
Looking ahead, the future of "Wilderness Origins" appears bright, with the game poised to make a significant impact on the mobile gaming market. With its compelling gameplay, stunning visuals, and strategic collaboration with Sony, "Wilderness Origins" is primed to captivate players and establish itself as a top contender in the highly competitive mobile gaming space.Furthermore, the presence of such a prestigious event in Nanjing underscores the city's dedication to facilitating knowledge exchange, fostering innovation, and driving economic growth through cross-border e-commerce initiatives. The summit serves as a platform for industry leaders, entrepreneurs, and experts to share insights, best practices, and strategies for succeeding in the competitive global market.Carbon monoxide poisoning is a serious and life-threatening health hazard that can occur when there is incomplete combustion of carbon-based fuels, such as gas, oil, wood, or coal. The symptoms of carbon monoxide poisoning can be subtle at first, including headaches, dizziness, weakness, nausea, and confusion. However, prolonged exposure to high levels of carbon monoxide can lead to unconsciousness, brain damage, and even death.
We've had a couple of snow games already this NFL season but no "snowmageddons" like the league has seen over the past years. While we can hope that we don't get anymore of those, there's still a game with a whole lot of snow potentially coming this weekend. According to reports, the weather forecast for Sunday's game between the San Francisco 49ers and Buffalo Bills at the Bills' home in Orchard Park, New York is slated to get "heavy snow showers" this coming Sunday. Temperatures will be freezing, naturally. But it may take a few more days before we can tell just how much snow Highmark Stadium is going to get. SNOW GAME SNOW GAME 🚨 ❄️ 🥶⛄️ Meteorologists expect heavy snow showers around the time the #49ers face the Buffalo #Bills . A massive advantage for the already favored Buffalo. #FTTB #BillsMafia pic.twitter.com/XWZ29ThtKt Fans on social media are already predicting an extremely rough game for the 49ers, who typically don't play in the snow. "This will not favor SF at all, and those dealing with injuries "may" not play at all. Let's see who will and won't play," one user suggested. "Niners are about to get hammered," wrote another. "The snow about to bury the Niners season for good, unfortunately," a third wrote. Timothy T Ludwig/Getty Images A big snow game couldn't come at a worst time for the San Francisco 49ers. The team looked listless against the Green Bay Packers in the absence of quarterback Brock Purdy and a slew of other starters and they now sit at 5-6 on the season as a result. While another loss wouldn't mathematically eliminate them from playoff contention given that all of their division rivals are within a game, they're rapidly running out of time. As for the Bills, cold weather games seemingly always favor them - particularly now that they have a more solid running game than usual. Even so, weather can be a great equalizer and at 9-2 on the season - one game behind the Chiefs for the top seed in the AFC - they probably don't want any surprises. Who will come out on top in a potential snow game between the two teams? Related: 3 Words Trending Following Bills' Snow Game DecisionMusk calls for abolishing consumer protection agency
To achieve this ambitious vision, the entrepreneurs of Sangpo Village embarked on a mission to modernize their production processes and infuse contemporary design elements into their products. They invested in state-of-the-art equipment and technology to enhance efficiency and quality, while also collaborating with local and international designers to infuse fresh perspectives and creativity into their creations.
