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legit online games WASHINGTON (AP) — As a former and potentially future president, Donald Trump hailed what would become as a road map for “exactly what our movement will do” with another crack at the White House. As for a hard-right turn in America became a liability during the 2024 campaign, . He denied knowing anything about the “ridiculous and abysmal” plans written in part by his first-term aides and allies. Now, after being elected the 47th president on Nov. 5, Trump is stocking his second administration with key players in the detailed effort he temporarily shunned. Most notably, Trump has tapped for an encore as director of the Office of Management and Budget; Tom Homan, his former immigration chief, as and immigration hardliner Stephen Miller as . Those moves have accelerated criticisms from Democrats who warn that Trump's election hands government reins to movement conservatives who spent years envisioning how to concentrate power in the West Wing and impose a starkly rightward shift across the U.S. government and society. Trump and his aides maintain that he won a mandate to overhaul Washington. But they maintain the specifics are his alone. “President Trump never had anything to do with Project 2025,” said Trump spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt in a statement. “All of President Trumps' Cabinet nominees and appointments are whole-heartedly committed to President Trump's agenda, not the agenda of outside groups.” Here is a look at what some of Trump's choices portend for his second presidency. The Office of Management and Budget director, a role Vought held under Trump previously and requires Senate confirmation, prepares a president's proposed budget and is generally responsible for implementing the administration's agenda across agencies. The job is influential but Vought made clear as author of a Project 2025 chapter on presidential authority that he wants the post to wield more direct power. “The Director must view his job as the best, most comprehensive approximation of the President’s mind,” Vought wrote. The OMB, he wrote, “is a President’s air-traffic control system” and should be “involved in all aspects of the White House policy process,” becoming “powerful enough to override implementing agencies’ bureaucracies.” Trump did not go into such details when naming Vought but implicitly endorsed aggressive action. Vought, the president-elect said, “knows exactly how to dismantle the Deep State” — Trump’s catch-all for federal bureaucracy — and would help “restore fiscal sanity.” In June, speaking on former Trump aide Steve Bannon’s “War Room” podcast, Vought relished the potential tension: “We’re not going to save our country without a little confrontation.” The strategy of further concentrating federal authority in the presidency permeates Project 2025's and Trump's campaign proposals. Vought's vision is especially striking when paired with Trump's proposals to dramatically expand the president's control over federal workers and government purse strings — ideas intertwined with the president-elect tapping mega-billionaire Elon Musk and venture capitalist Vivek Ramaswamy to Trump in his first term sought to remake the federal civil service by reclassifying tens of thousands of federal civil service workers — who have job protection through changes in administration — as political appointees, making them easier to fire and replace with loyalists. Currently, only about 4,000 of the federal government's roughly 2 million workers are political appointees. President Joe Biden rescinded Trump's changes. Trump can now reinstate them. Meanwhile, Musk's and Ramaswamy's sweeping “efficiency” mandates from Trump could turn on an old, defunct constitutional theory that the president — not Congress — is the real gatekeeper of federal spending. In his “Agenda 47,” Trump endorsed so-called “impoundment,” which holds that when lawmakers pass appropriations bills, they simply set a spending ceiling, but not a floor. The president, the theory holds, can simply decide not to spend money on anything he deems unnecessary. Vought did not venture into impoundment in his Project 2025 chapter. But, he wrote, “The President should use every possible tool to propose and impose fiscal discipline on the federal government. Anything short of that would constitute abject failure.” Trump's choice immediately sparked backlash. “Russ Vought is a far-right ideologue who has tried to break the law to give President Trump unilateral authority he does not possess to override the spending decisions of Congress (and) who has and will again fight to give Trump the ability to summarily fire tens of thousands of civil servants,” said Sen. Patty Murray of Washington, a Democrat and outgoing Senate Appropriations chairwoman. Reps. Jamie Raskin of Maryland and Melanie Stansbury of New Mexico, leading Democrats on the House Committee on Oversight and Accountability, said Vought wants to “dismantle the expert federal workforce” to the detriment of Americans who depend on everything from veterans' health care to Social Security benefits. “Pain itself is the