Western water projects that the Carterites regarded as needless pork barrel spending. For a raft of Democratic senators and representatives facing reelection in thirsty states and districts, the list came as a declaration of war. Although Congress fought Carter to a draw on the projects, many of these Western seats would be lost to Republican challengers in 1978 and 1980. Carter did have signal successes in brokering a historic peace deal between Israel and Egypt and in securing Senate ratification of his treaties ceding the Panama Canal to Panama. He also managed to achieve significant reforms in regulations — especially those affecting energy production and transportation — that would eventually lower consumer prices. Carter had taken office amid historically high inflation and energy prices that had persisted since the Arab oil embargo of 1973. Carter appointed a new chair of the Federal Reserve, Paul Volcker, whose tight money policies eventually tamed inflation but also triggered a recession and the highest unemployment rates since the Great Depression. Along the way, there was more grief on the oil front as Iran's Islamic Revolution in 1979 caused not only a price spike but long lines at the pump — worse than in 1973. Carter and the Democrats paid a price, suffering more than the usual losses for the president's party in the 1978 midterm elections, which greatly reduced Democratic margins in both the House and the Senate. Yet the Iranian crisis had even worse consequences. The revolution saw the overthrow of the Shah, a longtime ally of the U.S., and the installation of a stern theocratic regime led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, a fierce critic of the United States. When Carter agreed to grant the Shah a visa to receive cancer treatments in the U.S., young followers of the ayatollah overran the U.S. Embassy in Tehran . Fifty-two Americans were taken hostage for 444 days. Carter's efforts to free them were unavailing. An airborne raid intended to free them ended in catastrophe in the Iranian desert, leaving eight U.S. service members dead after a collision of aircraft on the ground. Afghanistan becomes an issue Yet another blow was dealt to Carter's standing when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan to prop up its client regime there. Opposing that aggression was popular, but Carter's decision to retaliate by having the U.S. boycott the 1980 Olympics in Moscow was less so. Carter was able to use the hostage crisis to his advantage in suppressing the challenge to his nomination mounted by Sen. Edward Kennedy of Massachusetts. Carter refused to debate Kennedy and made the primaries a kind of referendum on the Iranian situation. Enough Democrats rallied to his side that Kennedy's bid, a favorite cause of liberal activists and organized labor, fell far short. Still, it contributed to the weakness of Carter's standing in the general election. And what had worked against a challenger from the Democratic left did not work when Carter faced one from the Republican right. Ronald Reagan was a former two-term governor of California who had sought the nomination twice before, and he did not begin 1980 as the consensus choice of his party. But he wove a complex set of issues into a fabric with broad appeal. He proposed sweeping tax cuts as a tonic for the economy, more spending on defense, a more aggressive foreign policy and, just as important, a return to the traditional values of "faith, freedom, family, work and neighborhood." He also opposed abortion and busing for racial integration and favored school prayer — the three hottest buttons in social policy at the time. After a come-from-behind win in New Hampshire and a sweep of the Southern primaries, Reagan never looked back. His triumph at the Republican National Convention in Detroit set the tone for his campaign. The election looked close at Labor Day and even into October. But the single debate the two camps agreed to , held on Oct. 28, 1980, the week before the election, was a clear win for the challenger. Carter failed in his attempts to paint Reagan as an extremist. The Republican managed to be reassuring and upbeat even as he kept up his attacks on Carter's handling of the economy and on the rest of Carter's record. The polls broke sharply in the final days, and in November, Reagan captured nearly all the Southern states that Carter had carried four years earlier and won the 1980 presidential election with 489 Electoral College votes. Carter conceded before the polls had even closed on the West Coast. Reassessment in retrospect Historians have generally not rated Carter's presidency highly, and he left office with his Gallup poll approval rating in the low 30s. But there has been a steady upward trajectory in assessments of his presidency in recent years, and his Gallup approval rating has climbed back above 50% and has remained there among the public at large. This