
VANCOUVER, British Columbia, Dec. 03, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Anfield Energy Inc. (TSX.V: AEC; OTCQB: ANLDF; FRANKFURT: 0AD) ("Anfield” or "the Company”) is pleased to announce that the proposed plan of arrangement (the "Arrangement”) between the Company and IsoEnergy Ltd. was approved at the Company's special meeting of shareholders (the "Meeting") held on December 3, 2024. The resolution approving the Arrangement (the "Arrangement Resolution”) was required to be passed by: (i) the affirmative vote of at least two-thirds (66 2⁄3%) of the votes cast by Anfield shareholders present in person or represented by proxy and entitled to vote at the Meeting (the "Shareholder Vote”); and (ii) a simple majority of the votes cast by shareholders present in person or represented by proxy at the Meeting and entitled to vote at the Meeting, excluding votes held by persons described in items (a) through (d) of Section 8.1(2) of Multilateral Instrument 61-101 - Protection of Minority Security Holders in Special Transactions, being the votes held by Corey Dias, Joshua Bleak and Ken Mushinski. The hearing of the application for a final order in respect of the Arrangement is scheduled for December 6, 2024, or as soon thereafter as the application can be heard. Closing of the Arrangement remains subject to customary closing conditions, including receipt of court and stock exchange approvals. Subject to the satisfaction of these closing conditions, the parties currently expect to complete the Arrangement in December 2024. Anfield is also pleased to announce that the parties have received written notice from the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States that it has concluded its review of the Arrangement and determined that there are no unresolved national security concerns with respect to the Arrangement. About Anfield Anfield is a uranium and vanadium development and near-term production company that is committed to becoming a top-tier energy-related fuels supplier by creating value through sustainable, efficient growth in its assets. Anfield is a publicly traded corporation listed on the TSX Venture Exchange (AEC-V), the OTCQB Marketplace (ANLDF) and the Frankfurt Stock Exchange (0AD). On behalf of the Board of Directors ANFIELD ENERGY INC. Corey Dias, Chief Executive Officer Contact: Anfield Energy, Inc. Corey Dias, Chief Executive Officer Clive Mostert, Corporate Communications 780-920-5044 [email protected] www.anfieldenergy.com Neither the TSX Venture Exchange nor its Regulation Services Provider (as that term is defined in the policies of the TSX Venture Exchange) accepts responsibility for the adequacy or accuracy of this news release. No securities regulatory authority has either approved or disapproved of the contents of this news release. None of the securities to be issued pursuant to the Arrangement have been or will be registered under the United States Securities Act of 1933, as amended (the " U.S. Securities Act "), or any state securities laws, and any securities issuable in the Arrangement are anticipated to be issued in reliance upon available exemptions from such registration requirements pursuant to Section 3(a)(10) of the U.S. Securities Act and applicable exemptions under state securities laws. This press release does not constitute an offer to sell, or the solicitation of an offer to buy, any securities. Cautionary Note Regarding Forward-Looking Information This press release contains "forward-looking information” within the meaning of applicable Canadian securities legislation. Generally, forward-looking information can be identified by the use of forward-looking terminology such as "plans”, "expects” or "does not expect”, "is expected”, "budget”, "scheduled”, "estimates”, "forecasts”, "intends”, "anticipates” or "does not anticipate”, or "believes”, or variations of such words and phrases or state that certain actions, events or results "may”, "could”, "would”, "might” or "will be taken”, "occur” or "be achieved”. These forward-looking statements or information may relate to the Arrangement, including statements with respect to the timing of the hearing of the application for a final order in respect of the Arrangement, satisfaction of conditions and timing for the completion of the Arrangement and availability of the exemption under Section 3(a)(10) of the U.S. Securities Act with respect to the securities issuable in the Arrangement and any other activities, events or developments that the companies expect or anticipate will or may occur in the future. Forward-looking statements are necessarily based upon a number of assumptions that, while considered reasonable by management at the time, are inherently subject to business, market and economic risks, uncertainties and contingencies that may cause actual results, performance or achievements to be materially different from those expressed or implied by forward-looking statements. Such assumptions include, but are not limited to, assumptions that the timing of the final order or closing of the Arrangement will occur as anticipated, that the final order in respect of the Arrangement will be obtained, that the conditions to closing of the Arrangement will be satisfied or waived and that the exemption under Section 3(a)(10) of the U.S. Securities Act with respect to the securities issuable in the Arrangement will be available. Although the Company has attempted to identify important factors that could cause actual results to differ materially from those contained in forward-looking information, there may be other factors that cause results not to be as anticipated, estimated or intended. There can be no assurance that such information will prove to be accurate, as actual results and future events could differ materially from those anticipated in such statements. Accordingly, readers should not place undue reliance on forward-looking information. Such statements represent the current views of the Company with respect to future events and are necessarily based upon a number of assumptions