agenda,” they said. Trump’s protests about Project 2025 always glossed over . Both want to reimpose Trump-era immigration limits. Project 2025 includes a litany of detailed proposals for various U.S. immigration statutes, executive branch rules and agreements with other countries — reducing the number of refugees, work visa recipients and asylum seekers, for example. Miller is one of Trump's longest-serving advisers and architect of his immigration ideas, including his promise of the largest deportation force in U.S. history. As deputy policy chief, which is not subject to Senate confirmation, Miller would remain in Trump's West Wing inner circle. “America is for Americans and Americans only,” Miller said at Trump’s on Oct. 27. “America First Legal,” Miller’s organization founded as an ideological counter to the American Civil Liberties Union, was listed as an advisory group to Project 2025 until Miller asked that the name be removed because of negative attention. Homan, a Project 2025 named contributor, was an acting U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement director during Trump’s first presidency, playing a key role in what became known as Trump's Previewing Trump 2.0 earlier this year, Homan said: “No one’s off the table. If you’re here illegally, you better be looking over your shoulder.” John Ratcliffe, Trump's , was previously one of Trump's directors of national intelligence. He is a Project 2025 contributor. The document's chapter on U.S. intelligence was written by Dustin Carmack, Ratcliffe's chief of staff in the first Trump administration. Reflecting Ratcliffe's and Trump's approach, Carmack declared the intelligence establishment too cautious. Ratcliffe, like the chapter attributed to Carmack, is hawkish toward China. Throughout the Project 2025 document, Beijing is framed as a U.S. adversary that cannot be trusted. Brendan Carr, the senior Republican on the Federal Communications Commission, wrote Project 2025's FCC chapter and is to chair the panel. Carr wrote that the FCC chairman “is empowered with significant authority that is not shared” with other FCC members. He called for the FCC to address “threats to individual liberty posed by corporations that are abusing dominant positions in the market,” specifically “Big Tech and its attempts to drive diverse political viewpoints from the digital town square.” He called for more stringent transparency rules for social media platforms like Facebook and YouTube and “empower consumers to choose their own content filters and fact checkers, if any.” Carr and Ratcliffe would require Senate confirmation for their posts.None

In a thrilling conclusion to the quarter-finals, Australia set up a Davis Cup semi-final clash against defending champions Italy, after doubles duo Matthew Ebden and Jordan Thompson secured victory over the United States. The American team, slight favourites, was outplayed by Australia's tactical nous. Thanasi Kokkinakis showcased incredible resilience in singles, edging out Ben Shelton in a dramatic tiebreaker, while Taylor Fritz levelled the tie for the U.S. with his win over Alex de Minaur. Ultimately, the decisive doubles match swung in Australia's favor as Ebden and Thompson outperformed Paul and Shelton. Italy's path to the semi-final was marked by Jannik Sinner's stellar performances, overturning Argentina's initial lead. Despite being favourites, the Italian team faces a tough challenge from Australia's determined side, intent on rebounding from their past final defeats. (With inputs from agencies.)NoneNebraska Farm Bureau has selected Steve Nelson of Axtell as the 2024 recipient of its highest honor, the Silver Eagle Award. The award will be presented to Nelson on Dec. 10 at the 2024 Nebraska Farm Bureau Annual Meeting and Convention in Kearney. “Nelson has devoted his entire life to agriculture, showcasing unwavering commitment and service to the agricultural community in Nebraska. He has served as a passionate advocate and a representative striving to enhance the well-being of all farm and ranch families across the state,” said Mark McHargue, NEFB president. Nelson started his farming career in the early 1970s while still a high school student. Today, he and his wife, Elma, cultivate corn, hybrid seed corn, and soybeans on their family farm near Axtell, which has been passed down through six generations. Nelson began his Farm Bureau career after graduating from the University of Nebraska–Lincoln, serving in many roles on the Kearney/Franklin County Farm Bureau Board. Steve was elected to the state Board of Directors in 1997, representing the South Central District. He was elected to the position of first vice president in 2002 before being elected as Nebraska Farm Bureau president in 2011. Nelson was elected to the American Farm Bureau Federation board of directors in 2014. He has served on the AFBF Trade Advisory and Governance committees and served as chairman of the Feed Grains Committee, the Water Quality Task Force, the Information and Technology Committee and the Making American Agriculture Productive and Profitable Committee. He has accompanied governors and AFBF on trade missions to