
PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.
Oklahoma State's 3-point accuracy sends Miami to defeatSignificant milestones in life and career of Jimmy Carter
Pupils trekking miles for lessons shows need for more teachers, Lib Dems sayFormer President Jimmy Carter dies at age 100'Better Looking Than Us': Kangana Ranaut Compares Himachali Local Women With Actors Preity Zinta, Yami Gautam
Why Neurocrine Biosciences (NBIX) Is the Most Profitable Pharmaceutical Stock Right Now?
ROSEN, SKILLED INVESTOR COUNSEL, Encourages Joint Stock Company Kaspi.kz Investors to Inquire ...
INDIANAPOLIS (AP) — Jarvis Walker's 20 points helped IU Indianapolis defeat Trinity Christian 106-49 on Saturday. Walker shot 7 for 12, including 6 for 10 from beyond the arc for the Jaguars (4-5). Paul Zilinskas shot 5 for 9, including 4 for 7 from beyond the arc to add 15 points. DeSean Goode had 14 points and shot 4 of 5 from the field and 5 for 5 from the line. The Trolls were led in scoring by Tylan Harris, who finished with 11 points. Kaden Eirhart added nine points for Trinity Christian. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .Rokmaster Resources (CVE:RKR) Shares Down 25% – Time to Sell?
Telangana Pending Traffic Challan Discount – Is The Viral WhatsApp Message True?Syrian government forces withdraw from central city of Homs as insurgent offensive accelerates
Israel's first political show trial against anti-Netanyahu protesters won't be the lastConsideration given to recruiting 50% women to newly formed PSNI, records show
No. 1 Oregon, No. 8 Ohio State ready for game of the year rematch in Rose Bowl: Sneak peek( MENAFN - AFP) Vast lines of solar panels reflect the blazing sun in India's western deserts, a dazzling ocean broken only by bristling wind turbines. India, along its desolate border with Pakistan, is building what it boasts will be the world's largest renewable power plant, an emblem of a determined push to boost solar energy. The Khavda plant in Gujarat state consists of some 60 million solar panels and 770 wind turbines spread over 538 square kilometres (208 square miles) -- almost the size of the sprawling megacity Mumbai. In front of a wall of screens, a handful of operators monitor the machines under the slogan: "Adani Group: Growth with Goodness". "Today, we can produce up to 11 gigawatts of electricity," said Maninder Singh Pental, vice-president of Adani Green Energy, the subsidiary of Indian conglomerate Adani Group, and in which France's TotalEnergies holds a 20 percent stake. "In 2029, we will be able to produce up to 30 GW," he added proudly. At that point, India will break another record, with Khavda overtaking China's 18 GW Three Gorges hydroelectric dam to become the most powerful electricity production site in the world. The power is sorely needed in the world's most populous nation, where demand has doubled since 2000, driven by demographic expansion, economic growth and rapid urbanisation. India vows to be carbon neutral by 2070 and as part of that, New Delhi wants its renewable energy capacity to rise from 200 GW -- half of its current energy mix -- to 500 GW by 2030. It hopes 300 GW will come from solar power alone. The International Energy Agency, in a report this year, said India is "expected to almost triple its 2022 renewable capacity by 2030", maintaining its third place position among the largest renewable energy producers. - Adani bombshell - As Prime Minister Narendra Modi speaks of a "solar revolution" panels are popping up across India, from power plants to rooftops. But Adani Green Energy CEO Sagar Adani said what matters is the scale of production as it is easier and quicker to ramp up the country's baseload with bigger units than smaller ones. "The country needs a large amount of large concentrated big locations," he said. "You can have 200 projects of 50 megawatts each, nothing is going to happen to India with that." Adani has vowed to commit $35 billion to renewables by 2030. However, a bombshell US indictment last week has caused complications, with TotalEnergies freezing all new investments in the conglomerate after tycoon founder Gautam Adani and multiple subordinates were accused of fraud -- charges fiercely denied. But observers suggest the solar power push will continue. "It will not impact honest players," a market analyst said, but warned it will "affect Adani's ability to raise funds". Billionaire Mukesh Ambani's Reliance group has also promised to invest $10 billion in green energy, including a 10GW solar farm in Andhra Pradesh state. Critically, the cost of solar energy has dropped to become competitive to coal-fired plants, which produce 70 percent of India's electricity. "It's a good thing," said Ajay Mathur, director of the International Solar Alliance (ISA). He noted that while "the initial investment is double", power prices per kilowatt hour for solar are now the same or less than from coal plants. Tejpreet Chopra, from major renewable energy generation giant Bharat Light and Power, said it was "super exciting" to be part of the transition, while accepting there were major hurdles. "When the cost of energy has come down, the financial return is more and more difficult," he said. "How do you attract capital, investments and technology?" - Rising power demands - Government financial incentives are encouraging people to make the switch -- including a factory in the suburbs of New Delhi. Jubilant Food Works factory employs 500 employees, producing pizzas and pastries for US brands. On its 4,400-square-metre roof, nearly 800 solar panels provide 14 percent of its electricity far cheaper than the grid. Praveen Kumay from SunSource Energy said his teams installed and maintain the infrastructure. "For each unit... we are