and estimates that, while considered reasonable by the Company, are inherently subject to significant business, economic, competitive, political and social risks, contingencies and uncertainties. Risks and uncertainties include, but are not limited to the following: that the hearing of the final order and the closing of the Arrangement may not occur on the anticipated timeline; that the final order may not be obtained; that the closing conditions of the Arrangement may not be satisfied or waived; and that the parties to the Arrangement may be unable to rely on the exemption under Section 3(a)(10) of the U.S. Securities Act with respect to the securities issuable in the Arrangement. The Company does not undertake to update any forward-looking information, except in accordance with applicable securities laws.Donald Trump's criminal hush money case in New York "must be immediately dismissed" because the prosecution disrupts the president-elect's transition and "threatens the functioning of the federal government," Trump's attorneys argued in a court filing Tuesday. In a lengthy filing that peppered legal arguments with political ones, Trump's lawyers invoked special counsel Jack Smith's recent motion to throw out both his federal cases against Trump based on a Justice Department policy prohibiting the prosecution of a sitting president, as well as President Joe Biden's pardon of his son Hunter Biden over the weekend. "As President Biden put it yesterday, 'Enough is enough.' This case, which should never have been brought, must now be dismissed," wrote Trump attorneys Todd Blanche and Emil Bove, both of whom have been nominated by Trump for top Justice Department posts in the new administration. MORE: Hunter Biden's gun case terminated following presidential pardon The 72-page motion to dismiss follows Judge Juan Merchan's decision last week to indefinitely postpone Trump's sentencing following his May conviction on 34 felony counts of falsifying business records related to a hush money payment made to adult film actress Stormy Daniels in order to boost his electoral prospects in the 2016 presidential election. Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg has suggested postponing the sentencing until after Trump completes his second term in 2029, "to balance competing constitutional interests" of Trump's conviction and his presidential duties. Trump's attorneys argued in their filing that such a delay would still violate the Department of Justice policy prohibiting the prosecution of a sitting president. "Thus, DANY's ridiculous suggestion that they could simply resume proceedings after President Trump leaves Office, more than a decade after they commenced their investigation in 2018, is not an option," the filing argued. In addition to citing the Department of Justice policy, Trump's lawyers argued that the Presidential Transition Act, the Supremacy Clause, and presidential immunity require the case to be immediately dismissed. Defense attorneys also reprised past arguments -- including what they called, without evidence, Judge Merchan's political motivations and defects they claimed arose during the trial -- alongside new arguments related to what they called Trump's "overwhelming national mandate" from the November election. "And this case would never have been brought were it not for President Trump's political views, the transformative national movement established under his leadership, and the political threat that he poses to entrenched, corrupt politicians in Washington, D.C. and beyond," the filing said. The Manhattan DA's office faces a Dec. 9 deadline to respond to Trump's motion to dismiss. A federal judge threw out Trump’s election interference case last week Smith moved to the dismiss the case due to the Justice Department's standing policy prohibiting the prosecution of a sitting president. A federal appeals court also dropped Trump from the government’s ongoing appeal of Smith's classified documents case based on the same policy. Trump's fourth criminal case, involving allegations of election interference in Fulton County, Georgia, is currently paused as Trump and his co-defendants appeal a decision involving the district attorney who brought the case.
it seems, is to live in disbelief. Even as I watched the news unfold overnight on Saturday and into Sunday morning that rebels had entered Damascus, Syria’s capital, and that long-time dictator Bashar al-Assad had fled the country, even as I learned Sunday morning that he’d officially resigned, and even as family members sent congratulatory messages, I didn’t know how to accept that the regime had finally fallen. It was a familiar sort of disbelief. Fourteen years ago, as the Arab Spring uprisings tore through North Africa and the Middle East, toppling governments in Tunisia and Egypt, I couldn’t imagine that protests would erupt in Syria. I remember my shock the moment I learned that demonstrators had taken to the streets there. I was living in Ottawa at the time, and a few weeks after the protests began, in March 2011, I flew to Damascus for my older brother’s engagement party. But the festivities were muted and held at home. It wouldn’t have looked good to be seen celebrating any occasion when Assad’s power was being so publicly challenged. On March 30 that year, Assad gave a speech to parliament—his first since protests had broken out—in which he invoked conspiracy theories, blaming outside agitators for stirring up unrest; he also promised that reforms would be introduced in time. I remember my older brother saying that, after listening to the speech, he felt as though a giant bubble had burst. I realized then that there had been an infinitesimal moment in which we’d dared to hope that things might actually change for the better—and it was over. Assad’s military forces went on to crush the protests with stunning brutality, killing and imprisoning hundreds of thousands of people and bringing the country to ruin, with help from Russia, Iran, and the militant group Hezbollah. But Syria had been suffering