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Notable quotes by Jimmy CarterPolice Chief Adam Turk has said the Greeley Police Department has long been proactive in acquiring technology to help police the city. In 2024, the department took a big step forward in implementing that technology. With the soft launch of a real-time information center in October, Greeley police have more eyes on the city than ever before. Once completed, the department will have the capability to quickly change between cameras on stoplights, businesses and more to track suspects and review incidents. The center — which carries a $1.5 million price tag to start up and $700,000 in yearly operating costs — launched in a limited capacity at Fire Station 6, 10603 20th St. It will later move into its permanent home directly east of the Greeley Police Department. The department hopes the center will work in its full capacity come springtime. With the extra eyes looking over the city, privacy concerns are at the forefront of the department’s planning. They will not use AI facial recognition software and have the ability to block out certain areas from traffic cameras, blocking police from seeing into private property such as backyards.
The 25-year-old Sweden international took his goal tally for the season to 12 in the 3-0 Boxing Day win over Aston Villa at St James’ Park, 10 of them in his last 10 Premier League games, after a challenging start to the new campaign. Isak managed 25 goals in a black and white shirt last season to further justify the club record £63million the club paid to bring him to Tyneside from Real Sociedad during the summer of 2022, but as delighted as he is with his big-money signing, head coach Howe is confident there is even more to come. Asked where the former AIK Solna frontman currently ranks in world football, he said: “My biggest thing with Alex is I am evaluating his game on a daily and weekly basis and I just want to try to push him for more. “Everyone else can say where he is in the pecking order of world football. His game is in a good place at the moment. “My job is to not sit back and appreciate that, my job is to try and find areas he can improve, push him towards that and never stop pushing him. He has all the ingredients in there. Football never stops evolving and changing and he has to evolve with it. “There is a lot more to come from him. Our job is to help him deliver that. “Of course the main responsibility is for Alex to keep his focus, ignore the plaudits and keep helping the team, not be selfish. It is about Newcastle and he plays his part.” It is no coincidence that Newcastle have prospered as Isak has rediscovered his best form, and they will head for Manchester United – where they have won only once in the top flight since 1972 – on Monday evening looking for a fifth successive win in all competitions. He has scored in each of the last five league games having grown into the mantle of the Magpies’ main man, a role performed with such distinction in the past by the likes of Jackie Milburn, Malcolm Macdonald and Alan Shearer, and he has done so with the minimum of fuss. Asked about his character, Howe said: “He is calm, cool – he is what you see on the pitch. “He doesn’t get overly emotional, which for a striker is a great quality because that coolness you see and calmness in front of goal is part of his personality, part of what he is. He seems to have an extra half a second when other players don’t. “With Alex, the beauty of his attitude is that he wants to improve. We give him information and he is responsive. He is not a closed shop. “He is in no way thinking he has arrived at a certain place. He knows he has to keep adding to his game. The challenge is great for him to keep scoring freely as he is now.”"Going from a 3-gear bicycle to a 20-gear bicycle" — Scientists inch closer to new tech that combines ultra expensive but super fast SRAM and DRAM
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Despite the state’s Democratic majority, more than 53 percent of Californians voted against a ban on slave labor in state prisons . Proposition (Prop) 6 would have amended the state constitution by removing a provision that allows incarcerated people to be forced to work. Though it would not ban “voluntary” work in these facilities, it would prevent prison authorities from compelling an individual to work as punishment for a crime. California’s constitution currently mirrors the 13th Amendment’s notorious exception, which bans slavery except “as punishment for a crime.” That “loophole” underpins the link between capitalism and the carceral state. Nationwide, more than 790,000 people in state and federal prisons are estimated to be working — typically in maintenance jobs within their facilities, and sometimes in manufacturing, agricultural and public-service enterprises — generating several billion dollars in revenue annually, according to a 2022 ACLU report . Tens of thousands of them are in California, often earning less than $1 per hour. Esteban Núñez, chief strategy consultant for the Anti-Recidivism Coalition, one of the groups spearheading the Prop 6 campaign, said the defeat of the measure underscored the need for “more voter education” about what the amendment was meant to accomplish, since many voters may have been confused by the somewhat arcane wording to “eliminate involuntary servitude for incarcerated persons” (written by the attorney general’s office). He noted that, despite Californians’ seeming apprehension about the measure, several other states, even Republican-dominated ones, have approved similar bans in recent years. “This is something that, of course, was personal to a lot of us because we had lived experience with forced labor,” Núñez told Truthout . For many formerly incarcerated advocates like him, ending forced labor behind bars opens opportunities for more productive activities and positive change, like college courses and job training. “Forced labor really prohibits people’s ability to prioritize