billing them 4.3 rupees, whereas the grid cost is seven rupees," Kumay said. Factory manager Anil Chandel said it was a "good deal" they aimed to expand to supply 50 percent of power needs. "We don't have any headache of maintaining it," he said. The government has also promised to support panels for 10 million homes. But power demands are rising fast and expected to surge a further 50 percent by 2030. The existing carbon-hungry system will remain key. "We need power, and for India, it means coal," said Tejpreet Chopra. "That's the reality of the grid." Chetan Solanki, of the Energy Swaraj Foundation -- meaning "self-restraint" -- said solar panels come with their own cost of production, in terms of power and chemicals. "Solar energy is better than coal, but you can't use it blindly," he said, adding that people must also rein in power demand. "We also have to minimise energy consumption." MENAFN30112024000143011026ID1108942185 Legal Disclaimer: MENAFN provides the information “as is” without warranty of any kind. We do not accept any responsibility or liability for the accuracy, content, images, videos, licenses, completeness, legality, or reliability of the information contained in this article. If you have any complaints or copyright issues related to this article, kindly contact the provider above.
WASHINGTON (AP) — Micah Peavy's 24 points helped Georgetown defeat Albany (NY) 100-68 on Saturday night. Peavy added eight assists, four steals, and three blocks for the Hoyas (6-1). Malik Mack scored 16 points while shooting 6 for 8, including 3 for 4 from beyond the arc. Thomas Sorber had 14 points and finished 6 of 9 from the field. Amar'e Marshall led the Great Danes (5-3) in scoring, finishing with 17 points and four steals. Kheni Briggs added 17 points. Justin Neely finished with 12 points. Georgetown took the lead with 9:05 left in the first half and did not relinquish it. The score was 49-35 at halftime, with Peavy racking up 17 points. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .WASHINGTON (AP) — Micah Peavy's 24 points helped Georgetown defeat Albany (NY) 100-68 on Saturday night. Peavy added eight assists, four steals, and three blocks for the Hoyas (6-1). Malik Mack scored 16 points while shooting 6 for 8, including 3 for 4 from beyond the arc. Thomas Sorber had 14 points and finished 6 of 9 from the field. Amar'e Marshall led the Great Danes (5-3) in scoring, finishing with 17 points and four steals. Kheni Briggs added 17 points. Justin Neely finished with 12 points. Georgetown took the lead with 9:05 left in the first half and did not relinquish it. The score was 49-35 at halftime, with Peavy racking up 17 points. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .By Agatha Emeadi Bob -Manuel Udokwu is an award-winning Nollywood legend. He is one of the young faces that graced the screen in the 1990s. He was a leading voice in Checkmate, the biggest television soap opera in the country then, as well as in the masterpiece called ‘Living in Bondage.’ While still strong in the acting profession, he was groomed by the likes of the late Prof Ola Rotimi. Udokwu, a proud pioneer member of Nollywood, said “Living in Bondage’ is the foundation of what is known as Nollywood in Nigeria today.” In this interview with Sunday Sun, he said: “Through acting, I have been part of Anambra State government since 2013.” How did you become interested in acting and the entertainment industry? I did not get into the industry. I am rather part of the pioneers of the industry. I found out very early in life that I have a precious gift in acting. The first time I appeared on stage was when I was in primary two. The second time was when I was in primary four that I played the lead role in full length play and by my primary six, I represented my school for radio and television children programme in Enugu, where I was born and bred. So, that was where the interest began. But I did not know it was going to be part of me professionally. While in secondary school, I did not do drama, rather I was part of debating society and at some point, I was the vice president of junior debate. After I finished secondary school, I found myself going to NTA Enugu to look out for the producers of television drama. I was doing that and became part of programmes on TV in Enugu. Then, I also got auditioned to be a presenter in Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN), Enugu then. I was privileged to present in studio audio participation programme called ‘Guess the Tune,’ which involves playing a record with a studio audience, play a little record, ask the audience to guess the title of the album, song, and artiste or group that recorded it. All these were fun programmes before I gained admission into the University of Port Harcourt to study Theatre Arts. You were the first that broke the jinx in Nollywood with ‘Living in Bondage’ that reigned supreme in the 90s. How did you come about that legendary ‘Living in Bondage?’ I was invited. I was already playing one of the lead roles in Checkmate which was a very big soap opera then. On a certain day, I got a letter from Chief Kenneth Nnebue, who owned Net Video Link, he invited myself and the late Francis Agu to his office in Surulere. When we got there, he told us about rehearsal being done for the upcoming Igbo Language film, he wanted us to be part of it. We did not go for audition, but just assigned roles which we eventually played. We attended a few rehearsal with them which was recorded, but when the time came, honestly, nobody had an idea what was going to happen, when it was finally released, it became a monster-hit that formed the foundation of what is today Nigerian film industry (Nollywood). How did you rise to stardom? I think it is the society that made me a star. I was doing the work that I trained professionally at the University of Port Harcourt by the late Prof Ola Rotimi who wrote ‘The gods are not blame.’ I was just doing the work professionally and believe people saw what I was doing, which was making impact on the society and recognition came with it. I did not go into entertainment in search of stardom or other things like the younger ones today. No. I was simply doing the work that I love with the talent that I had which has been very much polished by professional training at the Creative Arts Department, University of Port Harcourt. That is it. Parents then would love their children to be doctors, lawyers, engineers, accountants, among other prestigious professions, but not entertainers. What was the feeling of your parents then and now that you have succeeded in the industry? Honestly, being of Igbo parentage, one knows that they are not readily into entertainment at that point. It is either one goes to school a little bit, then go into the popular apprenticeship system that the Igbo tribe has popularized all over the world. Or you are into pure education to acquire university degrees up to Master’s degree. Those were the two options for an average Igbo family then. The entertainment industry was seen by the Igbo people as a place for the never do wells, or what the legendary Chinua Achebe would describe as ‘Efulefu.’ (Those who rebel against the society). For me, I have some form of resistance from my parents especially my father. My mother was more understanding, conciliatory and was more of the go-between my father and myself. Eventually, my father relented because even before I got admission, I was doing things on radio, was appearing on amateur productions of television and radio. So, the signs were there, just that allowing your son to take this up as a profession was not a thing for an Igbo parent. I count myself lucky that it did not result into serious disagreement. At some point, they let me be; then I got admission and that was it. Again, the other side of it was when I debuted on national television in 1981 on Checkmate, my parents loved it. It was like an innovation because people from the East then do not appear on national television so much at that time. Lagos was where everything was happening. The recording was done in Lagos and it was only Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) that serviced the whole country. So, it made a difference that people in Sokoto at the same time with people in Bayelsa, people who grew up with me wait every Thursday to see me on the screen. Those whose life has crossed path with yours will always let people know that I knew him before now. So, it was a good feeling. My parents would tell me things like ‘when they are passing by a street, they would hear, oh that is the father or mother of Bob-Manuel. I guess they were proud. So, over the years, film industry evolved and I became a major part of it and it was a thing of pride for them. How have you been coping with the rise? I don’t have to cope with the job I am doing. It is my job, I am trained. You can only cope when it is not your field like most people in the industry today have no serious professional idea about what the whole thing is all about, they just want to be seen on film and television and then jumping. So, those are the ones that are struggling. I am not struggling. I am Nollywood and Nollywood is me. What opportunities being in the entertainment industry brought you? Well, the major one is that it was as a result of entertainment industry that I was brought into government in Anambra State. In 2013, then Governor Peter Obi appointed me as Senior Special Assistant (SSA) on Creative Media. That was the last year of his administration; shortly after the appointment, in the last quarter, we were beginning to campaign for the next governor of Anambra State, Chief Willie Obiano. When Obiano came in, he retained me as SSA on Creative Media (Movie/Entertainment industry). That was the position I held until the incumbent governor, Prof. Charles Chukwuma Soludo appointed me as Special Adviser, on Entertainment, Pleasure and Tourism. So, one can say that I have served two governors successfully and on the third one now. Since 2013, I have been part of governance in Anambra State. Apart from the government, it has opened other doors. I will commend the airline industries in Nigeria especially the pilots. With the cost of air ticket now, when one tries to buy one, the moment pilots see me, they would kindly upgrade me to business class if there is chance and I am grateful to them. It shows they recognize the work we do. Some would tell me, Bob, I am your fan. It is a humbling experience. It opened doors of opportunities. What about the challenges encountered? There is no profession that does not have its challenges. The financial reward is not commensurate to the effort we put in; especially now that the children are older, unlike when we started as young, single, less-responsibilities boys. One’s financial obligation was personal, then if one’s parents are alive, you bear part of their financial burden. People expect you to be like someone who comes from the moon forgetting that we live in the same country, buy from the same market, drive through the rough times. So, everything that affect one does so to another. But again, most times, the society gives double standard for the entertainers. They expect you to live above board financially, people seek for financial assistance without seeking to know your own obligations. In Africa, we have extended families, even if your siblings do not come for you, what about your nephews and nieces? Others will taunt them, saying ‘You have an uncle like Bob-Manuel and you complain you do not have money?’ Another challenge in the industry is that at every time, Nigerians want to take advantage of you. When you get into a store, an item that was sold for a particular price will be inflated right before you. I juxtapose it when I travel abroad, the same Nigerians who watch your films will bend backwards to give you gift and discount and make you comfortable. In our climate, everyone wants to extort from you because you are a Nollywood star. Once I have also received a goodwill from a man who invited me to a luxury lounge in Doha. The sum totality of it is that the society treats one better. Talk about family, siblings and growing up? I was born in Enugu, in the area called Coal Camp. Back in the 70s Coal Camp could be likened to Ajegunle in Lagos. It was called Coal Camp because it was closer to coal minning site that was discovered in the early 20s. The young men that came to do coal mining work started settling there. It was quite crowded and a place where low-income earners could afford accommodation immediately after the war. It was more congested, survival of the fittest and all kind of things. We thank God that we were able to rise above that. It was also crime-infested, but then good things also come out of Nazareth. Today, a lot of us who grew up in Coal Camp are proud of what we have become. My father was a civil servant in Public Works Department (PWD), now known as Ministry of Works. Then, my mother was a petty trader in Ogbete market in Enugu. We are six in number. Three boys and three girls, I am number four and the second son. My primary school was St. Peters Primary school, Ogbete, Coal Camp Enugu while my secondary school was at Oraukwu Grammar School before I gained admission into University of Port Harcourt, where I studied Theatre Arts, majoring in acting. Next was my Master’s degree in Political Science and International Relations from University of Lagos. Personally, I love reading a lot. I read my first novel ‘Coffin from Hong Kong’ written by James Hardley Chase while in Primary Six. By my class three in secondary school, I have read all James Hardley Chase novels that I came across. I also read other novels for pleasures and desire to know the English Language. Back them in primary and secondary schools, English teachers encouraged us to read newspapers, including old ones, magazines and novels. In fact, some came to class and ask students to explain the novels they have read. Our teachers worked hard on us then and it was more of entertainment for me. I spend a lot of mental energy than physical. I am also gifted in fine arts. I was seeking for admission for Fine and Applied Arts before I gained Theatre Arts. I also love singing. I have songs, professionally done songs in Oritz Willkie studio, which have not been released. At my spare times, I love watching documentaries because I like to educate my mind and learn the things that one will not learn in school. What advice would you give to the younger ones who want to be like you? My philosophy is work hard, believe in yourself and trust God. So, the advice I give to the young ones who will listen is to be disciplined, be patient as you diligently pursue your dream. In the entertainment world today, one sees a lot of men who seek for supports on social media unlike the women, what do you say about this? Saying that women are fine with no issues is not totally true. We live in the society where disclosure is an issue. Generally, people in the entertainment industry might be going through different phases of life, but one hardly knows. Apart from being in the industry, how many of our public officers do we know their health status? It is not peculiar to the men or our industry, it is simply because we are in the eyes of the public. What happens to men is that they hardly get help from anybody and it is societal. Back during childhood, if a five-six years old boy and girl are playing and the girl falls down, the whole crowd will gather, lift her up and pamper her to stop crying. When a boy falls and begins to cry, no one rushes to him, from a distance it will be stop crying, don’t you know you are man, men do not cry. Then the boy swallows all the pain inside, that was what we grew up with. Men run to nobody because no one is willing to help them. For women, they do not readily come out like that, some would have died in the industry before family sources open up. This goes to say that men have a lot of burden to bear. To think that women billionaires still expect their thousand-counting husbands to take care of the bills in the house, and this is our own society. Yet, women still want to be given equal status on the table. Our women should also begin to think more about assisting the men while the men should also learn to swallow their pride as some of our colleagues did when they were in difficulty. This brings me to an important matter. Women have gone so far in advocating for the girl child in every ramification to the total exclusion of the boy child. We are running a risk of creating boys that will become men and become problem in future. Otherwise, why the different association for women? There are umbrella bodies like Nigerian Bar Association, Nigerian Union of Journalists, Nigerian Medical and Dental Council, why then would women form their own women association when the parent associations are existing? It is discrimination and I think the men should take them to court for discrimination. Let us balance this because the same women give birth to the boys like they did for the girls. So, when advocating for the girl-child, spare some thoughts and action, also advocate for the boy-child for the sake of the future. XXX