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Minnesota hunters registered 120,675 deer after the third weekend of the firearms deer season, up 6% from 2023, but down 4% from the five-year mean, or average, the Department of Natural Resources reported Tuesday, Nov. 26. Deer Season A opened Saturday, Nov. 9, and ended Nov. 17 in 200- and 300-series deer permit areas (DPAs) and continued through Nov. 24 in 100-series DPAs, which are mainly in the northern and northeastern part of the state. ADVERTISEMENT The Season B firearms deer season in 300-series DPAs opened Nov. 23 and continues through Sunday, Dec. 1. The firearms deer harvest by region after 16 days was as follows: According to Todd Froberg, big game program coordinator for the DNR at Whitewater Wildlife Management Area in Altura, Minnesota, the harvest really only increased in the Northwest, Northeast and Central regions during the rest of the 16-day season and then in the B season in the southeast part of the state. The 200-series DPAs only had the nine-day season, and there is only one DPA in the southwest region open during the ongoing B season, Froberg said. The cumulative harvest to date, which includes archery, firearm, early antlerless, youth and special hunts, was 153,390 deer, the DNR said. That’s up 3% from 2023, but down 6% from the five-year average and down 8% from the 10-year average. Cumulative tallies by region were as follows: In related deer hunting news, Minnesota archery hunters as of Tuesday had harvested 23,047 deer, Froberg said, up 12% from last year. Crossbows, which are legal for all archery hunters in Minnesota, are making up a greater percentage of the archery harvest, Froberg says. ADVERTISEMENT “Crossbows are making up 47% of (the) archery harvest,” he said. “For crossbow-specific harvest, we are up 24% compared to last year’s crossbow harvest. Vertical bow harvest is up 4% compared to last year’s vertical bow harvest.” Minnesota’s muzzleloader opens Saturday, Nov. 30, and continues through Sunday, Dec. 15. Archery season continues through Dec. 31. The DNR posts regular harvest updates, both statewide and by DPA, on its website at dnr.state.mn.us/mammals/deer/management/statistics.html.The Ford government is planning to push for another one of its controversial bills to fly through the legislative process, with the house leader now planning for the supervised drug consumption site ban to skip committee hearings altogether. Since returning late for a fall sitting, the government has sped through its law to frustrate new bike lanes, energy legislation and the fall economic statement with shortened debate and public hearings. Now, Progressive Conservative House Leader Steve Clark has tabled a motion to skip committee hearings altogether on an omnibus law that includes a ban on supervised consumption sites. He told reporters on Tuesday that bypassing public feedback was justified because the government’s intention to ban sites — and close down a total of 10 across Ontario — had been announced months ago. “The Minister of Health was very clear in August about our HART hubs, she was very transparent to municipalities that when the house came back, we were prioritizing this as legislation we needed to get passed as a government,” Clark said. “As early as the middle of August, we telegraphed our intentions.” Clark was referencing an announcement made by Health Minister Sylvia Jones at the Association of Municipalities of Ontario conference in Ottawa that supervised drug injection sites would be banned within 2000 metres of a school or child care centre. That ban meant 10 of the province’s 19 supervised consumption sites — which were previously opened under the Ford government — are set to close. The province has said repeatedly no new applications either through the federal or provincial government will be approved. Instead, Ontario will spend roughly $378 million on so-called HART hubs. The money will create 375 intensive addiction recovery beds across the province, something critics have welcomed but suggested will fall well short of demand. Ontario NDP Leader Marit Stiles said the government wanted to rush past committee hearings because it didn’t want to hear the effects its policy could have on those using supervised consumption sites. “This happens again and again with their legislation,” she told reporters. “They want to get out of here as fast as they can, they don’t want to hear from the people who are actually on the front line and they don’t want to hear from the people who are most impacted.” Ontario Liberal Leader Bonnie Crombie, who said she agreed with the decision to ban the sites near “sensitive places” like schools or day cares, said she still believed the government should hear directly from people about the policy. “I feel very strongly that the committee, the premier, the government needs to hear from regular people and their experiences,” she said. Fast-tracking the proposed ban through the legislative process follows a similar template the government has used on other bills. When he announced he would speed up the passage of the bike lanes removal bill, energy legislation and fall economic statement, Clark said it was due to the short legislative session. Under the government’s own timeline, MPPs rose early in June and returned late in October. “I’ve been an MPP for 14 years. This is the shortest session that I can remember in recent memory and the government’s got a busy agenda,” Clark said at the start of November. He refused to be drawn on whether or not he agreed with his predecessor Paul Calandra’s decision to shorten the fall session. Ontario Green Party Leader Mike Schreiner also criticized the move. “The government, because they’re not making evidence-based decisions, don’t want to defend those decisions — whether it’s bike lanes or consumption treatment sites,” he said. “They don’t want to hear from the people of Ontario because the government knows that the decisions they’re making are going to harm people and put people’s lives at risk.”
In a world where success is often equated with perfection and achievement, Cai Guo-Qiang's proclamation that regret holds the key to true fulfillment offers a refreshing perspective. It invites us to embrace our imperfections and failures as essential components of our growth and self-discovery. Through his art, Cai Guo-Qiang encourages us to embrace the complexities of life with open hearts and minds, recognizing that beauty can emerge from even the darkest corners of our past regrets.
The announcement of the Xiaomi YU7 marked the company's continued foray into the electric vehicle market following the successful release of its first car, the Xiaomi EV. With a focus on innovation, sustainability, and cutting-edge technology, Xiaomi's entry into the automotive sector has been highly anticipated and closely watched by industry experts and consumers alike.