well before 2011. For the half century that Bashar al-Assad and his father, Hafez, before him were in power, they did everything to cement their hold on what they seemed to view as a country that belonged solely to them. This includes a massacre, under Hafez’s rule, of an estimated tens of thousands of civilians, in the city of Hama in 1982, to quell an uprising from the Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamist opposition group. The Assads’ hold on power had a psychological dimension. Across the country, it was nearly impossible to avoid seeing giant posters and statues of the now-former president (it feels surreal to use the word “former”), his late father, and Bashar’s elder brother, who’d been groomed as Hafez’s successor before he died in a car crash in 1994. Whether displayed in schools, offices, restaurants, or public squares, the effigies sent a clear message: the Assads’ power was permanent, their influence inescapable, their status mythical. I remember once looking at a giant poster showing Bashar’s family, including his children, and thinking cynically that this was to be our introduction to his likely heirs. So to say that the Assad regime’s defeat is stunning is an understatement. I’ve had a difficult time processing the news, as much as I want to be able to rejoice. I’ve watched videos of Syrians celebrating in the streets and footage of detainees being freed from the regime’s notorious prisons, and I’ve read reports of refugees crossing the border from Lebanon to return home. On Instagram, Syrians are posting stories about waiting for Damascus airport to open again so they can fly back. On various platforms, I’m seeing posts that chastise those who express fear of what’s coming next, since to do so would imply that there was ever any benefit from having Assad in power. And yet, for me, the fear endures. The Arab Spring proved a disappointment in so many ways. In Libya, long-time dictator Muammar al-Qaddafi was overthrown and then killed after months of uprisings, but the country remains unstable. Egypt toppled then president Hosni Mubarak, but that regime was soon replaced by a government led by the Muslim Brotherhood; following a coup, there’s now a military dictatorship in place. The rebels who took down the Assad regime in Syria belong to the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), a movement with previous links to al-Qaeda, both of which Canada and other countries consider terrorist organizations. HTS’s Islamist roots have some worried, including those in the minority Christian community in Syria. I, too, worry that HTS might put in place a government that imposes Islamist rule, and I can picture countless other terrifying scenarios. I worry Syrian society won’t have a chance to properly grieve and commemorate all those murdered by the regime. One of my most persistent fears, though, is that we’ll all start to hope again—only for that hope to be torn apart once more. Some of my relatives are urging me to be optimistic. That, after years of pain, after a lifetime under Assad rule, we should take the opportunity to feel joy. And that, having seen the atrocities Assad committed, Syrians won’t let anything so extreme or horrific happen again. I called my father, who is in Montreal, on Sunday morning as we both registered the news that Assad had indeed fled Syria. I began to voice things I’d only dreamed of before: Going back to Damascus to visit family and show my little daughter the place I grew up. Visiting my late grandfather’s home and sitting in his library again. Later that day, over tea with a friend in Toronto, we pictured going back to rebuild the country that could be one of the most beautiful in the world if only its people were given a chance. While talking to my dad that morning, I asked him if I could finally write about Syria again. I’ve been under a self-imposed moratorium for years; my father occasionally travelled to Damascus to visit his mother, and I didn’t want to publish anything critical of the Assad regime that might get him into trouble while he was there. He laughed at the question. Now, he said, you can write whatever you want. My grandmother still lives in Damascus. She used to ask me when I was coming to visit her. But now, at over 100 years old, she can barely recognize me when I video-call her on WhatsApp. I wonder if she’d be able to remember me if she saw me again in person, something I didn’t think I’d get to do before she died. Despite everything, that possibility alone has sparked the tiniest glimmer of hope. One that’s so far managed to defy all of my fears.
BLOOMINGTON, Ind. (AP) — Myles Rice scored 18 points to lead Indiana to a 77-68 victory over Winthrop on Sunday. Read this article for free: Already have an account? To continue reading, please subscribe: * BLOOMINGTON, Ind. (AP) — Myles Rice scored 18 points to lead Indiana to a 77-68 victory over Winthrop on Sunday. Read unlimited articles for free today: Already have an account? BLOOMINGTON, Ind. (AP) — Myles Rice scored 18 points to lead Indiana to a 77-68 victory over Winthrop on Sunday. Rice made 7 of 13 shots and all four of his free throws for the Hoosiers (10-3), who improved to 9-0 at home by holding the Eagles (10-5) scoreless over the final 3:16 to wrap up the victory. He added four rebounds, three assists and three steals. Malik Reneau totaled 14 points and seven rebounds for Indiana. Trey Galloway added 11 points and five assists. Langdon Hatton had a game-high 11 rebounds to go with seven points off the bench. K.J. Doucet and Kasen Harrison both scored 14 to lead Winthrop, which fell to 1-4 on the road. Doucet grabbed 12 rebounds for his third double-double of the season. Kelton Talford scored 13 and Paul Jones III and Nick Johnson added 10 points apiece. Rice had 12 points in the first half to help Indiana take a 41-37 advantage into the break. Doucet had eight points and Harrison and Jones both scored seven to keep Winthrop close. Luke Goode followed his basket with a three-point play to give Indiana a 54-47 lead with 15:15 left to play. Talford finished off a three-point play to get Winthrop within three with 11:34 to go. Reneau answered with a basket and Mackenzie Mgbako followed with a dunk as Indiana quickly pushed its lead back to seven. Johnson buried a 3-pointer with 3:16 remaining to pull Winthrop within a point at 69-68, but the Eagles went scoreless from there. Indiana will host Rutgers on Saturday in a Big Ten Conference matchup. Winthrop returns home to play South Carolina Upstate on Thursday in a Big South Conference opener. ____ Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here. AP college basketball: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-toWp-25-college-basketball-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-basketball AdvertisementHughes Could Correct His Mistake and Have a Chance to Bring Back Jake Allen as Backup This Summer