rehabilitation, and rehabilitation is really what’s going to drive down recidivism,” he added. “Those programs and education are just really vital to preparing somebody to come home.” California’s prison-industrial complex is one of the largest in the country, incarcerating people at a higher rate than most states. The state holds more than 91,000 people in custody as of last November, mostly Latinx and Black men — an ample captive workforce that delivers a variety of goods and services to the government: fighting wildfires , manufacturing office furniture, catering, and, after the pandemic broke out, producing face masks (even as they reportedly were forbidden from wearing masks themselves). The ballot question, which had no organized opposition campaign and was championed by civil rights organizations and the state’s Reparations Task Force , was framed as a step toward “restor[ing] human dignity” and redressing structural racism in prison. But some saw it differently, raising criticisms that seemed rooted in the notion that incarcerated people should have to work to pay the cost of their imprisonment and their supposed debt to society. An editorial in the San Jose Mercury News argued, “The fundamental question here is whether inmates should be required to provide work that contributes toward their room and board. We believe they should, just as the rest of us on the outside who have not committed crimes must also do.” The editorial board also argued that allowing incarcerated people to refuse work might pave the way for more mass work stoppages. ( A major prison labor strike erupted in 2016, with tens of thousands of workers in multiple states protesting what they called inhumane and exploitative conditions.) Additionally, political unease about the public cost of paying incarcerated workers fairly may have drawn opposition. An effort to institute a ban through California’s state legislature in 2022 ran into pushback from the Department of Finance, which estimated that implementing the measure would cost an additional $1.5 billion annually if incarcerated workers became entitled to earn a minimum wage, instead of the typical current pay rates of less than $1 an hour. The price tag led both Democratic and Republican lawmakers to back away from the measure. (In this past election cycle, Prop 6 and its accompanying legislation avoided direct projections of fiscal costs by instead “requir[ing] wages for work assignments in county and city jail programs to be set by local ordinance.”) Abolitionists acknowledge that eliminating prison slavery will be costly for the governments and companies that have long benefited from it. “There is a price to be paid for abolishing slavery, there’s no question,” Andrew Ross, a professor of social and cultural analysis at New York University and co-author of Abolition Labor: The Fight to End Prison Slavery , told Truthout . “But what the legislators don’t do is focus on the benefit,” including the economic gains not just for incarcerated workers but also for their families and communities, which are often distressed, impoverished and disproportionately Black, Brown and Indigenous. Incarcerated workers could better support themselves and their families with decently paid voluntary jobs, which would alleviate dependence on the informal underground economy of prison “hustles” and, once released, help them stably transition to the mainstream economy. Though it is a setback for the abolitionist movement, the defeat of Prop 6 comes on the heels of several successful efforts to end slavery in state prisons in a number of other, even more conservative, states. In Nevada this year — a state that Donald Trump won narrowly — voters approved a ballot initiative to abolish prison slavery via constitutional amendment by a 21-point margin, indicating that such proposals have moral appeal across party lines. Colorado was the first state since the signing of the 13 th Amendment to remove the “slavery exception” from its constitution in 2018. Utah, Nebraska, Alabama, Oregon, Tennessee and Vermont followed with similar ballot initiatives . Alabama’s 2022 abolition referendum included several other measures that removed explicitly racist provisions of the state constitution, including school segregation policies and a prohibition on racial miscegenation. A bill recently introduced in the New York State legislature would amend the state’s constitution to “abolish slavery without exception,” and a companion bill lays out a framework of labor standards and rights for incarcerated workers. Incarcerated workers would be paid at least the state minimum wage — a massive raise from current hourly wages that typically run under a dollar — as well as workplace health and safety protections, which are crucial for the many high-risk maintenance jobs that incarcerated workers often perform, such as asbestos abatement . On the national level , advocates face a tougher fight to amend the U.S. Constitution’s 13th Amendment. A bill introduced last year declares “the continued existence of slavery and involuntary servitude antithetical to the democratic values, norms, and mores of the United States and can undermine the moral credibility of our country on the global stage.” However, such an amendment would require a two-thirds majority of both chambers of Congress to move forward for ratification by the states — likely impossible with Republicans in control of the House and Senate. Led by civil and human rights organizations as well as faith and labor groups, the movement to end prison slavery runs parallel to the contemporary abolition movement , which broadly envisions dismantling carceral institutions — which have disproportionately targeted Black communities since the end of chattel slavery — in order to replace them with community-focused systems of justice. Abolishing forced prison labor is a step toward removing the capitalist infrastructure that has been built around the systematic exploitation of the incarcerated workforce . The vast majority