Academic and Indigenous commentator Anthony Dillon says Aussies should be proud to celebrate their national day and not be swept up in the cancel culture movement. Australia Day is generally celebrated on Jan. 26 each year, but in recent times, has become more contentious due to its connection with European colonialism. However, amid community backlash, management at Australian Venue Co. quickly retracted its decision, but some patrons have been left with a sour taste in the mouth and will be giving their pubs the snub. Dillon, a researcher at the Australian Catholic University, told The Epoch Times he was, at first, taken aback by how quickly the events unfolded, and how fast the hotel chain reversed its decision. “When I first heard [Australia Day] had been banned, I just thought it was ’more woke-ism,'” Dillon said, adding that it was “not helpful for Aboriginal people.” Dillon gave credit to Australian Venue Co. for apologising so quickly, and noted that the “culture wars” have been alive and well in Australia for at least two to three decades. The academic reminded Australians they did not need to accept woke rhetoric. One of the most recent examples, Dillon says, was supermarket giant Woolworths declining to stock Australia Day items earlier this year. “We don’t have to tolerate nonsense,” he said, adding that Australia Day is, and should always be, about celebrating what’s great about the nation. “It’s not disrespecting Aboriginal people in any way,” Dillon said. “If you’re not Indigenous Australian, don’t let anyone tell you it’s offensive. “That’s their opinion, not fact.” Dillon said the “no” vote prevailing in last year’s failed Voice referendum, as well as Donald Trump’s victory at the U.S. presidential election should cause a shift in the political mood and allow people the chance to think and act freely. Australia Day commemorates the arrival of the First Fleet from Great Britain in 1788, which marked the beginning of European colonisation of the continent. While some argue the day is an important national celebration of Australia’s values, there have been calls from some corners—particularly amid the global cancel culture push—to change the date as it could be deemed offensive to Indigenous people—protest groups may sometimes call it “Invasion Day.”Aston Villa denied last-gasp winner in Juventus stalemate
What antitrust enforcement will look like during a second Trump administration is, like antitrust law, complicated. Notions that Republicans are pro-business and therefore will take a laissez-faire approach to antitrust enforcement are outdated and simplistic. During Trump’s first term antitrust enforcement was far from moribund , blending traditional Republican preferences for deregulation with a populist skepticism toward Big Tech and market concentration generally. This anomalistic meeting of progressive Democrats and conservative Republicans in the antitrust space even garnered a mash-up moniker – the “ Khanservaties ” – a group of conservative Republicans including Missouri Senator Josh Hawley and erstwhile Attorney General nominee and former Florida Representative Matt Gaetz, who praised Biden-appointed Federal Trade Commission (FTC) Chair Lina Khan. Vice President-elect J. D. Vance also provided backhanded praise for Khan, stating , “I look at Lina Khan as one of the few people in the Biden administration that I think is doing a pretty good job.” Ironically, while for distinct reasons and from opposite sides of the political spectrum, leaders in both political parties have favored a pro-worker, anti-tech antitrust agenda that has permeated antitrust enforcement for the last 8 years. Antitrust “techlash,” at least against disfavored tech companies, and a focus on workers will likely continue during Trump’s second term. We predict antitrust enforcement during the second Trump administration will be unpredictable, and probably idiosyncratic, likely reflecting president-elect Trump’s views of specific companies or industries. That said, we expect criminal antitrust enforcement priorities will remain much the same, while FTC likely will take a less aggressive stances regarding the use of competition rulemaking and the exercise of enforcement powers under Section 5 of the FTC Act (e.g., the non-compete rule), as well as mothballing Robinson-Patman Act enforcement. Merger review is harder to predict and will be a mixed bag, as described below. Antitrust Agency Leadership & Staff – Some Stay and Some Will Go On December 4, 2024, President-Elect Trump announced that Gail Slater would be nominated to be the Assistant Attorney General (AAG) for Antitrust at the Department of Justice (DOJ), stating “Big Tech has run wild for years, stifling competition in our most innovative sector and, as we all know, using its market power to crack down on the rights of so many Americans, as well as those of Little Tech! I was proud to fight these abuses in my First Term, and our Department of Justice’s antitrust team will continue that work under Gail’s leadership.” Slater has been an economic advisor to then-Senator J.D. Vance, an attorney advisor and staff attorney at the Federal Trade Commission and held roles at an Internet Trade Association and Fox. Her focus has been on tech policy. Plans for the FTC have not been announced. If FTC Chair Khan resigns, as is typical when there is a presidential party change, one of the two Republican