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2025-01-24
jilibet legit or not
jilibet legit or not A frequently asked question in the agricultural sector is: Why have we not yet succeeded in producing high-quality cotton seeds? While this may seem like a simple and straightforward inquiry, it actually encompasses a range of complex research and practical challenges. The issue is not solely about developing quality seeds; it also pertains to their proper usage and the provision of ideal growing conditions. The real challenge lies in understanding why the same seed variety yields different results across different regions and for various farmers. In some areas, the same seed produces low yields, while in others, it delivers exceptional results. Understanding these variations is critical to enhancing cotton production. The process of developing high-quality cotton seeds is far from straightforward. It is a lengthy, labour-intensive, and highly intricate process that involves genetic research, climate considerations, soil fertility, and effective crop management, among other factors. Additionally, substantial time, resources, and modern technology are required to develop seeds that can thrive in various conditions. These factors not only increase seed productivity but also form the foundation of a nation’s agricultural and economic stability. Therefore, rather than merely questioning the lack of quality seeds, it is essential to appreciate the multifaceted nature of this process. Upon Pakistan’s inception, the country’s total cotton production was a modest 1.3 million bales, with a per-hectare yield of only 350 kilograms. At the time, there were just three textile mills and six ginning factories. Today, Pakistan boasts over 550 textile mills and more than 1,000 ginning factories—a remarkable transformation. The question is: How did such tremendous growth occur? The answer lies in sustained investment in cotton research and development, coupled with the production of high-quality seeds. Improved seed varieties, modern farming techniques, and the relentless efforts of research institutions have propelled the country’s cotton production to new heights. Over the years, Pakistan has enjoyed bumper cotton harvests, which have not only significantly boosted agricultural output but also bolstered the national economy. The Pakistan Central Cotton Committee (PCCC) has played a pivotal role in cotton research and development through its affiliated institutions in Punjab and Sindh, as well as the Nuclear Institute for Agriculture and Biology (NIAB), Cotton Research Institute (CRI) Multan, and Cotton Research Institute (CRI) Faisalabad. These institutions have been instrumental in developing quality seeds and advancing cotton research, contributing to Pakistan’s position as a leading cotton producer and establishing a solid foundation for its agricultural economy. In addition, other organizations in Pakistan, including CEMB, NIBGE, NIAB, and several prominent private seed companies, have also played a significant role in advancing cotton research and the development of superior seed varieties. These entities have fostered innovation and contributed to the overall progress of cotton production. However, the Pakistan Central Cotton Committee (PCCC) remains the primary institution driving this initiative and has long served as the backbone of the nation’s cotton industry. Unfortunately, PCCC is currently grappling with severe financial and administrative challenges, which have hindered its effectiveness. Major research institutions under the PCCC, such as the Central Cotton Research Institute Sakrand and the Central Cotton Research Institute Multan, have achieved exceptional success in cotton research and seed technology. Despite facing financial constraints, these institutions remain committed to advancing cotton production. For example, the cotton variety CRIS-682 developed at the Central Cotton Research Institute Sakrand performed remarkably well in Sindh in 2024, while the variety Cyto-547 from the Central Cotton Research Institute Multan secured first place in the 2023 National Coordinated Varietal Trials (NCVT) in Punjab. Further success is expected in the 2024 national trials. These achievements underscore the expertise and dedication of Pakistani agricultural scientists, who continue to excel despite limited resources. The critical issue, however, lies in policy and priorities. If these scientists can achieve extraordinary results under challenging conditions, providing them with adequate resources and support could propel Pakistan to global excellence in cotton research and development. Another significant aspect of cotton production is the observed variation in seed performance across different regions. For example, the same seed variety may yield 15 maunds per acre in one region, while in other region, it may produce up to 40 maunds per acre. This variation is not solely due to seed quality but is influenced by factors such as soil composition, climatic conditions, and farming practices. A thorough understanding of these variables is essential for optimizing cotton yields across diverse environments. We must prioritize cotton research and development by recognizing the complexity of the issue. Improving cotton production is critical for the long-term stability and growth of Pakistan’s economy. The Pakistan Central Cotton Committee, along with other research institutions, has demonstrated that with sufficient resources and support, Pakistan has the potential to become a leading player in global cotton production. For farmers, it is essential to understand that successful cotton production is not reliant on a single factor. Rather, it is the result of a collective effort involving