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My favorite quote from Alice Through the Looking Glass is a conversation between her and Humpty Dumpty: “The question is, said Alice, whether words can mean so many different things.” “The question is, said Humpty Dumpty, who is in charge. That’s all.” A few days ago, I was reminded of the Egg’s answer, that character that for Paul Auster is “the purest incarnation of the human condition,” and whose pragmatic realism often emerges in these times of crisis. I remembered it while listening to talk about power as the ability to make decisions; and about words as the only thing left to us, the “disempowered.” That reasoning seems like common sense, so analyzing it sounds like splitting hairs in two, something for “philosophers” or “theorists” (bad words). In other words, a waste of time. Carrying that common sense like a backpack, we do not ask ourselves what purpose it serves or if it is really so. The first thing would be: what are we talking about? What we call “words” turns out to be a bag where many different species fit. Sociologists and linguists call speech not only those that are given on certain formal occasions, but a variety of messages, the same as those said on television or at a ceremony, or a newspaper editorial or an official announcement, a class or a conversation, a Facebook post or a public debate. What do these strings of “words” have in common? All speeches reflect a certain way of perceiving reality. And they do so not in any way, but according to certain norms, which are accepted by patterns of correctness. Both linguistic and political correctness; that is, following a grammatical and syntactical order, and a set of unwritten rules of a moral, social, and sometimes religious nature, culturally accepted. Related Posts Memorandum on Trump-Biden and crystal balls November 21, 2024 Antidotes to Trump? Comments on Cuban policies November 7, 2024 Extreme right-immigrants? Notes for a political sociology October 26, 2024 Notes on the far right October 12, 2024 var jnews_module_314463_0_6755eb095f08f = {"header_icon":"","first_title":"Related Posts","second_title":"","url":"","header_type":"heading_1","header_background":"","header_secondary_background":"","header_text_color":"","header_line_color":"","header_accent_color":"","header_filter_category":"","header_filter_author":"","header_filter_tag":"","header_filter_text":"All","post_type":"post","content_type":"all","number_post":"4","post_offset":0,"unique_content":"disable","include_post":"","exclude_post":314463,"include_category":"34473","exclude_category":"","include_author":"","include_tag":"","exclude_tag":"","sort_by":"latest","date_format":"default","date_format_custom":"Y\/m\/d","force_normal_image_load":"","pagination_mode":"nextprev","pagination_nextprev_showtext":"","pagination_number_post":"4","pagination_scroll_limit":0,"boxed":"","boxed_shadow":"","el_id":"","el_class":"","scheme":"","column_width":"auto","title_color":"","accent_color":"","alt_color":"","excerpt_color":"","css":"","paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"jnews_block_21"}; Before you brand me as an academic (a bad word) or an abstract (even worse), what does knowing all this have to do with the relationship between power and discourse? For example, when someone starts to speak deliberately breaking gender norms and, instead of writing or saying in Spanish “all” in a gender exercise,” or “allxs,” they are trying to challenge a syntactical order of correctness that reacts to a pattern of domination and exclusion, a certain structure of social power, which seems unfair to them. I leave aside the arguments for sharing or not sharing this way of questioning the established order, considering it viable or assuming it as a new pattern of discourse in practical terms. I only note that this challenge, let us say, is radical because it tries to make it obvious that our way of speaking contains a social hierarchy, of which we are not aware. And that answering it requires exercising criticism and claiming an alternative, extending it to a way of doing and saying. Not only to state it at certain times and circumstances, in “time and form.” It happens that, by restricting it to those statements, to discourses in which “equity,” “rights,” “freedoms” are agreed upon and accepted, their establishment in different concrete practices and other social relations is often overlooked or postponed. In short, a critique of the uses of language necessarily entails a critique of the social relations of which discourses are an integral and inseparable part. Social relations crossed, vertically and horizontally, by power structures, which are those of the established order. So all those expressions, those diverse species of discourse, reproduce that order and its legitimacy or question it. In other words, the struggles to maintain an order, change it or subvert it go through the discourses that practice them. If we want to find examples of these dynamics of change and of what we call empowerment today, we only have to look back. The radical nature of the revolutionary transformation was not so much manifested in the expropriation of the means of production and their nationalization, but in ways of thinking and speaking that marked the emergence of other social relations, of new patterns of conduct that materialized another political consensus. Literacy was not a cultural revolution because several million people were taught to read and write, but because it transformed the relations between city and countryside, those who had and those who did