China, Costa Rica, Cuba, England, France, Mexico, Panama, Peru and Taiwan. “During his service to Nebraska Farm Bureau, Steve moved the organization forward by prioritizing the expansion of agricultural trade and the exploration of new markets for agricultural commodities. Additionally, he emphasized a key focus on halting high-profile initiatives that could negatively impact the state. Steve also played a pivotal role in positioning Farm Bureau to be a leading voice in elevating awareness of Nebraska’s outrageously high property taxes to headline status and pushing for legislative action to address the problem,” McHargue said. In addition to advocacy work, Nelson helped advance and modernize the Nebraska Farm Bureau organization. Among those efforts was the establishment of the Nebraska Farm Bureau Foundation to initiate programming to bridge a growing disconnect between agriculture and urban Nebraska. Nelson also supported expanded resources to help Nebraska Farm Bureau’s 86 County Farm Bureaus that make up the organization’s membership, including investment in programs geared toward leadership development and youth programs to grow agriculture’s base of leaders and influencers. When Nelson retired as Nebraska Farm Bureau’s president in 2020, the organization honored him by sponsoring the Steve Nelson Yeutter Institute International Trade Internship Award, which provides students at the University of Nebraska–Lincoln the opportunity to work in the heart of the trade policy community in Washington, D.C., at the Washington International Trade Association. “Students who participate in the Washington, D.C., program work under the mentorship of WITA’s executive director and managing director and gain valuable exposure to and experience with trade policy issues. Following completion of the internship, the intern uses skills gained to plan a Yeutter Institute educational event for students and the public on an agricultural trade policy issue important to Nebraska,” McHargue said. Nelson is a member of numerous state and national agricultural organizations. He is a lifelong member of Bethany Lutheran Church near Axtell. Steve and Elma became members of the Hastings-area chapter of Compassionate Friends after their daughter, Sarah, passed away unexpectedly following a 2006 surgery. Steve and Elma have two other children; Scott (Amy) and Stacy (Bobby), and five grandchildren; Sam, Luke, Britta, Bo and Natalie. “Nebraska Farm Bureau is stronger because of Steve’s vision for agriculture’s future,” McHargue said. “We congratulate Steve. He is extremely worthy of Nebraska Farm Bureau’s highest honor, the Silver Eagle Award.” For more information about Nebraska Farm Bureau and agriculture, visit nefb.org . 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Duke's Diaz: QB Murphy faces internal discipline for raising middle fingers in Virginia Tech winFew presidents have come as far as fast in national politics as Jimmy Carter . In 1974, he was nearing the end of his single term as governor of Georgia when he told the world he wanted to be president. Two years later, he was the president-elect. Although his name recognition nationally was only 2% at the time of his announcement, Carter believed he could meet enough people personally to make a strong showing in the early presidential caucuses and primaries. He embarked on a 37-state tour, making more than 200 speeches before any of the other major candidates had announced. When voting began in Iowa and New Hampshire in the winter of 1976, Carter emerged the winner in both states. He rode that momentum all the way to the presidential nomination and held on to win a close contest in the general election. His career as a highly active former president lasted four full decades and ended only with his death Sunday in his hometown of Plains, Ga. He was 100 and had lived longer than any other U.S. president, battling cancer in both his brain and liver in his 90s. A life that bridged political eras James Earl Carter Jr. was the 39th U.S. president, elected as a Democrat displacing the incumbent Republican, Gerald Ford, in 1976. Carter would serve a single tumultuous term in the White House, beset by inflation, energy shortages, intraparty challenges and foreign crises. But he managed to win the nomination for a second term. He lost his bid for reelection to Republican Ronald Reagan in a landslide in 1980. Thereafter, he worked with Habitat for Humanity and traveled the globe as an indefatigable advocate for peace and human rights. He was given the U.N. Prize in the Field of Human Rights in 1998 and awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002. Carter was the first president from the Deep South elected since the Civil War. He entered politics at a time when Democrats still dominated in his home state and region. He had begun his career as a naval officer in the submarine corps, but in 1953 he left the service to take over the family peanut business when his father died. He later served four years in Georgia's state legislature before making his first bid for governor in 1966. In that contest, he finished behind another Democrat, Lester Maddox, a populist figure