seed quality, crop management, and various other factors. First and foremost, seed quality plays a crucial role in the success of a cotton crop. High-quality seeds contribute to the overall health and growth of the plants, help mitigate diseases, and ultimately result in increased yields. Seed quality can contribute between 25 and 30 percent to overall production. Equally important is crop management, which plays a central role in maximizing cotton production. Proper timing of sowing, effective irrigation practices, balanced fertilizer application, timely pest control, and diligent crop maintenance all directly impact yields. These factors collectively contribute approximately 40 to 50 percent of the total production. Additionally, environmental factors such as soil fertility, irrigation availability, and disease management can have a profound effect on cotton yields, contributing around 20 to 30 percent. In summary, seed quality, crop management, and environmental conditions work in tandem to determine the success of cotton production. The relative importance of each factor may vary based on regional conditions, soil types, and climate variations. By understanding and effectively managing these factors, we can significantly improve cotton yields and the overall health of the crop, thus securing the future of Pakistan’s cotton industry. Copyright Business Recorder, 2024(The Center Square) – Paula Scanlan is hopeful the narrative around gender ideology is shifting, especially as Republicans prepare for majorities in both chambers of the 119th Congress and a seat in the White House. “I am hopeful that with the majorities now that we will be able to get across the finish line,” Scanlan told The Center Square on Thursday, speaking of more legislation on the way to protect women's spaces. “Obviously, this goes beyond sports ... So ideally, I think that the biggest thing would be to federally pass something that says this is what a woman is.” Scanlan a day earlier was part of a panel where U.S. Sen. Roger Marshall, R-Kan., announced that Republicans plan to soon introduce legislation to “protect children from transgender medical procedures.” A report from the advocacy group Do No Harm released four weeks before Election Day included documented evidence of such activity being performed on a 7-year-old . “We’ll be introducing the STOP Act soon,” said Marshall . “We are going to use the Commerce Act to punish people who perform any type of surgery, or who use any type of medications on minors.” STOP is an acronym for Safeguarding the Overall Protection of Minors. The panel said that the legislation is an important and necessary step to protect children. Scanlan and Marshall, a host with the American Principles Project, were on the panel alongside U.S. Sen. Tommy Tuberville, R-Ala.; U.S. Rep. Mary Miller, R-Ill.; Terry Schilling, president of the American Principles Project; and Sarah Parshall Perry, senior legal fellow at the Heritage Foundation. “We all know by now that so-called gender affirming care is anything but caring,” Tuberville said. “It is pure insanity and has caused irreversible damage to countless children. This isn’t about politics, this is about good and evil.” Scanlan is an ambassador for Independent Women's Voice and a former collegiate swimmer at the University of Pennsylvania. Swimming for the Quakers, she and teammates endured being not only on the same team but in the same locker room as a swimmer who for the first three years swam on the men's team. “I was a swimmer at the University of Pennsylvania and the administration, the university and the NCAA said , ‘Here's a man who wants to swim on your team, please accept him,’” she explained during the panel. “This entire situation really made all female athletes feel isolated and alone, and like they know where to go.” Scanlan said that it wasn’t just competing that isolated the female athletes. “Eighteen times per week, my teammates and I were forced to undress next to a 6-foot-4, fully-intact male,” Scanlan said. “As a female athlete, this was just something I couldn't even imagine. It was something I never imagined would happen to me when I went off to college.” The STOP Act is one of a few beginnings. U.S. Rep. Nancy Mace, R-S.C., has proposed legislation seeking to protect women’s spaces on all federal property nationwide. This would include bathrooms, locker rooms and prisons. Scanlan said this shows that public opinion is on the side of her and the panel. “This is really the first time we're seeing more of these people in power stepping up and actually doing the right thing and saying enough is enough” she said. “Now, we are looking at entire teams that are feeling empowered to be able to boycott ... or object to competing against males. It's widespread.” A notable case of that is San Jose State, where Blaire Fleming's participation has led to seven opponents forfeiting rather than playing a women's team that includes a man saying he is a woman. Tuberville and Marshall emphasized they believe the majority of Americans would agree with the proposed legislation. "The American people are sick of this nonsense," Tuberville said . "It’s time we restore some sanity and get common sense back in this country." Scanlan said that while she supports the national legislation Republicans are considering, it is important for states to also continue to pass legislation. “I always remind people who are really excited about having a presidency that we don't know what might happen in four years," she said. "So, of course, it's also important to codify this in states. We are going to continue our efforts. There's still a lot of work to be done, and I don't really see it as a win until we've finished this on the state level.”