reflects the work of several Carter biographers and former aides and the natural comparison with the presidents who have followed him. In 2018, Stuart E. Eizenstat, Carter's chief domestic policy adviser, published President Carter: The White House Years , which historians have praised both as a primary source and as an assessment of Carter's term. In it, Eizenstat wrote that Carter "was not a great president, but he was a good and productive one. He delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office. He was a man of almost unyielding principle. Yet his greatest virtue was at once his most serious fault for a president in an American democracy of divided powers." As far back as 2000, historian Douglas Brinkley wrote that in the first 20 years after Carter lost the presidency, he had become "renowned the world over as the epitome of the caring, compassionate, best sort of American statesman ... an exemplar of behavior for all national leaders in retirement." A new life out of office But the greatest factor in Carter's rising reputation was his own performance in his post-presidential career. He worked with Habitat for Humanity to rehabilitate homes for low-income families. He taught at Emory University and established his own nonprofit, the Carter Center . And over the ensuing decades, he published more than two dozen books and became an international advocate for peace, democratic reforms and humanitarian causes. As former president, Carter did not shy from controversy, particularly when it came to the Middle East, the region that gave him his greatest foreign policy achievement and also his most damaging setback as president. 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The Chirk-born keeper, who impressed again in the 2-0 defeat to Panathinaikos on UEFA Conference League matchday five, leaving an all-or-nothing clash with Celje in Slovenia next week. Roberts said that while he was disappointed with the defeat, it was one of the Saints’ best showings in their Euopean campaign and promised TNS will be on the front foot ahead of the festive period. “We’re going to need a Christmas miracle,” he said. We’re playing six days before Christmas and if we go through, it will 100 per cent be a Christmas miracle. “But we’re going there to win, regardless of whether qualification can or can’t be done and we want to get the three points. “We have to go for it next week and I think we will but I also think tonight was much different than previous games. “That was certainly a different performance to both Djurgarden and Shamrock Rovers for that matter. “We were trying to get after them that little bit more and if you look at the stats around the final third, it would have been better than those last two games. “It was a better performance than in Dublin where we scored. “A few things didn’t drop for us tonight and if you look at their goal, it’s a rebound. It’s fine margins in Europe with the penalty decisions or a tackle on Danny Davies. “You might think 2-0 is over but if it stays 1-0 they remain nervous and we can get back into it. “But it was really difficult after they scored the penalty.” Roberts admitted that TNS still having a chance to qualify, albeit slim, does exceed expectations for a club of their size in European competition. But he felt that his teammates competed with European regulars again this season. “There is a huge difference between two and three and to keep Fiorentina to 2-0 and these to 2-0 is huge,” he said. “Whereas 3-0 sounds like a walloping so keeping them to two is massive. “I was disappointed with the goals tonight – I was fuming after the first one which slipped under my arm when he poked it. “I couldn’t tell you where Josh Daniels came from for that one in the second half but the lad could have gone over because I half-kicked him. “If you get after teams from their goal kicks, they’re not going to play through you but at times tonight, in their build-up, I thought they were fantastic. “But we had to be more oppressive at times to nick the ball to get that goal. “I love that I’m from the town and that I did work experience at the club 16 or 17 years ago. “I don’t think people realise my roots with the club outside of the town and I’m just really proud to give my best for them.”The Biden administration is set to unveil new export restrictions on China as soon as next week, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce told members in a Thursday email. The new regulations could add up to 200 Chinese chip companies to a trade restriction list that bars most U.S. suppliers from shipping goods to the targeted firms, the email from the powerful Washington-based lobbying group said, according to an excerpt seen by Reuters on Friday. The Commerce Department, which oversees U.S. export policy, plans to publish the new regulations “prior to the Thanksgiving break,” next Thursday, according to the email. The Chamber of Commerce