Commissioners is expected to be named acting FTC Chair. This will leave two Republican Commissioners and two Democratic Commissioners until a replacement is confirmed, likely creating an impasse for any non-bipartisan decisions and slowing Commission decision-making. Although top political positions at both the FTC and DOJ change when the political party that holds the White House changes, each agency is comprised primarily of career staff. While there is much buzz about career staff worry and departures , it is also notable that during the Biden administration the DOJ Antitrust Division did a lot of hiring , and those attorneys will continue to do work through political transition. Antitrust Agency Resources – Can they Dodge the DOGE? The newly announced Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) executive advisory committee to be co-chaired by Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy and focused on government efficiency will likely have its sights set on antitrust enforcement agencies. The One Agency Act , makes the FTC low-lying fruit for the DOGE. The Act, which passed out of the House Judiciary Committee in April 2024, would consolidate antitrust enforcement authority by transferring all FTC antitrust functions, employees, assets, and funding to the DOJ. The FTC would maintain its consumer protection authority. Similar legislation proposed to end the overlap in FTC and DOJ merger review and civil investigation authority has been previously unsuccessful, but the Act’s prospects for passage seem higher now given the Republican majorities in both houses of Congress. The FTC and DOJ’s informal clearance process for civil antitrust matters has been derided for inefficiency and would seem an easy focus for the DOGE’s prioritization of government efficiency. While personnel and open matters could move from FTC to DOJ this consolidation would be substantively significant if accomplished. For instance, the FTC has expanded its investigations of unfair methods of competition under Section 5 of the FTC Act, which it claims provides for broader enforcement of than the Sherman Act, and that vehicle would likely cease to exist if the antitrust enforcement is consolidated within DOJ. Possible antitrust enforcement consolidation within DOJ makes President-elect Trump’s pick of Gail Slater to lead the DOJ Antitrust Division even more significant. Criminal Enforcement – Likely to Stay the Same Cartels have been called the “the Supreme evil of antitrust” by the Supreme Court and criminally prosecuting agreements among competitors to fix prices, rig bids, or allocate markets or employees are likely to remain a high priority for the DOJ’s Antitrust Division during Trump’s second term. Notably, the Deputy Assistant Attorney General (DAAG) for Criminal Enforcement at the DOJ’s Antitrust Division is not a political appointee and the current criminal leadership typically stays intact through administration changes, providing continuity for the Antitrust Division’s criminal program. In addition, the DOJ’s Antitrust Division has the sole authority to criminally prosecute antitrust offenses under the Sherman Act, the One Agency act would not impact continuity in criminal prosecution. While Biden administration antitrust enforcement was touted as aggressive, DOJ’s own criminal enforcement statistics show that during the first Trump administration the number of criminal antitrust cases filed and the amount of total criminal fines and penalties were slightly higher than during the Biden Administration. With past as prologue, we do not anticipate a dip in criminal antitrust enforcement during the second Trump administration, although administration priorities may change. One area we expect to remain an antitrust priority during the next administration is criminally prosecuting collusion relating to government contracts, procurement, and funding. The Antitrust Division-led Procurement Collusion Strike Force (PCSF) has been highly active prosecuting price fixing, bid rigging, market allocation and related fraud relating to government procurement and funds during the Biden Administration, but it was actually launched in 2019 during the first Trump Administration. The prosecution of collusion where government taxpayer dollars are lost typically garners bipartisan support and is notably consistent with desire for government efficiency espoused as part of Trump’s 2024 campaign platform. Accordingly, we expect the DOJ to continue to continue to support the PCSF’s focus on prosecuting fraud, waste, and collusion in government procurement during the second Trump Administration. We also expect criminal enforcement of labor-focused cases including criminal investigation and prosecution of no poach and wage fixing cases to continue in the second Trump administration, as it remained an antitrust focus from 2016-2020 and the original criminal cases in this area were brought during Trump’s first term. One area of uncertainty in the criminal antitrust space is whether the Antitrust Division will continue its focus on criminal monopolization cases. In 2022, the Antitrust Division announced that it intended to criminally investigate and prosecute individuals or companies who violate Section 2 of the Sherman Act and proceeded to bring its first criminal monopolization cases. This was a marked change after decades of criminal antitrust enforcement focusing solely on