Kunlavut eyes SF spot after tough lossRlys to use Auto Fire Ball to deal with emergency at stns

'AI-at-scale' method accelerates atomistic simulations for scientistsS Korean prosecutors say Yoon authorised 'shooting' during martial law bidMahmoud is a cheeky teenager who beams the biggest of smiles even though he lost his front teeth in the rough and tumble of kids’ play. He is a Sudanese orphan abandoned twice, and displaced twice in his country’s grievous war - one of nearly five million Sudanese children who have lost almost everything as they are pushed from one place to the next in what is now the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. Nowhere else on Earth are so many children on the run, so many people living with such acute hunger. Famine has already been declared in one area - many others subsist on the brink of starvation not knowing where their next meal will come from. "It’s an invisible crisis," emphasises the UN’s new humanitarian chief Tom Fletcher. "Twenty-five million Sudanese, more than half the country, need help now," he adds. In a time of all too many unprecedented crises, where devastating wars in places like Gaza and Ukraine dominate the world’s aid and attention, Mr Fletcher chose Sudan for his first field mission to highlight its plight. "This crisis is not invisible to the UN, to our humanitarians on the front line risking and losing their lives to help the Sudanese people," he told the BBC, as we travelled with him on his week-long trip. Most of the people on his team working on the ground are also Sudanese who have lost their homes, their old lives, in this brutal struggle for power between the army and paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Mr Fletcher's first field visit took him to Mahmoud’s Maygoma orphanage in Kassala in eastern Sudan, now home to nearly 100 children in a crumbling three-storey school-turned-shelter. They lived with their carers in the capital, Khartoum, until the army and RSF turned their guns on each other in April 2023, trapping the orphanage as they dragged their country into a vortex of horrific violence, systematic looting and shocking abuse. When fighting spread to the orphans’ new shelter in Wad Madani , in central Sudan, those who survived fled to Kassala. When I asked 13-year-old Mahmoud to make a wish, he immediately broke into a big gap-toothed grin. "I want to be a state governor so I can be in charge and rebuild destroyed homes," he replied. For 11 million Sudanese driven from one refuge to the next, returning to what is left of their homes and rebuilding their lives would be the biggest gift of all. For now, even finding food to survive is a daily battle. And for aid agencies, including the UN, getting it to them is a titanic task. After Mr Fletcher’s four days of high-level meetings in Port Sudan, army chief Gen Abdel Fattah al-Burhan announced on the X social media site that he had given the UN permission to establish more supply hubs and to use three more regional airports to deliver assistance. Some of the permissions had been granted before but some marked a step forward. The new announcement also came as the UN’s World Food Programme (WFP) secured a green light to reach stricken communities behind lines controlled by the RSF, including the Zamzam camp in Darfur housing about half a million people where famine was recently confirmed . "We’ve been pushing for months to get to these communities," says Alex Marianelli, who heads WFP’s operations in Port Sudan. Behind us in a WFP warehouse, Sudanese labourers sing as they load trucks with boxes of food heading for the worst of the worst areas. Mr Marianelli reflects that he has never worked in such a difficult and dangerous environment. Within the aid community, some criticise the UN, saying that its hands have been tied by recognising Gen Burhan as the de facto ruler of Sudan. "Gen Burhan and his authorities control those checkpoints and the system of permits and access," Mr Fletcher says in response. "If we want to go into those areas we need to deal with them." He hopes the rival RSF will also put the people first. "I’ll go anywhere, talk to anyone, to get this aid through, and to save lives," Mr Fletcher adds. In Sudan’s merciless war, all warring parties have been accused of using starvation as a weapon of war. So too sexual violence, which the UN describes as "an epidemic" in Sudan. The UN visit coincided with the "16 days of activism" marked globally as a campaign to stop gender-based violence. In Port Sudan, the event in a displaced camp, the first to be set up when war flared, was especially poignant. "We have to do better, we must do