did not respond to a request for comment. The Commerce Department declined to comment. The update, if accurate, shows the Biden administration is plowing ahead with plans to further crack down on China’s access to semiconductors even as the start of Republican President-elect Donald Trump’s second terms in January approaches. Another set of rules curbing shipments of high-bandwidth memory chips to China is expected to be unveiled next month as part of a broader artificial intelligence package, the email continues. Biden has slapped a raft of export controls on China aimed at halting its technological advances, amid fears the technology could be used to bolster China’s military. Sources briefed on the matter said the first round of regulations are likely to include restrictions on chipmaking tool shipments to China. Reuters reported in July that the U.S. planned to unveil a new package of export controls on China, including adding about 120 Chinese entities to its restricted trade list. Source: Reuters (Reporting by Alexandra Alper; Additional reporting by Karen Freifeld; Editing by Leslie Adler and Jonathan Oatis)

LOS ANGELES, Nov. 25, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Glancy Prongay & Murray LLP (“GPM”) reminds investors of the upcoming January 13, 2025 deadline to file a lead plaintiff motion in the class action filed on behalf of investors who purchased or otherwise acquired ASML Holding N.V. (“ASML” or the “Company”) (NASDAQ: ASML ) ordinary shares between January 24, 2024, and October 15, 2024 , inclusive (the “Class Period”). If you suffered a loss on your ASML investments or would like to inquire about potentially pursuing claims to recover your loss under the federal securities laws, you can submit your contact information at www.glancylaw.com/cases/asml-holding-nv/ . You can also contact Charles H. Linehan, of GPM at 310-201-9150, Toll-Free at 888-773-9224, or via email at shareholders@glancylaw.com to learn more about your rights. On October 15, 2024, ASML released its third quarter 2024 financial results, revealing quarterly bookings of €2.63 billion, a decline of 53% quarter-over-quarter. The Company also announced it expected full year 2025 total net sales to be between €30 billion and €35 billion, with a gross margin between 51% and 53%, explaining that “[w]hile there continue to be strong developments and upside potential in [artificial intelligence], other [semiconductor] market segments are taking longer to recover” and that “[i]t now appears the recovery is more gradual than previously expected.” On this news, ASML’s stock price fell $141.84, or 16.3%, to close at $730.43 per share on October 15, 2024, thereby injuring investors. Then, on October 16, 2024, ASML held its earnings call, during which, the Company further revealed that ASML’s sales in China had declined, which would also negatively impact the Company’s gross margins. On this news, ASML’s stock price fell $46.91, or 6.4%, to close at $683.52 per share on October 16, 2024, thereby injuring investors further. The complaint filed in this class action alleges that throughout the Class Period, Defendants made materially false and/or misleading statements, as well as failed to disclose material adverse facts about the Company’s business, operations, and prospects. Specifically, Defendants failed to disclose to investors that: (1) the issues being faced by suppliers, like ASML, in the semiconductor industry were much more severe than Defendants had indicated to investors; (2) the pace of recovery of sales in the semiconductor industry was much slower than Defendants had publicly acknowledged; (3) Defendants had created the false impression that they possessed reliable information pertaining to customer demand and anticipated growth, while also downplaying risk from macroeconomic and industry fluctuations, as well as stronger regulations restricting the export of semiconductor technology, including the products that ASML sells; and (4) as a result, Defendants’ positive statements about the Company’s business, operations, and prospects were materially misleading and/or lacked a reasonable basis at all relevant times. Follow us for updates on LinkedIn , Twitter , or Facebook . If you purchased or otherwise acquired ASML ordinary shares during the Class Period, you may move the Court no later than January 13, 2025 to request appointment as lead plaintiff in this putative class action lawsuit. To be a member of the class action you need not take any action at this time; you may retain counsel of your choice or take no action and remain an absent member of the class action. If you wish to learn more about this class action, or if you have any questions concerning this announcement or your rights or interests with respect to the pending class action lawsuit, please contact Charles Linehan, Esquire, of GPM, 1925 Century Park East, Suite 2100, Los Angeles, California 90067 at 310-201-9150, Toll-Free at 888-773-9224, by email to shareholders@glancylaw.com , or visit our website at www.glancylaw.com . If you inquire by email please include your mailing address, telephone number and number of shares purchased. This press release may be considered Attorney Advertising in some jurisdictions under the applicable law and ethical rules. Contacts Glancy Prongay & Murray LLP, Los Angeles Charles Linehan, 310-201-9150 or 888-773-9224 shareholders@glancylaw.com www.glancylaw.com