of the incarcerated workforce is employed in maintenance jobs that keep prisons running, such as janitorial work. About 15 percent work for government-run enterprises and public works, according to the ACLU report’s estimates , while private industries employ less than 1 percent. Shifting all these workers into a system of voluntary labor would require an exponential increase in their wages, especially if incarcerated workers became eligible for standard state minimum wages or prevailing wage standards set for their respective industries. According to a recent study by Edgeworth Economics , transitioning to a voluntary paid workforce would put between $11.6 billion and $18.8 billion of annual wages into imprisoned workers’ pockets, and better-paid work in prison would translate into better economic prospects for workers once they are released. Much of the advocacy around abolishing prison slavery does not go so far as to call for the abolition of prison itself, and some activists say they are above all focused on resolving the immediate human rights crisis of forced labor in prisons. But activists say if forced labor ends in prison, the whole infrastructure of the carceral state will become less economically viable. An obligation to treat incarcerated workers fairly and equally would shake the foundations of a social institution that has been designed for centuries to maximize suffering and exploitation. And empowering the incarcerated with real labor rights would enable them to hold authorities accountable and organize collective resistance to abuse. “It would alter the balance of power in the prisons quite significantly if incarcerated people have the right to refuse ill-paid and unsafe work,” Ross said. “Because the ability to force people to work is absolutely key to the power of the jailor.” But advocates acknowledge that ending forced labor in prison is an incremental shift that would not immediately end ingrained practices of oppression in the carceral system; labor remains an everyday part of prison life, and coercive treatment is endemic to the environment. Indeed, incarcerated workers have filed lawsuits in Alabama and Colorado , claiming they have still been forced to work and faced punishment for refusing, despite their states’ prison slavery bans. Those ongoing legal battles reveal how, beyond policy remedies, creating the conditions for true abolition demands sustained vigilance and organizing. “Formal measures like this are not sufficient, but they’re necessary,” Ross said. “They put you down on the road to freedom, but the road is unbuilt, and you have to then build it.”
South India's handloom heritage: Eight products set to shine with GI recognitionBy Hadriana Lowenkron | Bloomberg Billionaire Elon Musk called for eliminating the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, highlighting the renewed threat under President-elect Donald Trump to a regulatory agency that has long been a target of Republicans and business advocacy groups. “Delete CFPB. There are too many duplicative regulatory agencies,” Musk wrote in a post on his social-media platform X early Wednesday. Musk’s criticism is notable because he, alongside technology entrepreneur and fellow businessman Vivek Ramaswamy, has been tapped by Trump to run a new effort, dubbed the Department of Government Efficiency, which aims to slash the federal bureaucracy and reduce government spending. And Musk’s move signals a new stage in a long-running Washington fight over the agency’s powers and very existence. The CFPB — the brainchild of progressive Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren — was created as part of the 2010 Dodd-Frank Act in the wake of the financial crisis and given the job of overseeing parts of the financial industry that interact with consumers. The agency, though, has endured a rocky political tenure, facing multiple legal challenges since its onset. During his first term, Trump took steps to largely neutralize the agency, easing the CFPB’s enforcement of banks. But under President Joe Biden and Director Rohit Chopra, the agency has taken an aggressive regulatory approach to consumer finance, cracking down on home foreclosures and bank overdraft fees. Earlier this year, the agency also scored a win in the courts when the US Supreme Court upheld its funding system. Project 2025, a controversial blueprint for a second Trump term crafted by the conservative Heritage Foundation, calls for abolishing the agency, calling it “highly politicized, damaging, and utterly unaccountable,” and “returning the consumer protection function of the CFPB to banking regulators and the Federal Trade Commission.” Related Articles Business | LA County supervisors start the ‘how’ of reform, led by a 13-member task force Business | CalOptima audits Andrew Do’s tenure with the agency following corruption plea Business | 2024 election results: Thursday update for Congress, Assembly, state Senate representing LA County Business | A year after the Tustin hangar fire: no cause determined and tough choices ahead Business | LA County OKs supplemental spending; budget rises to $49.2 billion Chopra’s own future as head of the CFPB is in jeopardy. Since a 2020 Supreme Court ruling making the role at-will, the incoming president will have the power to fire Chopra if he doesn’t resign first. Removing him would be a victory for businesses that have sought to weaken independent federal regulators. Musk has already demonstrated his influence over the incoming administration, including sitting in on transition meetings and calls with foreign leaders. But it is unclear how much power his Department of Government Efficiency will wield in its efforts to scale back the federal government. Trump has said it will “provide advice and guidance from outside of Government, and will partner with the White House and Office of Management & Budget to drive large scale structural reform.”Lopsided loss sinks the reeling Saints further into evaluation mode