better," vowed Mr Fletcher, who cast aside his prepared speech when he stood under a canopy facing rows of Sudanese women and children, clapping and ululating. I asked some of the women listening what they made of his visit. "We really need help but the major job should be from the Sudanese themselves," reflects Romissa, who works for a local aid group and recounts her own harrowing journey from Khartoum at the start of the war. "This is the time for the Sudanese people to stand together." The Sudanese have been trying to do a lot with a little. In a simple two-room shelter, a safe house called Shamaa, or "Candle", brings some light to the lives of abused single women and orphaned children. Its founder, Nour Hussein al-Sewaty, known as Mama Nour, also started life in the Maygoma orphanage. She also had to flee Khartoum to protect those in her care. One woman now sheltering with her was raped before the war, then abducted and raped again. Even the formidable Mama Nour is now at breaking-point. "We are so exhausted. We need help," she declares. "We want to smell the fresh air. We want to feel there are still people in the world who care about us, the people of Sudan." Go to BBCAfrica.com for more news from the African continent. Follow us on Twitter @BBCAfrica , on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica

Last year, we challenged 10 of our journalists from across our broadcast region to peer into the future and Gluttons for punishment, they're back again -- reflecting on 2024 and sharing their insights on what 2025 might have in store. A few recurring themes emerge from their predictions: For all this and more, read on. At the end of 2023, I argued that even if one side achieved a military victory in Ukraine in 2024, it would not necessarily bring us closer to a political resolution. This was true then and is true now, largely because Russian President Vladimir Putin's attack on Ukraine is part of a broader agenda, an attempt to restore, if not the Soviet empire itself, then at least its sphere of influence. What could push the war in Ukraine is the upcoming change at the White House. U.S. President-elect Donald Trump continues to assert his readiness to broker a peace deal between Russia and Ukraine. The question, though, is whether Trump's intentions and determination will be enough. After all, change would require not only the incoming U.S. president's commitment to ending the war but also agreement in Kyiv and Moscow to cease hostilities. If Putin were to agree to end the conflict -- despite continued Russian offensives on the battlefield and relentless strikes on Ukraine's energy infrastructure -- it would likely hinge on two key factors. The first is the Russian president's recognition that his country's economic situation cannot sustain a prolonged war. The second is Putin's readiness to shift from military pressure on Ukraine to political influence and destabilization. Under such a peace, Ukraine's future would depend on the security guarantees provided by its Western partners and the resilience of Ukrainian society in resisting Russian attempts at destabilization, for example, a barrage of disinformation during a future presidential election. If Putin concludes, however, that he has sufficient resources to continue the war, hostilities will persist -- certainly into 2025 and even beyond. Following the sudden death of Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash in May, a more moderate politician, , was elected as president. Some Iranians saw Pezeshkian's election as a potential sign that the country's clerical rulers might soften their hard-line approach. However, by the end of 2024, Pezeshkian has yet to deliver on promises to ease restrictions on Iranian life. There will be plenty for Pezeshkian to deal with: currency depreciation, environmental crises, an aging population, and worsening brain drain. Looming fuel price hikes, critical to addressing budget deficits, risk igniting protests like those in 2019 that left hundreds dead. Internationally, Iran might have an even harder time. With Tehran's allies -- Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in the Gaza Strip, and the ousted Syrian leadership -- facing significant setbacks in 2024 and Israel launching attacks on Iran during the same year, Iranian politicians are for the first time in a while openly discussing developing nuclear weapons as the ultimate deterrent. Tehran's relationship with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is in a precarious state. As a result, European powers censured Tehran twice in 2024 -- and if Western concerns are not resolved, then the process of reimposing