Kagiso Rabada turned batting hero as he and Marco Jansen took South Africa to a dramatic two-wicket win over Pakistan on the fourth day of the first Test at SuperSport Park on Sunday. Needing 148 to win, South Africa crashed to 99 for eight against superb bowling by Mohammad Abbas. The 34-year-old Abbas took a career-best six for 54. But Rabada, so often a match-winner as a bowler, went on the attack as a batter, hitting an unbeaten 31 off 26 balls, while Jansen provided solid support in making 16 not out. RELATED: South Africa reaches WTC final after beating Pakistan in first Test; points table, standings updated Abbas bowled unchanged for 19.3 overs -- four of them on Saturday when he took his first two wickets -- in a spell of unremitting accuracy on a pitch which gave seam bowlers help throughout the match. It was a remarkable comeback for Abbas, whose previous Test appearance was against the West Indies in Kingston in August 2021. But it was not quite enough for Pakistan, seeking its first win in South Africa in 18 years. The result ensured qualification for South Africa in the final of the World Test championship final in England next year. Aiden Markram and Temba Bavuma batted solidly at the start of the day after resuming on 27 for three. Markram and Bavuma put on 43 for the fourth wicket, with Bavuma surviving on 14 -- and getting six runs -- when he hooked Abbas to fine leg, where Naseem Shah stepped over the boundary in catching the ball. Markram looked secure but was bowled by Abbas for 37 by a virtually unplayable ball which kept low and seamed back off the pitch. Bavuma and David Bedingham added another 34 runs until Bavuma uncharacteristically charged down the pitch at Abbas and was given out caught behind for 40. ALSO READ: AUS vs IND, 4th Test: We need to back ourselves and trust that we are going to bowl India out, says Marnus Labuschagne He walked off immediately but Ultra Edge technology showed the only ‘spike’ was when the ball brushed his trouser pocket. It was the first of four wickets which fell for three runs in 12 balls. Naseem Shah bowled Kyle Verreynne and Abbas had Bedingham and Corbin Bosch caught behind off successive deliveries. Rabada and Jansen saw South Africa through to lunch at 116 for eight -- then polished off the match in just 5.3 overs after the interval, with each stroke cheered by the home spectators. Comments Related Topics Kagiso Rabada / Marco Jansen / South Africa / Pakistan / World Test Championship final Latest on SportstarWASHINGTON — If there’s a theme among President-elect Donald Trump’s health Cabinet picks, it’s this: The vast majority were critics of how the Biden administration handled COVID-19. The pandemic upended Americans’ perspective on public health and health care delivery, both throughout the United States and among Republican lawmakers. Policy experts say that change is evident in Trump’s selections to lead major U.S. health agencies. That change is particularly notable in Trump’s pick for secretary of Health and Human Services, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., a vaccine skeptic who has been critical of the federal government’s pandemic response. Trump and Republicans have praised Kennedy for bucking conventional thinking when it comes to public health, even though many of Kennedy’s theories and proposals are not backed by science. Throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, Kennedy advocated against vaccinating kids against the coronavirus. He also led the anti-vaccination group Children’s Health Defense beginning in 2018. As Trump’s presumptive HHS secretary nominee, Kennedy worked with the Trump team to pick the leaders of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid, the Food and Drug Administration and the National Institutes of Health. Former Rep. Dave Weldon, Trump’s selection to head the CDC, is also a vaccine skeptic. Mehmet Oz, known more commonly as “Dr. Oz,” Trump’s choice to head CMS, promoted use of the anti-malarial drug hydroxychloroquine to treat COVID-19. FDA commissioner pick Marty Makary promoted herd immunity to stop the virus, as did Trump’s choice to lead the NIH, Jay Bhattacharya. Taken as a whole, the picks reflect a deep skepticism toward the recommendations of the very agencies these men have been tapped to lead. Trust in public health institutions plummeted in the wake of the pandemic, particularly among Republicans, according to polling, and virus prevention measures like wearing a face mask on an airplane or getting a routine vaccination have morphed into political actions in many parts of the United States. “There was a lot of misinformation, uncertain information,” Sen. Shelley Moore Capito, R-W.Va., said of the COVID-19 pandemic response. “In the end, when you looked at what the benefits were, the benefits were not as large as promised and some people were penalized. So I’m sure that’s reflected in [Trump’s] Cabinet choices.” But as Republicans cheer these changes to the public health sector, Democrats and medical institutions are concerned about health misinformation and how that could impact the American health care system, which spends roughly $4.5 trillion per year and accounts