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Wagner takes down Springfield (Mass.) 81-46EASTON, Pa. (AP) — Louie Semona scored 15 points off of the bench to lead Stonehill over Lafayette 70-65 on Sunday. Semona had six rebounds for the Skyhawks (8-7). Hermann Koffi scored 13 points, shooting 4 for 8 (2 for 5 from 3-point range) and 3 of 4 from the free-throw line. Josh Morgan had 13 points and shot 4 of 9 from the field, including 1 for 3 from 3-point range, and went 4 for 4 from the line. The Leopards (5-8) were led by Caleb Williams, who recorded 15 points. Lafayette also got 14 points, 11 rebounds and three blocks from Justin Vander Baan. Alex Chaikin also recorded 12 points, two steals and two blocks. Stonehill went into the half leading Lafayette 28-27. Semona put up seven points in the half. Stonehill used a 7-0 second-half run erase a five-point deficit and take the lead at 47-45 with 11:20 remaining in the half before finishing off the victory. Todd Brogna scored nine second-half points. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .Accenture PLC Cl A stock underperforms Friday when compared to competitors despite daily gainsUNN gets new governing council, targets transformative policies
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NEW ORLEANS (AP) — A lopsided, shutout loss has left the beat-up New Orleans Saints limping into the final two games of a lost season — and into a rather cloudy future beyond that. Saints interim coach Darren Rizzi figured that a visit to playoff-bound Green Bay would be a tall order for his injury-riddled squad, whose prominent missing players included starters at quarterback, running back and receiver. And when New Orleans' mostly healthy defensive front struggled against a Packers ground game led by running back Josh Jacobs, the rout was on. Nothing "stuck out on film other than a lack of execution and lack of playmaking,” Rizzi said Tuesday after reviewing video of Monday night's 34-0 loss at Green Bay . “We played against a playoff team, at their place, that has very few holes on their team,” Rizzi added. “It was a little bit of a perfect storm." Rizzi, a special teams coordinator who has made no secret that he sees his eight-game interim stint as an opportunity to further his head-coaching ambitions, has two more games left in what has been an up-and-down audition. The Saints are 3-3 on his watch, which includes one of New Orleans' most lopsided losses since the turn of the century. With the playoffs unattainable, and with a lot of reserves pressed into service, the final two weeks will serve primarily as a player-evaluation period heading into the offseason, when there are bound to be myriad changes on the roster and perhaps the coaching staff. Rizzi said the Saints, realistically, have been in evaluation mode “for the last month or so,” but added that there maybe be additional young or practice-squad players getting longer looks in the final two games. “My big thing this week is to see how we can respond,” Rizzi said. “We’re going to find out a lot about a lot of people.” What’s working Of the Saints' four punts, three were inside the Green Bay 20 and New Orleans did not allow a single punt return yard. The punt team might have been the only unit that executed its job (even the kickoff unit allowed a 38-yard return). What needs help The Saints had trouble protecting the quarterback (three sacks) and protecting the football (two turnovers). They couldn't run the ball (67 yards). They couldn't stop the run (188 yards allowed). They couldn't pass the ball consistently (129 yards) or stop the pass when they needed to. As former Saints coach Jim Mora once said, they couldn't do “ diddly poo .” Although rookie quarterback Spencer Rattler largely struggled and was responsible for both New Orleans turnovers, he had enough highlights — including a jumping, first-down pass on third-and-long — to keep him penciled in as the starter if the injured Derek Carr remains unable to play, Rizzi said. “It was definitely a performance where we got to take the good with the bad,” Rizzi said. “We've got to get rid of those negative plays.” Stock up New Orleans native Foster Moreau has emerged as one of the Saints' most reliable offensive players. The sixth-year NFL tight end made two catches for a team-high 33 yards on Monday night, giving him 25 catches for 335 yards this season. His four TDs receiving entering the game remain tied for the team lead. Stock down Rizzi was riding high after two wins to start his interim term as head coach, but Monday night's ugly loss is the club's third in four games and took a lot of luster off his candidacy for a longer-term appointment. Injury report Center Erik McCoy left the game with an elbow injury, while guard Lucas Patrick hurt his knee in the closing minutes. Rizzi said McCoy won't need surgery but could miss the rest of the season. The coach said Patrick needs more tests but is not expected to play again this season. While the chances of Carr (non-throwing, left hand) or top running back Alvin Kamara (groin) playing again this season appear slim, the Saints have declined to rule that out. Rizzi said Carr is getting closer to being able to play and wants the opportunity to go against his former team, the Las Vegas Raiders. Meanwhile, Rizzi said Kamara “is working his tail off to try to come back” this season. “Alvin told me this morning, in my office, that he really would like to play again,” Rizzi said. Key number 24 — The number of years since the Saints suffered a more lopsided shutout loss, 38-0 against San Francisco in 2002. Up next The Saints' home finale against lowly Las Vegas will be an anticlimactic affair bound to generate a level of fan interest similar to, if not less than, a preseason game. But the game will be important to the current regime, which needs victories in each of the club's final two games to avoid the franchise's worst record since it was displaced by Hurricane Katrina in 2005 and went 3-13. ___ AP NFL: https://apnews.com/hub/NFL Brett Martel, The Associated Press