UN sanctions on Iran could begin in the spring of 2025. International pressure on Iran is only likely to ramp up with the in the White House. In his first term, Trump withdrew the U.S. from the Iran nuclear deal and argued for strict economic sanctions to curb Iran's nuclear ambitions and regional influence. There weren't any pundits who predicted the rapid rise of Peter Magyar. Less than a year ago, Magyar was a loyalist of right-wing Prime Minister Viktor Orban; now, he is the popular and dynamic leader of the Hungarian opposition. Magyar's Tisza Party in June, winning a third of Hungary's 21 seats in the European Parliament elections and performing well in local polls. His rapid rise has created a headache for the ruling Fidesz party, which under Orban's guidance has been widely criticized for democratic backsliding and authoritarian tendencies. The party resorted to attacks in the press and is even said to be contemplating early elections. Orban, who has been widely criticized for leading Hungary, didn't let the Magyar party spoil his time in the limelight, as of the Council of the European Union during the second half of the year. Orban began the presidency in spectacular and controversial fashion: In early July, he traveled to Kyiv, Moscow, Beijing, and Mar-a-Lago, trips he framed as efforts to end the war in Ukraine and for which European officials heavily criticized him for. In December Orban, who endorsed Donald Trump as early as 2016, again visited the president-elect at his Florida residence. To put it mildly, European officials weren't happy, criticizing Orban for his unauthorized and uncoordinated visits. The idea of "fortress Europe" ruled the roost in 2024, with member states increasingly tough on migration and looking for creative ways to outsource the issue to third countries. (Italy, for example, has set up migrant-processing centers in Albania.) But even though there were gains for far-right and populist parties in national and European Parliament elections in 2024, the center still held -- and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen won her coveted second term. In 2025, . Populist parties will continue to shape policies and politics within EU member states. In the Czech Republic, Andrej Babis, a populist billionaire and former prime minister, is likely to return to power in the fall, forming a neat Eurosceptic triangle with Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban and Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico. In France, the populist left and right will continue to cause headaches for President Emmanuel Macron after his failed parliamentary elections gamble this summer. New elections will likely be held in the summer and Macron could suffer even a bigger defeat, with either the hard-left or hard-right securing a majority. Germany is also heading to the polls, with parliamentary elections in February. And while the far-right Alternative For Germany party should get their best ever result -- potentially 20 percent of the vote -- you can expect a grand coalition of the center-left Social Democrats and the center-right Christian Democrats, with the latter's leader, Friedrich Merz, set to become chancellor. Donald Trump will be shaping Europe's politics as much as any European during the year ahead. The U.S. president-elect could well push his European allies to at the NATO summit in the Netherlands in June. And transatlantic trade frictions are also a distinct possibility, especially if Brussels hits Elon Musk, the tech tycoon and key Trump ally, and his X social media platform with billion-euro fines for not respecting social media rules in the bloc. In 2024, the authoritarian regime of Alyaksandr Lukashenka continued its rapid evolution into a totalitarian state. Political repression intensified further, legitimized by two electoral campaigns that only outwardly resembled democratic elections. Early in the year, a puppet parliament and local councils were elected. By the end of the year, a had begun, set to conclude in January 2025. The alliance between Belarus and Russia strengthened and deepened, particularly in the military sphere, where Lukashenka is trying to bolster Belarus's strategic position by hosting modern Russia weapons. The culmination of this process was the decision, announced in December, to deploy Russia's advanced in the second half of 2025. The main challenge for the Lukashenka regime in the next year will be navigating the new geopolitical reality shaped by potential peace talks on Ukraine. Minsk fears that its interests will be overlooked in the construction of a new security architecture for Eastern and Central