for 17.3 percent of the nation’s gross domestic product. On the campaign trail, Trump won voters by promising to buck the system. But public health experts warn that moving too far from the medical establishment and rejecting scientific data could have disastrous consequences. A look at other key Trump health picks and their records on COVID-19: Mehmet Oz, CMS Oz has long been criticized for his controversial views on public health. The pandemic was no exception. The Daytime Emmy award winner served as an informal adviser during the first Trump administration, promoting the use of hydroxychloroquine to treat COVID-19 early in the pandemic. He reportedly tried to persuade the president’s advisers to accelerate approval of the drug for use against COVID-19, even though at the time it had not been tested against the virus. Later, the FDA and infectious disease doctors found the antimalarial would not treat the virus. Oz also urged Trump administration officials to back a study he offered to fund at Columbia University Medical Center about the impacts of the antimalarial on COVID-19 patients, according to the House Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Pandemic. In April 2020, Oz said on Fox News that reopening schools would be worth it, even if it led to increased deaths. He later retracted the statement. Marty Makary, FDA Like Kennedy, Makary has publicly questioned the broad use of COVID-19 vaccines and vaccine mandates. But unlike Kennedy and many others in Trump’s health Cabinet, Makary was an early advocate of masking to prevent the spread of the virus and restricting air travel. The Johns Hopkins surgeon and author publicly opposed COVID-19 booster shots and promoted natural immunity over vaccinations. He went as far as arguing that the federal government censored pandemic data on natural immunity in an attempt to get more people vaccinated. But Makary also promoted early vaccination strategies to protect those most at risk for severe disease, such as getting single doses of vaccines to as many people as possible before allowing people to go back for a second dose of the shot. In late 2020, he criticized the FDA for not moving fast enough to approve mRNA vaccines. Jay Bhattacharya, NIH A Stanford physician and professor, Bhattacharya made a name for himself as a skeptic who opposed COVID-19 lockdowns and vaccine mandates. He also promoted herd immunity, the concept that low-risk people should live their lives normally and build up resistance to COVID-19 through infection while only high-risk individuals took precautions. In October 2020, Bhattacharya co-authored the controversial “Great Barrington Declaration,” an open letter advocating against virus prevention measures with the hopes of quickly obtaining herd immunity. Both the World Health Organization and leading academic and public health organizations condemned the letter, with the American Public Health Association and other health organizations signing a letter calling it a “wrong-headed proposal masquerading as science” and arguing that the declaration would lead to preventable deaths. Dave Weldon, CDC Weldon, a physician who represented Florida in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1995 through 2009, has routinely questioned the links between vaccines and autism throughout his career. He does not specialize in infectious diseases and has never formally worked in public health, having spent his career as a military doctor, internist and politician. In 2007, Weldon introduced a bill that would remove vaccine safety research from the CDC’s domain and house it in a separate HHS agency. Although the bill didn’t advance, some privately worry it’s indicative of the way he’d strip down the public health agency. Former acting CDC Director Richard Besser said he’s concerned about Weldon’s lack of public health credentials and suspects he was nominated to the post largely because his vaccine skepticism aligns with Kennedy’s views. “What we’re seeing with a number of these nominations is a continuation of that politicization [of public health], where you know people coming in who are saying public health is the problem, not the solution,” Besser said.
A designated disability minister will be appointed to each Government department to “champion disability inclusion and accessibility”, the Government has announced. Work and pensions minister Sir Stephen Timms said the move aims to drive “real improvements” for disabled people, whom the ministers will be encouraged to engage with on a regular basis. He told the Commons: “I am very pleased to be able to announce today the appointment of new lead ministers for disability in each Government department, they will represent the interests of disabled people, champion disability inclusion and accessibility within their departments. “I’m going to chair regular meetings with them and will encourage them to engage directly with disabled people and their representative organisations, as they take forward their departmental priorities. “And I look forward to this new group of lead ministers for disability together driving real improvements across Government for disabled people.” This came during an adjournment debate on International Day of Persons with Disabilities, where Liberal Democrat MP Steve Darling raised concerns about “floating bus stops”, which have a cycle lane between the stop and the pavement. Intervening, the MP for Torbay, who is registered blind, said: “The Government needs to ban floating bus stops.” Sir Stephen said: “I do think this issue about floating bus stops is an important issue which we need to work across Government to reflect on.” Labour MP Debbie Abrahams, who led the debate, had earlier criticised the lack of accessibility for disabled people on trains. The Oldham East and Saddleworth MP said: “Our train network does not have level access, and we heard Dame Tanni Grey-Thompson from the other place make this plea back in the summer, absolutely outrageous what she was put through. “But I was absolutely shocked to find, when I had a presentation of the TransPennine route upgrade, that the rolling stock yet to be commissioned is not going to provide that level access. “It’s absolute nonsense, it’s not even in the design of that procurement, so we must do better than this.”At Netanyahu's behest, Israel's defense minister is purging the army of his critics