not, men and women, blacks and non-blacks, with new discourses and behaviors that restructured social hierarchies. The Cuban revolution was not a social revolution because it passed a bunch of laws, but because it founded a new legitimacy. Of course it did not abolish the differences between social groups, but it did establish a common reference in the way of behaving and speaking, above and below. By stopping saying “sir” and “madame” and imposing the practice of “compañera” and “compañero,” even among those who were not ideologically or belonging to the same social class, a dominant usage was legitimized. And that domination, naturally, was not because it was part of the “dictatorship of the proletariat” or the government of a “Leninist party,” as a friend of mine says, but because it was rooted in a new political culture. These flashbacks barely illustrate, by contrast, the complexity of our present. The growing heterogeneity in our society is reflected today in other ways of thinking and speaking, in the accelerated delegitimization of established discourses, in the new political vocabulary in progress, in the vindication of expressions that were previously politically incorrect. Etc. These phenomena in emerging discourses are not simple fashions and idioms, but symptoms of change in political consensus, in the effectiveness of communication, in the capacity for mobilization, which directly affect the exercise of power in terms of governability and viable decision-making, in promoting changes that generate greater participation and support. Of course, the discourses in the heads of ordinary Cubans, on the one hand, and leaders, on the other, have not been identical in the past either. What happens now is that very often they do not intersect and, on many occasions, they contradict each other. Both correspond to the same political culture, but that mere belonging does not ensure political communication. To what extent do Cuban social discourses reflect political changes? A study of the vocabulary used in these discourses could yield interesting data that would complement some of these ideas. Although I do not have time for such an inventory, it is verifiable that market , civil society , democracy , inequality , private , are no longer bad words, in the sense of raising instant suspicions everywhere, or banned in established official and media discourses. Others that, without being banned, are not so well received, continue to be transition , pluralism , loyal opposition , freedom of expression . In institutional documents and discourses, the word vulnerability replaces poverty , improvement replaces reform . This sample of lexicon could be seen as a diaphragm of political correctness, which is often not so much ideological as cultural. If the construction of reality were represented as a wall of words, we would see that its consistency does not reside so much in political ideas as in a certain code. It is easy to see it at the top of society. But also below, especially in communities and physical or cultural enclaves that share beliefs and values. These codes reflect their identities, as groups that consider themselves marginalized, stigmatized, disadvantaged, discriminated against, “invisible.” The frustration and anger in many of their discourses, their demanding and often cathartic tone, operates, to a certain extent, as an impediment to being recognized at a horizontal level in society as a whole. Vertically, it also hinders dialogue with institutionalized powers, which often perceive them as dividing national unity, politically out of tune, and even dangerous, because if they are not stopped in time, they are susceptible to being interpreted as calls to rebellion. Of course, the alarm derived from the situation of a besieged fortress and the syndrome that accompanies it is not new: “any spark can ignite a meadow of dry grass.” Prevention does not lie in abolishing the possibility of a spark or blocking the meadow, but in avoiding the danger of dry grass. In practical terms, this poses certain political challenges to government institutions. After the advance of digitalization and home Internet, it is clear that the effectiveness or ineffectiveness of the government and its political capacity do not concern so much the modernity of communication techniques, but rather its ability to transmit new styles of thought and ideas that can compete with the various ideological resonators acting on Cuban society, inside and outside. To a great extent, it is not only a matter of implementing policies, but of going beyond a stereotyped discourse: either it is profoundly transformed; or it continues to reproduce itself indefinitely, thereby condemning itself to lose its course, its daily use, to be ignored or abandoned, because it has worn out to the point of becoming useless. Generating a politically effective discourse requires the ability to reflect the multiplicity and differentiation of the social body, the ability to subsume the differences between different social segments and their specific discourses, as well as to minimize the antagonism with culturally excluding discourses that coexist in that social body. But not to ignore them, nor to stop interacting with them. In short, having the power to make decisions and maintaining the power to convoke are two related, separate, but complementary dimensions. Empowerment from civil society is not generated within groups that share common codes, but as a social relationship, because that’s what power is; horizontal for other groups and discourses, and in interaction with institutions, where it is completed as the power of consensus. In the awareness of this relationship and its harmony lies the meaning of political action. And the key to a unity that is no longer given, otherwise it must be remade again and again. Tags: featuredTrade, trains and technology driving China-Europe connections forwardssbet77 download apk latest version uptodown 。