Europe, which could emerge from these negotiations. This is why he has brought forward by six months the presidential election. His goal is to secure renewed legitimacy as leverage for participation in such negotiations. If the conflict in Ukraine remains frozen, however, Belarus could also remain frozen for years. The Lukashenka regime would consolidate and strengthen while all aspects of Belarusian life -- from the economy to culture -- would slowly degrade. The year 2024 was yet another desperate time for , culminating in December when the Taliban expanded its to prohibit private institutions from teaching women , nursing, and laboratory sciences. The latest restrictions build on measures from recent years that keep Afghan girls out of secondary schools and university educations "This doesn't just mean destroying the dreams of those girls who wanted to study and contribute to their communities," said Heather Barr, associate director of the women's rights division at the New York-based Human Rights Watch. "It also means this will cause deaths for women who won't be able to access medical care." Unprecedented worldwide legal momentum against these limitations has also been building over the past year. Shukria Barakzai, the former Afghan ambassador to Norway, highlighted progress in 2024, pointing to international efforts to hold the Taliban accountable. A major breakthrough came in November 2024 when a key UN General Assembly committee approved negotiations for the first-ever treaty specifically targeting crimes against humanity. This development could potentially address gender apartheid under international law, a crucial step long advocated by Afghan women's rights activists. Looking ahead to 2025, Barakzai sees some cause for optimism. "2025 could become the year of justice for Afghans, particularly Afghan women, as countries begin to mobilize against what is happening inside Afghanistan," she said. However, Barr also emphasized that meaningful change requires sustained international pressure and advocacy. Relations between Kosovo and Serbia remain at a historic low, at least since the start of EU-mediated negotiations in 2011. Efforts to normalize relations have stalled, still damaged by the 2022 withdrawal of Serb representatives from Kosovo's state institutions, violent clashes in northern Kosovo the following year, and the killing of a Kosovar policeman in September 2023. Despite the impasse, Serbia has maintained its signature balancing act in foreign policy: for example, refusing to sanction Russia while supporting Ukraine's territorial integrity. Belgrade has also deepened ties with Beijing. In regional politics, Serbian President remains a key player, and is particularly influential in Bosnia-Herzegovina. He is known to hold sway over pro-Russian populist leader Milorad Dodik from Republika Srpska, one of the two entities that make up Bosnia. By appearing to pacify Dodik, Vucic regularly positions himself to the EU and the United States as a moderating force capable of tempering the destabilizing tendencies of Balkan extremists. However, his ambiguous stance often leaves observers questioning whether he contributes to stability, instability, or both. In terms of the EU accession progress, Serbia is actually lagging behind Montenegro, after Podgorica made rapid progress within the last year. Some EU diplomats have even said Montenegro could potentially join the bloc this decade. But it is the change at the White House that diplomats in the Balkans are now fixated on. Vucic, for one, is certainly hopeful. He and his allies have expressed optimism about Donald Trump's return to the U.S. presidency, hoping for a shift toward a more "Serbian-friendly" approach in U.S. policy. A year ago, it looked as if a peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan was on the horizon. Azerbaijan had just regained control of all of Nagorno-Karabakh, the territory at the heart of the conflict between the two sides. Both sides spoke of being nearly ready to sign a deal, with most of the fundamental issues agreed on. Now, and we are more or less in the same place, with Armenia and Azerbaijan still debating the finer points of the , and sometimes it seems as if Azerbaijan may not actually want a deal at all. Meanwhile, the attention in the Caucasus has shifted to Georgia. Its parliamentary elections in October were always going to be pivotal, but the crisis that has emerged is as dangerous as anyone could have expected. The opposition and protesters have refused to accept the results of elections they say were illegitimate. The government crackdown is already the harshest in Georgia's post-Soviet