known for brandishing a pickax handle to confront civil rights protesters outside his Atlanta restaurant. Carter shared much of the traditional white Southern cultural identity. But he was also noted for his support for integration and the Civil Rights Movement led by fellow Georgian Martin Luther King Jr. Four years after losing to Maddox, Carter was elected his successor and declared in his inaugural speech that "the time for racial discrimination is over." Time magazine would feature him on its cover four months later, making him a symbol of the "New South." And as his term as governor ended, he was all in on a presidential bid. But he did not burst onto the national stage so much as he crept up onto it, appearing before small groups in farming communities and elsewhere far from the big media centers. A meteoric rise to the White House Beyond his earnest image and rhetoric, Carter also had a savvy game plan based on the new presidential nominating rules that the Democratic Party had adopted in the early 1970s. Carter's team, led by campaign manager Hamilton Jordan, mastered this new road map, with Carter climbing from a strong showing in the still-new Iowa caucuses to a clean win in New Hampshire's primary. So though in January 1976 he was the first choice of only 4% of Democrats nationally, he won the first two events and leveraged that attention to capture the imagination of voters in other regions. Carter shut out segregationist champion George Wallace in the Southern primaries and also dominated in the industrial states of the North and Midwest. Democrats held 48 primaries or caucuses around the United States that year, and Carter won 30, with no other candidate winning more than five. Wherever he went, he was able to connect with rural voters and evangelicals wherever they were to be found — doing well in big cities but also in the sparsely populated parts of Ohio and Pennsylvania. While Carter's juggernaut lost momentum in the summer and fall, with Republican President Gerald Ford nearly closing the polling gap by Election Day, the Georgian held on to win 50% of the popular vote in November. By winning in his home state and everywhere else in the South (save only Virginia) while holding on to enough of the key population centers in the Northeast and Great Lakes regions, Carter was able to cobble together nearly 300 Electoral College votes without winning California, Illinois or Michigan. Troubles in office The surprisingly modest margin of Carter's victory over Ford augured more difficulties ahead. And as well as the Carter persona may have suited the national mood in 1976, it did not fit well in the Washington he found in 1977. All presidential candidates who "run against Washington" find it necessary to adjust their tactics if and when they are elected. But the former peanut farmer and his campaign staff known as the "Georgia mafia" never seemed to lose faith in the leverage they thought they had as outsiders. Almost immediately upon taking office, Carter encountered difficulties with various power centers in Congress. He and his tight circle of aides brought along from Georgia and the campaign were not attuned to congressional customs or prerogatives, and a variety of their agenda priorities ran afoul of their own party's preferences. A case in point was a "hit list" of Western water projects that the Carterites regarded as needless pork barrel spending. For a raft of Democratic senators and representatives facing reelection in thirsty states and districts, the list came as a declaration of war. Although Congress fought Carter to a draw on the projects, many of these Western seats would be lost to Republican challengers in 1978 and 1980. Carter did have signal successes in brokering a historic peace deal between Israel and Egypt and in securing Senate ratification of his treaties ceding the Panama Canal to Panama. He also managed to achieve significant reforms in regulations — especially those affecting energy production and transportation — that would eventually lower consumer prices. Carter had taken office amid historically high inflation and energy prices that had persisted since the Arab oil embargo of 1973. Carter appointed a new chair of the Federal Reserve, Paul Volcker, whose tight money policies eventually tamed inflation but also triggered a recession and the highest unemployment rates since the Great Depression. Along the way, there was more grief on the oil front as Iran's Islamic Revolution in 1979 caused not only a price spike but long lines at the pump — worse than in 1973. Carter and the Democrats paid a price, suffering more than the usual losses for the president's party in the 1978 midterm elections, which greatly reduced Democratic margins in both the House and the Senate. Yet the Iranian crisis had even worse consequences. The revolution saw the overthrow of the Shah, a longtime ally of the U.S., and the installation of a stern theocratic regime led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, a fierce critic of the United States. When Carter agreed to grant the Shah a visa to receive cancer treatments in the U.S., young followers of the ayatollah overran