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AP Trending SummaryBrief at 5:36 p.m. ESTNew Delhi, Dec 30 (IANS): External Affairs Minister (EAM) S. Jaishankar is set to embark on a three-day official visit to the State of Qatar from December 30, the Ministry of External Affairs said on Sunday. The MEA in an official statement said that during his visit, the EAM would meet with Qatari Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani. The visit also aims to review various aspects of bilateral relations between India and Qatar with discussion on key areas, which include political, trade, investment, energy, security, cultural, and people-to-people relations. "EAM's visit will enable both sides to review various aspects of bilateral relations, including political, trade, investment, energy, security, cultural, and people-to-people, as well as the regional and international issues of mutual interest," the MEA said. EAM Jaishankar will depart from Qatar on January 1. India and Qatar share warm and friendly relations, marked by regular high-level interactions to further strengthen their partnership. Their most recent interaction occurred during EAM Jaishankar's official tour to Qatar and Bahrain from December 6 to 9. During the visit, he met Qatar's Minister of Commerce and Industry, Faisal bin Thani Al Thani, and Minister of State, Ahmed Al Sayed, on the sidelines of the Doha Forum. In late October, the two countries held the fifth round of Foreign Office Consultations. Both sides comprehensively reviewed the entire spectrum of India-Qatar bilateral relations, including high-level exchanges, trade, investment, energy, education, culture, and people-to-people ties. Discussions also explored avenues to deepen the relationship in areas such as renewable energy, fintech, start-ups, and technology. They exchanged perspectives on important regional and global issues of mutual interest, as noted by the MEA in a press statement. Earlier, on September 9, EAM Jaishankar met Qatar's Prime Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani in Saudi Arabia to discuss advancing bilateral ties. According to the MEA, cooperation between India and Qatar has been steadily growing within an excellent framework provided by their historically close ties and regular, substantive engagement at the highest levels of government. The large, diverse, and accomplished Indian community in Qatar significantly contributes to the country's progress while nurturing the bonds of deep-rooted friendship and multifaceted cooperation between the two nations.

Sharad Pawar BJP 's Maharashtra chief Chandrashekhar Bawankule took to social media on Sunday to hit back at Sharad Pawar . He alleged that Pawar was unable to digest the fact that it was Mahayuti 's ' Ladki Bahin ' scheme, not EVMs, that led to the defeat of his party in the assembly election. Stay updated with the latest news on Times of India . Don't miss daily games like Crossword , Sudoku , and Mini Crossword .Article content Morgan Rielly might not have lost much sleep when he was left off Canada’s roster for the 4 Nations Face-Off. Recommended Videos While the Maple Leafs defenceman said he will use his exclusion as motivation, there are other things on his mind. “I look at my own game, and assess there,” Rielly said on Friday morning. “You believe in yourself.” And what does Rielly see in evaluating his overall performance as he was one of six Leafs to play in all 25 games before Toronto played host to the Washington Capitals on Friday night? “I feel really good now,” Rielly said. “I think that the start (of the season) I felt really good, and then I became a little bit inconsistent. “I feel like I’m primed right now to have a great month going into Christmas.” For Rielly, and the Leafs as whole, the concentration through the first few months of the 2024-25 regular season has been getting accustomed to what coach Craig Berube wants out of his players. In the defence-first system, those with an offensive bent might find the adjustment to have more challenges. “With a new coach, I was maybe really focused not on the wrong stuff, but trying to get this stuff down pat, trying to be really good defensively,” Rielly said. “I don’t think I’ve been as dangerous offensively because of that, but I’ve been feeling really good the past couple games.” Rielly’s ice time has decreased, but he still is playing more than 21 minutes a game. His career average is 22 minutes 10 seconds. Berube took a longer view in his assessment of the 30-year-old Rielly, the longest-serving current Leafs player. “He has done a good job for us, in my opinion,” Berube said. “He’s used to really getting up into the play, and he still does. I think he’s picking his spots really well with that and defending well.” Crucial to keep in mind as Rielly and the Leafs round into Berube’s form is that they’ve been winning while learning on the job. No one would say the Leafs have been playing perfect hockey, but if it’s about the build to being at their best once the playoffs start in April, the Leafs are going about it the right way. “You can’t lose track of that and that’s big,” Rielly said. “I looked this morning at the standings, and we’re in a great spot. There have been