Sen. Collins makes BBC’s 2024 ‘100 Women’ listOn its face, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith’s screwball scheme to create a provincial border patrol force intended to prevent Canadian citizens from crossing the U.S. border into Montana is blatantly unconstitutional. As evidence, I give you section 6.1 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms : “Every citizen of Canada has the right to enter, remain in and leave Canada.” Plus, of course, controlling the border is clearly federal jurisdiction – never mind Smith’s hypersensitivity about federal intrusions, mostly imagined, into provincial jurisdiction. If truckloads of Alberta Sheriffs passing their time driving around in the vicinity of Coutts or Del Bonita have probable cause to believe a passing pickup is carrying a load of fentanyl, for example, they would be within their rights to pull the vehicle over and take a peek in the cargo bed. After all, we have criminal laws in Canada about that kind of thing. If the driver and passengers of the pickup are not Canadian citizens, the situation might be murkier, but only slightly. But if the occupants of the pickup intend to present themselves properly to U.S. officials at the border, the Smith’s promised squad of border Sheriffs have no business harassing them. And if they do not, well, that’s not our problem! Indeed, that is why our neighbour’s government has its own United States Border Patrol with a budget of $5.4 billion US in 2022 and which, by all accounts, is quite capable of doing its job properly, at least along the long border with Canada. If large numbers of Canadians are sneaking into Montana to improperly spend their Loonies buying cheap garments made in American Samoa at the Target store in Great Falls, the two national governments presumably know what number to call to discuss what to do about it. There is in fact, notwithstanding Smith’s unseemly rush to defend Trump’s crude fantasies, not much of a problem on the Americans’ northern border – at least going in a southerly direction. Yes, it is well understood that a significant number of American truckers – indeed, almost all of them – illegally bring firearms into Canada whenever they cross the line to carry fresh vegetables from California or Arizona to Canadian grocery shelves. But this is largely winked at by Canadian authorities because they understand the truckers need firearms for protection back home in the Benighted States and are unlikely to discharge them at passers-by in the short time they are north of the border. As for illegal migrants, we Canadians are the ones who should be preparing to harden the border to prevent an unmanageable flow of refugees from the United States, including many U.S. citizens, who are bound to try to cross into Canada if Trump keeps some of his non-tariff promises. In the unlikely event Trump is actually able to impose his 25-per-cent tariff on All Things Canadian, then searching trucks originating in the United States and impounding their drivers’ firearms would seem like a perfectly reasonable and constitutionally defensible activity for the Canada Border Services Agency to engage in. But as was noted in this space yesterday, Trump’s fairy tale about an influx of illegal border-crossers from Canada or shipments of dangerous illegal drugs manufactured in Canada is performative, intended to justify his use of the 1974 U.S. Trade Act to impose tariffs on an emergency basis without the assent of the U.S. Congress. Even so, such tariffs would be restricted to 15 per cent, for 150 days, without Congressional approval. Smith knows this, too, of course, and she is gaslighting when she claims Trump has a sound point, as she did again today when she published a whiny official statement about Trudeau’s meeting with Trump to discuss tariffs (embarrassingly spelled “tarif” in the notice emailed to media), which she used as an excuse to complain about the federal emissions cap the UCP persists in calling a production cap. Premier Smith’s repeated defence of Trump is based more in her sympathy with the president-elect’s MAGA worldview than any honest belief his complaints about the U.S.-Canadian border are justified, which they clearly are not. Evidence? Well, the UCP and its federal Conservative allies certainly never hesitated to attack policies of recent Democratic U.S. presidents like Barack Obama or Joe Biden with whom they disagreed, or to ignore them if they could. It is becoming increasingly clear from her words and deeds that this premier and close advisors like Chief of Staff Rob Anderson, one of the authors of the “Free Alberta Strategy,” despise Canada, distrust Canadians, and wish Alberta could be remade in the image of the United States. So this nonsense about creating an Alberta border patrol is intended above all to poke a stick in Ottawa’s eye, open another front in the UCP’s taxpayer supported campaign against the Liberal Government, and create incursions into federal jurisdiction to see if anyone will push back – which the preoccupied Trudeau Government never seems to do. That’s a pity. Support rabble today! We’re so glad you stopped by! Thanks for consuming rabble content this year. rabble.ca is 100% reader and donor funded, so as an avid reader of our content, we hope you will consider gifting rabble with a donation during our summer fundraiser today. Nick Seebruch, editor Whether it be a one-time donation or a small monthly contribution, your support is critical to keep rabble writers producing the work you’ve come to rely on as a part of a healthy media diet. Become a rabble rouser — donate to rabble.ca today. Nick Seebruch, editor Support rabble.ca