the U.S. Embassy in Tehran . Fifty-two Americans were taken hostage for 444 days. Carter's efforts to free them were unavailing. An airborne raid intended to free them ended in catastrophe in the Iranian desert, leaving eight U.S. service members dead after a collision of aircraft on the ground. Afghanistan becomes an issue Yet another blow was dealt to Carter's standing when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan to prop up its client regime there. Opposing that aggression was popular, but Carter's decision to retaliate by having the U.S. boycott the 1980 Olympics in Moscow was less so. Carter was able to use the hostage crisis to his advantage in suppressing the challenge to his nomination mounted by Sen. Edward Kennedy of Massachusetts. Carter refused to debate Kennedy and made the primaries a kind of referendum on the Iranian situation. Enough Democrats rallied to his side that Kennedy's bid, a favorite cause of liberal activists and organized labor, fell far short. Still, it contributed to the weakness of Carter's standing in the general election. And what had worked against a challenger from the Democratic left did not work when Carter faced one from the Republican right. Ronald Reagan was a former two-term governor of California who had sought the nomination twice before, and he did not begin 1980 as the consensus choice of his party. But he wove a complex set of issues into a fabric with broad appeal. He proposed sweeping tax cuts as a tonic for the economy, more spending on defense, a more aggressive foreign policy and, just as important, a return to the traditional values of "faith, freedom, family, work and neighborhood." He also opposed abortion and busing for racial integration and favored school prayer — the three hottest buttons in social policy at the time. After a come-from-behind win in New Hampshire and a sweep of the Southern primaries, Reagan never looked back. His triumph at the Republican National Convention in Detroit set the tone for his campaign. The election looked close at Labor Day and even into October. But the single debate the two camps agreed to , held on Oct. 28, 1980, the week before the election, was a clear win for the challenger. Carter failed in his attempts to paint Reagan as an extremist. The Republican managed to be reassuring and upbeat even as he kept up his attacks on Carter's handling of the economy and on the rest of Carter's record. The polls broke sharply in the final days, and in November, Reagan captured nearly all the Southern states that Carter had carried four years earlier and won the 1980 presidential election with 489 Electoral College votes. Carter conceded before the polls had even closed on the West Coast. Reassessment in retrospect Historians have generally not rated Carter's presidency highly, and he left office with his Gallup poll approval rating in the low 30s. But there has been a steady upward trajectory in assessments of his presidency in recent years, and his Gallup approval rating has climbed back above 50% and has remained there among the public at large. This reflects the work of several Carter biographers and former aides and the natural comparison with the presidents who have followed him. In 2018, Stuart E. Eizenstat, Carter's chief domestic policy adviser, published President Carter: The White House Years , which historians have praised both as a primary source and as an assessment of Carter's term. In it, Eizenstat wrote that Carter "was not a great president, but he was a good and productive one. He delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office. He was a man of almost unyielding principle. Yet his greatest virtue was at once his most serious fault for a president in an American democracy of divided powers." As far back as 2000, historian Douglas Brinkley wrote that in the first 20 years after Carter lost the presidency, he had become "renowned the world over as the epitome of the caring, compassionate, best sort of American statesman ... an exemplar of behavior for all national leaders in retirement." A new life out of office But the greatest factor in Carter's rising reputation was his own performance in his post-presidential career. He worked with Habitat for Humanity to rehabilitate homes for low-income families. He taught at Emory University and established his own nonprofit, the Carter Center . And over the ensuing decades, he published more than two dozen books and became an international advocate for peace, democratic reforms and humanitarian causes. As former president, Carter did not shy from controversy, particularly when it came to the Middle East, the region that gave him his greatest foreign policy achievement and also his most damaging setback as president. He opposed the Gulf War in 1991 and the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003, and he angered many when he likened Israel's treatment of Palestinians to apartheid in South Africa. He also riled many Americans by suggesting that opposition to President Barack Obama was rooted in racism. More recently, he earned new admirers and detractors alike with his public disapproval of then-President Donald Trump.