The revolution in Syria has achieved its goal, but everything is just beginning. The primary goal of the revolution was to topple the Assad regime. For 13 years, it came very close to toppling the regime from time to time, but what could not be achieved in 13 years was realized in 12 days, and the 61-year-old Baathist regime collapsed. The one responsible for 13 years of tears and bloodshed had to flee the country and seek refuge in Russia. Much will be written about the revolution; many stories will be told. But the most important thing is how the future of Syria will be built from now on. Many dynamics will shape Syria’s future. In terms of internal dynamics, the rapid collapse of the regime constitutes an important starting point. Given that the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) played a leading role in the overthrow of the regime, the transitional administration will also be dominated by the HTS. The peaceful transfer of power to the opposition by Syrian Prime Minister Mohammed Jalali, who remained the only symbolic representative of the regime in Damascus, ensured a relatively smooth start to the transition period. However, the top priority in Syria is to ensure security after the fall of the regime. To achieve full security, the military conflicts in the current controlled areas must be completely ended, and daily life must be made safe. Given that the opposition controls more territory than it did during the revolution, ensuring security in Syria’s most populous cities, such as Damascus, Aleppo, Hama and Homs, is critical for the transition. However, in critical cities such as Daraa, Suveyda, Latakia and Tartous, the primary issue for building a smooth transition is establishing a sustainable security environment. Consensus on the formation of a civilian government and the continued functioning of state institutions is also critical to the stability of the transition. However, Israel’s growing appetite for the Golan Heights, the ambiguous behavior of the U.S.-backed opposition, and the YPG/PKK’s opportunistic approach raise the possibility of a resumption of military conflicts. Even though Iranian-backed militias have left Syria, the possibility that they have left behind asymmetric elements also points to the fragile nature of the security environment. Another important point to be considered alongside security is that the transitional government should develop and implement an inclusive governance model for Syria’s political reconstruction process. It is clear that the HTS has transformed itself. However, there are still divergent views on many issues within the new administration. At this point, coordination and coexistence between different groups are crucial. The consensus between the Syrian interim government, the HTS, and other groups in the transition process will be the most critical issue in the reconstruction process. It does not seem possible for the PKK/YPG to continue with a territorial claim in this transition process. At a time when the support of the U.S. is vital, the PKK/YPG’s continued position on maximalist demands will cause the transition process in Syria to be painful in the northeast of Syria. Building inclusiveness to keep ethnic and sectarian diversity together should be an indispensable criterion for the new era in Syria. Political arrangements, which have many topics, can only be discussed during the transition period on a stable ground. These include the structure of the state, new security sector arrangements, power sharing, building a political system and free elections. Syria can only enter a democratic and conflict-free period in which the territorial integrity of Syria will be ensured if arrangements are made for governance and state structure that is not tied to territorial zones. The reconstruction of the security sector is among the most critical issues. Military groups must dissolve themselves and restructure under an interim defense ministry to be established in the coming period to eliminate potential conflicts. For regional actors, Türkiye’s role has become even more important. It is not possible to understand Türkiye’s role by focusing only on the last 12 days. Türkiye’s role can be more clearly understood by looking at the past 13 years. Ankara’s unwavering hosting of Syrian refugees, creating the military and diplomatic conditions to protect Idlib against the regime’s operations, and limiting and weakening