Musk isn't helping Trump out of the goodness of his own heart. Brandon Bell/Pool/AP A news clip making the rounds Sunday morning had CNN’s Dana Bash talking with Chris Sununu, New Hampshire’s Republican governor, about Elon Musk’s potential conflicts of interest. Here, after all, we have a hecto-billionaire with massive federal contracts via SpaceX—and whose carmaker, Tesla, likely wouldn’t have survived without generous state and federal subsidies—serving as an advisor to an incoming president on how the government should be spending its money , or not. Sununu told Bash he liked that Musk is an “outsider”—an interesting choice of words—who is “not looking for anything.” When she challenged that notion, he responded, “The guy is worth $450 billion” and therefore is “so rich he’s removed from the potential financial influence.” “I don’t think he’s doing it for the money,” Sununu said. “He’s doing it for the bigger project and the bigger vision of America.” The exchange is worth a listen: BASH: One of the concerns is that Elon Musk has billions tied up in govt contracts. You don't see a conflict of interest?CHRIS SUNUNU: Everyone has a conflict of interestBASH: But that's a pretty big oneSUNUNU: He's so rich he's removed from the potential financial influence What this tells me is that Sununu doesn’t understand the mentality of excessive wealth and he probably shouldn’t be on the air talking about it. He’s correct, in one sense, that Musk is not doing it for the money. I mean, the guy could probably afford to buy Greenland. But “the greater project and the bigger vision”? That’s the sort of nonsense Col. Potter from the old TV series M.A.S.H. would have called “horse hockey”— among other things . Musk is doing this for the power —the opportunity to dominate his peers. Let’s not forget that joining forces with Trump put Musk’s wealth, at least on paper, on a very steep upward trajectory. I haven’t done the math, but I’m pretty sure he’s now the richest person who has ever lived on our planet. He doesn’t need money to buy stuff. He needs it to nourish his narcissism. I interviewed quite a few super-rich folks, and people in their close orbits, while researching my 2021 book , Jackpot , and we talked a lot about these kinds of matters. It became clear that, once a person attains a certain level of wealth, any further accumulation of assets is like a game. It’s all about score-keeping and social comparisons—and also maintaining one’s dynastic position by creating trusts to circumvent gift and estate taxes and pushing to maintain stupid loopholes like the discounted tax rate on carried interest, which even one private equity guy admitted to me was “bullshit,” though he was part of a group that made an annual pilgrimage to DC to lobby for it. Here’s a abridged snippet from one of my interviews with Richard Watts, an attorney in Southern California who serves as a consigliere for some of America’s wealthiest families. Here he was talking about a conference he’d just spoken at—an annual shindig hosted by Mitt Romney and attended by loads of Fortune 500 CEOs and billionaires with names you’d know, in addition to former presidents and senators and other power players. “I’m very well off, so I certainly don’t need to be working and doing all that stuff, and I’ve got a beautiful home down by the ocean. But when I spend the weekend with people that probably have a minimum net worth of $500 million, at some point I just have to leave, because you can feel in the discussion the measure is how big you are... In those situations it’s always about what spectacular thing have you done, invented, created: What do you do? “Well, I own 35 mobile home parks free and clear, and we built them, and we’re going green with all of them. And it’s really been a great, wonderful thing.” And the guy’s 40 years old, and that’s a true story... Now, if you’re Jamie Dimon, everybody kind of wants to see what you’re thinking and you know, “Hey, that’s a good guy. I want to be around him.” And then if it’s the governor of Maine, or let’s say it’s Mitt or it’s Paul Ryan, these are really interesting people. And the interesting thing is they kind of don’t want to have that discussion, but everyone has it with them. So, it’s like, “Hey Paul, since you’ve been out of the Speaker of the House, what is it you’re doing this year?” “Oh my god, I’m on the board of Fox News.” (And of course Murdoch was there lecturing as well.) And it’s just this feeling that the only measure in the room—I don’t mean that they always stay this way, I’m just saying when they group together—it’s about who’s got the biggest boat, and I can say that in a lot of different ways that are nasty, but the biggest boat is pretty quickly identified. One month prior to the election, Elon Musk’s estimated net worth was about $263 billion . Now, at year’s end, it is $437 billion . The “biggest boat” has been identified. It’s Elon and it ain’t even close and Musk would like to keep it that way and his relationship with Trump helps him do that. So Sununu can spare us the “greater project” nonsense. This is a dick-measuring contest, no more, no less.The Bills' 40-14 throttling of the New York Jets was just another game in a long line of let downs for the Jets this season. In a year where expectations have never been higher, the Jets have underwhelmed at every turn. After a loss to the Bills, the Jets' record falls to 4-12, placing them 3rd in the AFC East with one game remaining. The playoffs have long been out of the question for New York, and the front office is likely contemplating how they can regroup for next season. Twelve losses in a season where the Jets were expected to make the playoffs is certainly weighing on the players in New York. Garrett Wilson was rather blunt in his postgame presser. Garrett Wilson on the #Jets effort level: "I always feel like we go out there, the vibe feels right, we're ready to play. Then we get our ass kicked." "We got our ass kicked," is a quote that illustrates the Jets are beaten down, worn out and clearly ready to move on to next season. NFL HQ: Live NFL scores | Updated NFL standings | Full NFL schedule Aaron Rodgers and Sauce Gardner comment on Jets struggles Wilson isn't the only player who's feeling the effects of a woeful season. Several of the Jets' other star players were quite vocal after their most recent loss. Aaron Rodgers simply feels that this game, and the season, got away from the team. Aaron Rodgers on today's loss/the #Jets season as a whole: "The season just got away from us, too many games got away from us, this game got away from us." Saying, "This game got away from us" is a rather positive way to sum up 40-14 steam-rolling. You can't expect Rodgers to completely blow up in front of the media, but it's becoming quite clear that he's moved on to the next phase of his winding-down career. Much like Wilson, cornerback Sauce Gardner was quite honest with how he felt about the Jets' play as a team. Sauce: “We ‘enhanced our roster’ in all areas. So that just tells me — Idk bro. We can’t be playing as a team. We’re prob just individuals. Last yr + yr b4, we had a roster that wasn’t as talented but we found ways to win. So what’s stopping that now w/ a more talented roster?” Fellow cornerback D.J. Reed also had some strong comments after the game that could be interpreted as criticism of the offense. Reed was very frustrated after the game: "It comes down to complementary football, bro. We're playing a high powered offense. Josh Allen is the MVP runner up, whatever -- a great player. We gotta get shit going -- on offense, on special teams. You keep having our defense go out... And as ESPN's Rich Cimini also pointed out , the Jets were very undisciplined, which was a repeat scenario from earlier this season. The Jets had 16 penalties accepted by the Bills, their most in a game since 2018. It's the second straight game in which the Jets were plagued by yellow flags against the Bills. They had 27 accepted penalties against Buffalo across both games this season, the most by a team against one opponent since the '15 season. You can point to a lot of factors as to why the Jets may not be "playing as a team". The firing of Robert Saleh seems to be a key piece. General turmoil within the organization and front office are likely at play as well. As of now, Rodgers is expected to remain under center in Week 18. But at this point, the biggest questions revolve around what this roster and organization will look like in 2025 and beyond. MORE NFL WEEK 17: Week 17 NFL Power Rankings Week 17 NFL picks straight-up Week 17 NFL picks against the spread Week 17 NFL playoff pictureThey still have plenty of obstacles to clear to remain at that perch. Even the NFC North remains up for grabs and they'll try to create a little more separation when they host the Green Bay Packers on Thursday night. The Lions (11-1), who have won 10 straight, haven't been able to shake free from Minnesota (10-2) or Green Bay (9-3). Detroit will host Minnesota, which has won five straight, in the regular-season finale next month. The Packers have remained in contention by winning seven of their last eight, with the only loss coming at the hands of the Lions. Detroit opened up a 21-point lead early in the third quarter and held on for a 24-14 victory. Lions coach Dan Campbell says the fun really begins now. "The best part of all of this -- we're in playoff football right now, that's where we're at," he said. "We're in December, and our schedule says that. Man, we play tough opponent after tough opponent -- we've got plenty coming up. So, man, this is the type of stuff that you live for and it's also the type of stuff that gets you ready for the tournament. "So, yeah, we're a resilient bunch and nothing's going to change that. We've just got to worry about the one in front of us." Detroit is coming off a 23-20 win over Chicago on Thanksgiving Day in which it nearly blew a 16-point lead. The Bears' poor clock management cost them an opportunity to send the game into overtime and led to coach Matt Eberflus' firing. The Lions have been hit with a wave of injuries, particularly on the defensive side. They signed four players over the past week to fortify their depth. "I know the elephant in the room is all the injuries that have happened with us on the defensive side," defensive coordinator Aaron Glenn said. "Our personnel staff does a really good job of acquiring players that fit exactly who we are. I would say this, it's not the playbook that's the most important thing for these guys to come in and learn. It's the style of play that we have and that's easy to learn." Jared Goff has thrown for six touchdowns and zero interceptions in the past three games after tossing five picks against the Houston Texans on Nov. 10. The Packers also played on Thanksgiving, defeating Miami 30-17. Green Bay opened up a 24-3 halftime lead as Jordan Love threw two touchdown passes to Jayden Reed. Now the Packers face a Detroit team that has defeated them in five of the last six meetings. "With most good teams, they play the game the right way," Green Bay coach Matt LaFleur said. "Certainly, Detroit's been doing that for a couple years now. That's who they are and that's who we are as well. It should be a great game on Thursday night." The Packers might have to win via a shootout, considering the Lions are averaging a league-best 31.9 points per game (Green Bay ranks eighth at 26.5). Stopping the running game will be key, according to LaFleur. "They're two very dynamic backs. (David) Montgomery, he's going to beat you up physically and the other guy (Jahmyr Gibbs), you've got to try to corral because he can take it the distance," he said. "Jared (Goff) is playing at an MVP level, so they've got a really potent offense." Lions offensive tackle Taylor Decker (knee) and three defensive linemen -- DJ Reader (shoulder), Josh Paschal (knee) and Levi Onwezurike (hamstring) -- didn't practice on Tuesday. Offensive guard Elgton Jenkins (knee), Linebacker Edgerrin Cooper (hamstring) and cornerback Corey Ballentine (knee) missed the Packers' practice. --Field Level Media
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