‘World of Warcraft’ still going strong as it celebrates 20 yearsMoravian 89, Susquehanna 84

The Tennessee Titans are showing signs of growing tougher. This time, they shook off eight sacks and three turnovers to stave off a third straight losing season for at least another week. The Titans not only scored the game-winning touchdown on a one-play drive in the fourth quarter, they also came up with back-to-back sacks. The second led to a safety, clinching a 32-27 win over the AFC South-leading Houston Texans. First-year coach Brian Callahan called how the Titans (3-8) responded crucial validation in the NFL where the only grading system is wins and losses. "We finally get a chance against a really good team on the road in the division to show what we’re made of," Callahan said. "This is the team we think we’re capable of being. It’s the team that I’ve believed in all year long." Running back Tony Pollard says the Titans have learned some important lessons that only come from fighting through adversity. They've had lots of that, which can wear out teams this late in the season. "Eventually, they’ll start turning over,” Pollard said. What’s working The offense. The Titans scored a season high in points and topped their game average with 20 points by halftime. Better yet was quarterback Will Levis both starting and finishing his first win of the season. Levis also completed his first 11 passes and connected with seven different receivers. Levis finished with 278 yards passing and threw two touchdown passes. Pollard also ran for 119 yards as the Titans played keep-away, holding the ball for more than 34 minutes. They finished with four plays of 27 yards or longer with Levis responsible for the three longest. What needs help Special teams. Coordinator Colt Anderson has been under pressure, which didn't ease after the Texans gave up an 80-yard return on the opening kickoff. The Titans then gave up a TD on the first play from scrimmage — only the fourth time that has happened in the NFL since 2000 and first since the Chargers in Week 7 in 2018. It didn't get better as rookie Jha'quan Jackson fumbled a punt recovered by Houston near midfield in the third quarter. The Titans allowed only a field goal. But special teams allowed the Texans to average 36.8 yards per kickoff return. Punter Ryan Stonehouse had a net average of 45.2 yards as he made up for a 38-yarder that counts as a shank for him with a 62-yarder early in the fourth to help flip the field. Stock up Tight end Chig Okonkwo. The fourth-round draft pick in 2022 scored a 70-yard catch-and-run touchdown that was the longest catch of his career. That one TD catch had more yards than Okonkwo had managed in any of his previous 44 games. It was enough as the game-winning TD. Stock down Levis completed his first 11 passes. He's completed 67.9% of his passes in his past three starts with five TD passes with only two interceptions with a 107.2 passer rating. Callahan likes those signs of improvement. “We definitely got to get the sack numbers down. ... We can't give up eight sacks a game and feel like it's going to be good enough,” Callahan said. The second-year quarterback has to be more aware of pressure to avoid sacks. The Titans offensive line hasn't helped much, but Levis took a beating, being sacked eight times by Houston. He's now been sacked 20 times in three straight starts since returning from a sprained AC joint in his right, throwing shoulder. He also had his third pick-6 this season. Injuries The Titans played Houston without starting safety Amari Hooker because of illness. Callahan said they will open the window for CB Chidobe Awuzie to practice in a possible return from injured reserve. Key number 35 — The number of times Levis has been sacked in eight games this season or more than all but three NFL quarterbacks. One of those? Houston’s C.J. Stroud, who was sacked for a safety to clinch Tennessee’s road win. Next steps A road win over the AFC South leader and defending champion could provide the confidence boost the Titans needed. They wrap up a two-game road swing by visiting Washington (7-5), which has lost three straight. The Titans play four of the final five inside the AFC South where their faint hope of reaching the postseason lies even as fans root for a high draft pick. ___ AP NFL: https://apnews.com/hub/nfl Teresa M. Walker, The Associated Press

Labour plans to make spiking a specific offence and has laid out plans for venue staff to be trained in relation to spiking, with a pilot to begin within weeks before a wider rollout next year. Ms Davies-Jones, asked about why it was worthwhile to make spiking a new offence when it is already illegal, said: “Spiking is a crime already. “A lot of people don’t realise that it is a crime already, which is part of the problem.” She said there were around 6,000 reports of spiking last year but that because it is an underreported crime, it is not clear how big of a problem it is. 