hardcore, per se anticompetitive agreements like price fixing, bid rigging or market allocation among two or more horizontal competitors under Section 1 of the Sherman Act. Section 2 of the Sherman Act traditionally focuses on alleged unilateral anticompetitive practices by one company used to maintain or obtain its monopoly, and these alleged violations are typically brought as civil monopolization cases (e.g. tech cases). These cases are likely to be resource intensive given the need to prove an intent to monopolize to a beyond a reasonable doubt standard and may be deprioritized by the new administration. Overall, we expect criminal antitrust enforcement to remain much the same as it has been for the last eight years. Merger Review: All I Need is a Remedy The Biden administration’s DOJ and FTC effectuated three significant merger review policy changes, and it is possible that all three may be reversed in the Trump Administration. First, the Agencies revised substantially the Merger Guidelines, which is the substantive framework they use to evaluate whether they consider a proposed transaction to substantially lessen competition under Section 7 of the Clayton Act. Given those new Guidelines have been in place for only a year and the subject of considerable controversy (perhaps most notably taking the position that a firm with 30% market share should be considered “dominant” under existing antitrust law), it is possible, and perhaps even likely, they will be withdrawn, and the agencies will go back to operating under the 2010 Horizontal Merger Guidelines. Second, the agencies finalized new Hart-Scott-Rodino Act rules , which will be effective February 10 th , 2025. The new rules expand the types of information merging parties must provide and have been the subject of some criticism in the market. They were issued on a bi-partisan basis (a unanimous vote at the FTC), however, and we do not expect the new administration to withdraw or revise them, Third, during the Biden administration, FTC and DOJ have shown severe skepticism toward remedies (i.e., settlements) in mergers, with only a handful of remedies accepted by the agencies. Prior to the Biden administration, structural remedies, whereby the merging parties divest a product or line of business to a third party to resolve the agency’s competitive concerns, were common, with both agencies issuing specific merger remedies guidance. We expect the agencies to return to this practice in a Trump Administration. Aside from policy, the merger enforcement records of the previous few administrations is fairly consistent, but also difficult to gauge as we discussed in a previous post . In addition to the tech industry, transactions in the healthcare industry have consistently been subject to scrutiny across administrations. That said, we do think that one industry – private equity – will not be the target it has been under the Biden administration . Robust Civil Antitrust Enforcement, Techlash, and Focus on AI – Likely to Continue Big Tech has faced heightened antitrust scrutiny, and we expect tech and AI are likely to remain under the antitrust microscope during Trump’s second term. Trump and Congressional Republicans have railed against Big Tech consolidation and tech monopolies as a threat to free speech excluding conservative voices. Concerns of a different focus, but concerns with the same tech targets, nonetheless. While Trump also has high-powered backers in tech, including Elon Musk, we can expect antitrust “techlash” to continue during the next Trump Administration, at least against tech companies who have fallen out of Trump’s favor. Trump’s nomination of Gail Slater as AAG for Antitrust at the DOJ and his statements about big tech running wild and stifling competition when announcing her nomination further underscore this resolve. AI and the use of antitrust law as a means to reign in those who wield its power is a hot area of focus without much clarity on how the next administration will proceed. One thing that is clear is that President-elect Trump intends to end the Biden AI Executive. As stated in the 2024 GOP Platform , “We will repeal Joe Biden’s dangerous Executive Order that hinders AI Innovation, and imposes Radical Leftwing ideas on the development of this technology. In its place, Republicans support AI Development rooted in Free Speech and Human Flourishing.” Trump repeated this numerous times on the campaign trail. What, if anything, the Trump administration will do in the AI space remains to be seen. So, we are likely to see an overall tension between a desire for deregulation and a desire to protect from perceived AI risks, and we will be watching closely how the next administration tackles those issues and the use of antitrust laws for this purpose. Conclusion While we expect some easing of antitrust pressures for merging parties, we also expect robust but likely unpredictable and possibly selective antitrust enforcement over the next four years that attempts to balance a desire for deregulation with a dash of Khan-era populist beliefs and continued disdain for Big Tech. State enforcers and private litigants are not beholden to the President, and it is expected they will both step up enforcement and litigation and play a prominent role in antitrust over the next four years. So, buckle up, and have your antitrust counsel on speed dial while we navigate the antitrust road ahead.