history. President Salome Zurabishvili, whose term ends December 29, is refusing to step down, setting up a with the government. And relations with the United States and European powers, Georgia's traditional main partners, keep getting worse. At the time of writing, neither the government nor the opposition and protesters show any willingness to compromise. Making any predictions now would be foolhardy. Except that a year from now, Georgia's politics are going to look a lot different than they do now. The conditions looked ripe for a renaissance of Russian power in Central Asia in 2024 and so it proved -- although Moscow did not have everything its own way. The Kremlin's state-backed energy companies Gazprom and Rosatom enjoyed a banner year in Uzbekistan, with Russian gas exports roughly tripling and Moscow and Tashkent finally inking a deal for a small facility. Following a on nuclear power in October 2024, Kazakhstan is also set to build a larger nuclear plant, and it would be a shock if Rosatom was not somehow involved. At the same time, both Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan resisted pressure to join blocs important for Moscow's prestige, while spats over the and Russia's colonial legacy in the region do the Kremlin's soft power prospects no good. China, meanwhile, will continue winning friends in Central Asia in the year ahead via quiet diplomacy and , especially in the region's emerging transport and renewable energy sectors. The region as a whole will also become even more authoritarian. In Tajikistan and Turkmenistan that would appear almost impossible, but expect both to make an effort. Meanwhile, in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan, journalists and regime critics are steadily running out of rope thanks to , , and an apparently shared sentiment across these governments that phasing out freedoms is all for the best. The war in Ukraine has reached truly global proportions. While it is fought in Ukraine, it involves dozens of countries, affecting populations as far away as Africa, South America, and East Asia. It has caused the biggest global military buildup since the height of the Cold War, challenging the credibility of international institutions from NATO and the European Union to the UN and the International Criminal Court. On one side, there is the Western alliance led by the United States and NATO supporting Ukraine. On the other, there is an emerging bloc of non-Western states who are challenging the current world order. China is the heavyweight in this informal group, , and it is supported by the likes of Iran and North Korea. These states represent an alternative kind of globalization, with their new mechanisms to circumvent Western sanctions, new financial systems based on cryptocurrencies, and their own international institutions such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The battle lines are in Ukraine, but the war is taking place everywhere: Russia is meddling in elections all over the world (with Romania perhaps the most recent example) and is thought to be carrying out acts of sabotage in many Western countries. Meanwhile, the Middle East is once again engulfed in war; Venezuela is making territorial claims against its neighbor Guyana; and China is carefully watching the Ukraine conflict as it contemplates its own operation against Taiwan. In 2025, that global war will gain momentum, and it is likely to expand irrespective of the situation on the ground in Ukraine. Even a possible cease-fire will likely not stop the global turmoil, let alone Russia's expansionist zeal or the Kremlin's desire to eliminate Ukrainian statehood and challenge NATO and the United States. War in Ukraine has set off an avalanche. The elites of anti-globalization -- from the Islamists to revanchists -- are sensing blood, and there will be new outbreaks of conflict in unexpected places across the globe. In this sense, Putin has succeeded in his long-term plan of turning this conflict into a global one and challenging the world order. Drawing an analogy with World War II, we are now somewhere in 1938, with a global challenger, an undecided West, and a new Munich Agreement looming. One can only hope to live to see a new 1945. By RFE/RLInvestors can contact the law firm at no cost to learn more about recovering their losses LOS ANGELES, Dec. 12, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- The Portnoy Law Firm advises Wolfspeed , Inc. ("Wolfspeed" or the "Company") (NYSE: WOLF) investors of a class action representing investors that bought securities between August 16, 2023 and November 6, 2024 , inclusive (the "Class Period"). Wolfspeed