the YPG, especially in the fight against terrorism, made a strong ground for the opposition’s 12-day success. Türkiye has a much more critical role to play in the new process. Türkiye is likely to lead efforts to stabilize northern Syria, secure its borders, and facilitate the return of refugees. Ankara’s ability to mediate and rebuild trust between the incoming government and the different factions will also help shape the political character of Syria’s future. If Türkiye succeeds in preventing YPG/PKK separatism, it could emerge as a dominant stabilizing force in the region. Another priority for Türkiye is to implement a multilateral method to shape regional and global diplomacy and ensure Syria’s territorial integrity. Ankara will continue to coordinate with Moscow and Tehran, even though Russia and Iran are much weakened in Syria. One of the most critical regional actors in Syria is Israel. However, it is doubtful how much Israel wants to remain loyal to Syria’s territorial integrity. The reasons for this are obvious. Israel is keeping a Damascus-centered geopolitical narrative alive and is considering expansion into Syria. The creation of a new military situation in the Golan Heights is the most obvious evidence of this. The new government, which Netanyahu securitizes with the so-called radicals argument, also provides Israel with new legitimacy. The U.S.’ open support for Israel’s possible engagement in Syria also strengthens the possibility of Israel becoming a destabilizing actor in Syria. The only option to balance Israel is to keep the regional diplomacy dynamic against a possible fait accompli. Iran’s position in the new Syria is highly questionable. Iran is aware that it is weakening and losing its depth in Lebanon and Syria. The collapse of the Syrian front, the most important pillar of the proxy doctrine based on territorial expansion and territorial control, may lead Iran to turn to asymmetric elements in Syria. Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's framing of the opposition’s success as part of the U.S. and Israeli support is the most important sign of this. It is clear that there is confusion in the Arab countries. It is understood that they will accept the new status quo even if they are not happy with the overthrow of the regime. The critical issue is to develop a new relationship model with Damascus to support the transition process and be part of the process to build a sustainable order in Syria. The way to do this is to work together with Türkiye to put maximum effort into building a stable Syria. At this point, the creation of a new diplomatic platform could be the first step toward coordination. In the new era, the U.S. priorities in Syria include Israel’s security, the continued existence of the PKK/YPG and the fight against Daesh. The weakening influence of Russia and Iran may make it easier for the U.S. to accept the new status quo and cooperate with it. The current balance on the ground may also facilitate U.S. President Donald Trump’s withdrawal from Syria. Considering that the pre-Nov. 27 plans and possible scenarios no longer have any meaning for the Washington administration, we can say that the new Syria will not be seen as a priority for the U.S. in the Middle East. Still, it is worth being cautious. There are many opportunities for Türkiye and the U.S. to build a new Syria without the PKK/YPG. It is almost impossible for a strategy built on the PKK/YPG to work in the new Syria. It is also clear that Russia is in the midst of a reassessment in Syria. Moscow has had to revise its priorities while analyzing the causes of the new situation. Russia will not have the same position in the new Syria as before, and the smartest approach is to focus on the political process and establish relations with the new administration. It is very likely to use U.N. Resolution 2254 and the Astana format to increase its diplomatic depth. The new Syria is one of the biggest geopolitical ruptures of the Arab Spring. The revolution has achieved its primary objective but establishing a new order in Syria is fraught with challenges. The lessons of Libya, Egypt, Yemen and Tunisia are fraught with political and social tragedy. Tunisia and Egypt chose to continue by building new authoritarianism on institutionalized systems. Yemen and Libya were not able to exit the process of political and military conflict over non-institutionalized structures, nor were they able to establish an order. Syria is an exception. It was a regime with a long civil war and a very different practice of institutionalization. If those who succeeded in the revolution build a sustainable model and establish a new order in Syria, the new Syria has the opportunity to produce new results in the geopolitics of the Middle East. The only way to do this is to build a just, democratic and sustainable order. There is no model for this yet. And it will not be easy to build it.