been nights where it hasn’t been as pretty, or there have been periods of time where we haven’t generated offence like we have in the past, but you can’t argue with the results. “In general, I don’t think we’ve tried to reinvent the wheel. But it helps when the big guys buy into it. Everything else seems to follow.” Rielly has proudly worn Canada’s colours in the past. From afar, he’ll cheer on Leafs teammate Mitch Marner and the rest of the group once the 4 Nations Face-Off in Montreal and Boston gets underway on Feb. 12. “In regard to the Team Canada stuff, I wish I was a bit more consistent (in his play earlier),” Rielly said. “But I’m not really making excuses. “It’s always a great honour to play for your country, and you’re always trying to perform well enough to get that opportunity again.” tkoshan@postmedia.com X: @koshtorontosunWEST PALM BEACH, Fla. — An online spat between factions of Donald Trump's supporters over immigration and the tech industry threw internal divisions in his political movement into public display. The rift laid bare the tensions between the newest flank of Trump's movement — wealthy members of the tech world including billionaire Elon Musk and fellow entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy and their call for more highly skilled workers in their industry — and people in Trump's Make America Great Again base who championed his hard-line immigration policies. The debate touched off this week when Laura Loomer, a right-wing provocateur with a history of racist and conspiratorial comments, criticized Trump's selection of Sriram Krishnan as an adviser on artificial intelligence policy in his coming administration. Krishnan favors the ability to bring more skilled immigrants into the U.S. People are also reading... Loomer declared the stance to be "not America First policy" and said the tech executives who aligned themselves with Trump did so to enrich themselves. Much of the debate played out on the social media network X, which Musk owns. Loomer's comments sparked a back-and-forth with venture capitalist and former PayPal executive David Sacks, whom Trump tapped to be the "White House A.I. & Crypto Czar." Musk and Ramaswamy, whom Trump tasked with finding ways to cut the federal government, weighed in, defending the tech industry's need to bring in foreign workers. It bloomed into a larger debate with more figures from the hard-right weighing in about the need to hire U.S. workers, whether values in American culture can produce the best engineers, free speech on the internet, the newfound influence tech figures have in Trump's world and what his political movement stands for. Trump had not yet weighed in on the rift. His presidential transition team did not respond to questions about positions on visas for highly skilled workers or the debate between his supporters online. Instead, his team instead sent a link to a post on X by longtime adviser and immigration hard-liner Stephen Miller that was a transcript of a speech Trump gave in 2020 at Mount Rushmore in which he praised figures and moments from American history. Musk, the world's richest man who has grown close to the president-elect, was a central figure in the debate, not only for his stature in Trump's movement but his stance on the tech industry's hiring of foreign workers. Technology companies say H-1B visas for skilled workers, used by software engineers and others in the tech industry, are critical for hard-to-fill positions. Critics say they undercut U.S. citizens who could take those jobs. Some on the right called for the program to be eliminated, not expanded. Born in South Africa, Musk was once on an a H-1B visa himself and defended the industry's need to bring in foreign workers. "There is a permanent shortage of excellent engineering talent," he said in a post. "It is the fundamental limiting factor in Silicon Valley." Trump's own positions over the years reflected the divide in his movement. His tough immigration policies, including his pledge for a mass deportation, were central to his winning presidential campaign. He focused on immigrants who come into the U.S. illegally but he also sought curbs on legal immigration, including family-based visas. As a presidential candidate in 2016, Trump called the H-1B visa program "very bad" and "unfair" for U.S. workers. After he became president, Trump in 2017 issued a "Buy American and Hire American" executive order, which directed Cabinet members to suggest changes to ensure H-1B visas were awarded to the highest-paid or most-skilled applicants to protect American workers. Trump's businesses, however, hired foreign workers, including waiters and cooks at his Mar-a-Lago club, and his social media company behind his Truth Social app used the the H-1B program for highly skilled workers. During his 2024 campaign for president, Trump said immigrants in the country illegally are "poisoning the blood of our country" and promised to carry out the largest deportation operation in U.S. history. However, Trump told a podcast this year that he wants to give automatic green cards to foreign students who graduate from U.S. colleges. "I think you should get automatically, as part of your diploma, a green card to be able to stay in this country," he told the "All-In" podcast with people from the venture capital and technology world. Those comments came on the cusp of Trump's budding alliance with tech industry figures, but he did not make the idea a regular part of his campaign message or detail any plans to pursue such changes. Be the first to know Get local news delivered to your inbox!