investors have until January 17, 2025 to file a lead plaintiff motion. Investors are encouraged to contact attorney Lesley F. Portnoy , by phone 310-692-8883 or email : lesley@portnoylaw.com, to discuss their legal rights, or click here to join the case. The Portnoy Law Firm can provide a complimentary case evaluation and discuss investors’ options for pursuing claims to recover their losses. Wolfspeed is a semiconductor company specializing in bandgap technologies, focusing on silicon carbide and gallium nitride (GaN). The class action lawsuit against Wolfspeed claims that throughout the class period, the company and its executives made false and/or misleading statements and failed to disclose key facts. The lawsuit alleges that Wolfspeed exaggerated the growth potential of its Mohawk Valley fabrication facility and the demand for its 200mm wafers in the electric vehicle (EV) market. It further asserts that the company overstated demand for its core products and placed undue reliance on projected design wins, while growth at the Mohawk Valley facility had already begun to slow. Wolfspeed had also misrepresented the ability of the facility to achieve $100 million in quarterly revenue at just 20% utilization, and the $2 billion revenue target it had promised appeared unrealistic. The lawsuit also claims that on November 6, 2024, Wolfspeed announced its financial results for the first quarter of fiscal year 2025, revealing that the actual performance of the Mohawk Valley facility was far below expectations. The 20% utilization of the facility would lead to revenue 30% to 50% lower than the previously projected $100 million. The company attributed the shortfall and lowered guidance to slower-than-expected demand, citing that EV customers were adjusting their launch timelines as the market navigated a transition period. 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Artificial intelligence is revolutionizing the way companies market their products , enabling them to target consumers in personalized and interactive ways that not long ago seemed like the realm of science fiction. Marketers use AI-powered algorithms to scour vast amounts of data that reveals individual preferences with unrivaled accuracy. This allows companies to precisely target content—ads, emails, social media posts—that feels tailor-made and helps cultivate companies’ relationships with consumers. As a researcher who studies technology in marketing , I joined several colleagues in conducting new research that shows AI marketing overwhelmingly neglects its potential negative consequences . Our peer-reviewed study reviewed 290 articles that had been published over the past 10 years from 15 high-ranking marketing journals. We found that only 33 of them addressed the potential “dark side” of AI marketing. | This matters because the imbalance creates a critical gap in understanding the full impact of AI. AI marketing can perpetuate harmful stereotypes, such as producing hyper-sexualized depictions of women , for example. AI can also infringe on the individual rights of artists . And it can spread misinformation through deepfakes and “hallucinations,” which occur when AI presents false information as if it were true, such as inventing historical events . It can also negatively affect mental health . The prevalence of AI-powered beauty filters on social media, for instance, can foster unrealistic ideals and trigger depression . These concerns loom large, prompting anxiety about the potential misuse of this powerful technology. Many people experience these worries, but young women are notably vulnerable . As AI apps gain acceptance, beauty standards are moving further from reality. Our research finds there is an urgent need to address AI’s ethical considerations and potential negative consequences. Our intent is not to discredit AI. It’s to make sure that AI marketing benefits everyone, not just a handful of powerful companies. I believe researchers should consider exploring the ethical problems with AI more thoroughly, and how to use it safely and responsibly. This is important because AI is suddenly being used everywhere—from social media to self-driving cars to making health decisions . Understanding its potential negative effects empowers the public to be informed consumers and call for responsible AI use. Lauren Labrecque is a professor of marketing at the University of Rhode Island . This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article . The application deadline for Fast Company’s World Changing Ideas Awards is Friday, December 6, at 11:59 p.m. PT. Apply today.

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