'Legislation won't fix this on its own...this is about a culture shift' @SophyRidgeSky challenges Minister for Victims @AlexDaviesJones on the govt plan to change the spiking law even though it is already a criminal offence. #PoliticsHub https://t.co/GlTNastFii 📺 Sky 501 pic.twitter.com/Zb65c6KnOM — Politics Hub with Sophy Ridge (@SkyPoliticsHub) November 25, 2024 “Part of the problem we’ve got is around the data collection, so you don’t know if you’ve been spiked with a drink, a needle, a vape, for example,” she told Politics Hub on Sky News. Modernising the offence and giving police the tools to get accurate data allows a clearer picture of where, how and how often spiking is happening, she said. It is about “clarifying it, modernising it, making sure that people know exactly what this is...the law isn’t quite, it isn’t up to date. “It isn’t modern enough.” Sir Keir Starmer earlier said he hopes the change will give people “the confidence to come forward”, in a meeting of police bosses, transport figures and hospitality executives in Downing Street. Spiking will be made a criminal offence. My government was elected to take back our streets, central to this mission is making sure women and girls can feel safe at night. Perpetrators of spiking will feel the full force of the law. — Keir Starmer (@Keir_Starmer) November 25, 2024 Ms Davies-Jones and Home Secretary Yvette Cooper were among the attendees at the round-table discussion on Monday morning. Labour pledged in its manifesto to introduce a new offence for spiking, but there was no detail in the King’s Speech this year about a specific crime, though it promised to ensure an improved police response to cases. According to information published by the Metropolitan Police, spiking offences are currently covered by more than one law, but most come under the Offences Against the Person Act 1861. Sir Keir told the meeting: “There are a number of measures that we are setting out this morning – we want to talk it through with you. “The first is to make spiking a specific offence so that it counts, it’s reported.” He said that such a measure would mean that it “enables everybody to have the confidence to come forward” and also “it allows perpetrators to know that it’s a specific offence”. Detailing the training scheme, he went on: “We’re beginning the piloting of training for staff in venues.” He said the scheme would be “partly to spot what’s happening, but also to know what to do in the event that there is an incident in a venue”. “That will start in December with a pilot then it will be rolled out from March of next year,” Sir Keir added. He also said that the “final” point of discussion for the morning was “police indexing – (the) way that we count it across different police forces”. Sir Keir added: “At the moment it’s quite hard to get your arms around the pure numbers.” Plain clothes officers are being deployed in areas around bars and clubs to spot predatory behaviour. The text-to-report number, 61016, that allows women to contact British Transport Police to report harassment on the train, is due to be relaunched. Home Secretary Yvette Cooper said: “Spiking is a disturbing and serious crime which can have a damaging and long-lasting impact on victims. “That’s why today we are taking decisive action to prevent this devastating crime and to crack down on perpetrators, by introducing a new criminal offence for spiking and launching specialist training for thousands of bar staff nationwide. “People shouldn’t have to worry about the safety of their drinks on a night out. “These changes are about giving victims greater confidence to come forward, and ensuring that there is a robust response from the police whenever these appalling crimes take place.”My Special Aflac Duck® lands in the Sacramento Valley

President-elect Donald Trump has named longtime ally Brooke Rollins to be agriculture secretary. Rollins is currently president and CEO of the America First Policy Institute, a conservative, pro-Trump think tank she formed in 2021 alongside other members of the former president's orbit while out of office. "As our next Secretary of Agriculture, Brooke will spearhead the effort to protect American Farmers, who are truly the backbone of our Country," Trump said in a statement. If confirmed by the Senate, Rollins would lead a 100,000-person agency with offices in every county in the country, whose remit includes farm and nutrition programs, forestry, home and farm lending, food safety, rural development, agricultural research, trade and more. It had a budget of $437.2 billion in 2024. The 52-year old attorney had also been reportedly considered as a possible White House chief of staff for Trump. The president-elect had in private conservations referred to her a "great" option, saying that "she’s tall" and "got the look," the New York Times reported last month. Sign-up for Your Vote: Text with the USA TODAY elections team. But the position ultimately went to Trump's 2024 campaign manager, Susie Wiles . Trump announced Wiles just days after his decisive electoral win earlier this month. Rollins was one of many speakers at the Republican National Convention. A conservative lawyer, she served as acting director of the White House's Domestic Policy Council in the final year of Trump's first term. Before her time in Washington, Rollins, a Texas-native, served as an aide to then-Trump Energy Secretary Rick Perry. She was also CEO and president of the Texas Public Policy Foundation, a conservative think-tank in the Lone Star State. The agriculture secretary's agenda would carry implications for American diets and wallets, both urban and rural. Department of Agriculture officials and staff negotiate trade deals, guide dietary recommendations, inspect meat, fight wildfires and support rural broadband, among other activities. As agriculture secretary, Rollins would advise the administration on how and whether to implement clean fuel tax credits for biofuels at a time when the sector is hoping to grow through the production of sustainable aviation fuel. Contributing: Reuters