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T here is a famous dialogue from the Hindi film 3 Idiots : “ Dekho hum kahan nikal aaye aur tum kahan reh gaye ” (See where we have reached and where you are left).” The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)-Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) cohorts could be saying this to the Communists in India. The RSS will complete 100 years in 2025. The Communist movement in India is also a century old. The Left produced some of the most valiant fighters during the independence movement even as the Right was cosying up to the British empire. It is no secret that a large share of prisoners in Cellular Jail in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands were Communists. Despite such a glorious past, the reality is that the Indian Left is now in a labyrinth. Today, the Right clearly dominates Parliament: the BJP alone occupies 240 Lok Sabha seats. The Left parties combined occupy just eight seats. Compare this to the first general elections in independent India in 1951-1952 when the Congress was in power and the Communist Party of India (CPI) was the principal opposition party. At present, the Right is also far ahead in terms of organisational strength and structure. The total membership of the Left parties (those who contest elections) is not more than 2 million and the mass organisations that they represent number around 30 million. The RSS alone has a membership of over 7 million, and the BJP has a membership of more than 100 million. The trajectory of the Left and Right The rise and fall of these political entities depends on various historical episodes, the foremost being changes in the social production system. The initial years of development after the 1950s saw the establishment of industrial towns and the emergence of a strong Left-leaning working class. Major cities such as Delhi, Mumbai, Ahmedabad, and Kolkata witnessed a robust presence of the Left, which was reflected in their political strength. However, the capitalist production system underwent significant changes after the mid-1980s. The rise of fragmented production, a diminishing organised working class, and the corresponding growth of informal sector workers pushed the Left out of the political scene. Meanwhile, the Right maintained its presence through cultural interventions — a space largely neglected by the Left. Informal sector workers became fertile ground for identity politics based on caste and religion. Consequently, there has been a parallel rise of the Right and the decline of the Left in Indian cities. Another critical factor was the strong presence of the Left in rural India, driven by the ‘land reforms’ slogan and related movements. These were influential across the country for a long time. However, over the past few decades, newer classes within the peasantry have emerged and many of them have shifted towards the Right. Beyond land reforms, the Left struggled to build sustainable layers of governance, except in West Bengal, Tripura, and Kerala. It remained overly preoccupied with the imminence of a revolution and the idea of capturing state power. It sidelined all other essential matters. And the revolution never materialised. The national question is crucial for both the Left and the Right, though their approaches differ. For the Left, it involves uniting all democratic sections of society against external enemies, particularly imperialism. This was evident during the colonial period. However, in independent India, the narrative of a foreign enemy could not be sustained as strongly due to obvious reasons. In contrast, for the Right, the national question is less about unity among the people and more about promoting the narrative of ‘Hindu nationalism’ against perceived ‘others’. During the independence movement, this narrative did not gain much traction, as Indian nationalism against British rule was able to mobilise larger sections of society. Over the last few decades, however, this second form of ‘nationalism’ has increasingly dominated the narrative and has become more and more pronounced with time. Another major element relates to the idea of modernism and the role of the Constitution. Undoubtedly, the Constitution is rooted in the finest modernist values of equity, secularism, socialism, and more. However, the nation-state remained influenced by feudal and semi-feudal values, which continue to shape its character. Unlike in the West where modernism evolved out of the defeat or destruction of class feudalism, which was preceded by the Renaissance, religious reformation and enlightenment, in India no worthwhile renaissance could take place. The religious reformation that took place in some parts of the country could not disintegrate the caste system which affected all Indian religions, and the Brahmanical enlightenment could not produce a new anti-caste equalitarian philosophy. India has a peculiar situation now, where the Constitution is far ahead of the polity and human values, which are still evolving. This gives fertile ground for the Right to make advances on both post-truth narratives and campaigns on religious and identity issues. Leadership and organisational strategies Jyoti Basu, former Chief Minister of West Bengal, once spoke of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)’s “historic blunder”. He was referring to the party’s decision not to allow him to be the Prime Minister after the 1996 Lok Sabha polls threw up a hung Parliament. His remark warrants deeper reflection. The Left is still fixated on the revolution and is reluctant to embrace the multi-layered demands of electoral politics. If the Left is unwilling to take full responsibility, why should people trust them with their votes? This disconnect is evident in Kerala, where voters support the Left in Assembly elections but turn to other parties in general elections. On the other hand, the Right maximises every electoral success to further its agenda. In every national and Assembly election over the last 10 years, it has been clear that the Right tries to ensure that no opportunity is left unutilised. This divergence also highlights the contrasting leadership styles of the Left and Right. The generation of Left leaders who built mass movements and endured state repression is nearly gone. Leaders such as H.K.S. Surjeet, who spent over a decade in jail, represent a fading legacy. Today’s Left leadership often emerges from educational institutions — a natural progression — but lacks the experience of building movements on the ground. In China, the Communist Party believes in building cultural consciousness. Even Xi Jinping was sent to work in the farmland for years away from his university. But this is not the case in India. On the other hand, leaders of the Right spend time with their cadre and help build leadership. Before he became Prime Minister, when Narendra Modi was in charge of States, he would constantly spend time with the cadre and even stay in their homes. Globally, the pendulum of social and political ideologies has swung to the extreme Right and India is no exception. The question is: when will it swing back, and what will catalyse that shift? Tikender Singh Panwar, Former Deputy Mayor, Shimla, and Member, Kerala Urban Commission. He served as political secretary of Sitaram Yechury Published - December 27, 2024 02:32 am IST Copy link Email Facebook Twitter Telegram LinkedIn WhatsApp Reddit political parties / Communist Party of India / Communist Party of India-Marxist Leninist Liberation
Growing up on a tropical island means being able to catch and harvest your own food, and for Nornie Bero, it is these practices, closely tied to culture and community, which inspired a culinary career. or signup to continue reading Bero is from the Komet tribe of the Meriam people on Mer Island and said her family instilled her love of food when she was a child. "My dad made half of our house into a tuck shop and he used to make pumpkin dampers and pumpkin buns and make fish burgers and stuff to keep the lights on for us, to get money for the generators," she said. "When you grow up in a a family on an island you've got so many aunties and uncles that are hunting and gathering all the time and food is a big conversation in island households. "It's always been part of my life and I've always loved the traditional foods that I grew up with." The celebrated chef founded native food business Mabu Mabu, and flagship restaurant Big Esso in Melbourne with plans to expand to Sydney. "I love being Australian because we have our own flavour here, we just don't utilise it to the best that we can," Bero said. "We're such a multicultural country and we have so many different cuisines here so I'm just putting island cuisine on the map too and showcasing Australian food that comes out of the soil." Her mission to put the foods of her childhood on the map has taken her back to her home, where she recently filmed a cooking show, Island Echoes with Nornie Bero. As host, Bero travels across the Torres Strait, meeting with local community members, showcasing the landscape, making traditional foods and sharing the stories behind them. "It was so nice to be able to do a lot of outdoor cooking... cooking on the beach and people inviting us into their back yards, or even front yards, which is usually a beach," she said. "As a chef that's a dream right, to be able to go back home and showcase how beautiful your home is." Not only is Bero thrilled to bring island cuisine to the forefront, she said it's just as exciting to return to her homeand share new ways to prepare traditional foods with her family and community. "It's part of our lifeblood, the food that comes out of the ocean and in their backyards," she said. "It's so great to be able to be someone like myself who's come all the way down here to the city and create the stuff I've been taught along the way from many different places and then take it back home and showcase what they could do with traditional foods that we already have." In the midst of writing a new cookbook, Bero said there's a lot of things on the horizon for her and Mabu Mabu. One thing is certain, she's determined to continue her mission to champion native ingredients and the flavours of her home. Island Echoes with Nornie Bero will premiere on January 9 on NITV. DAILY Today's top stories curated by our news team. WEEKDAYS Grab a quick bite of today's latest news from around the region and the nation. WEEKLY The latest news, results & expert analysis. WEEKDAYS Catch up on the news of the day and unwind with great reading for your evening. WEEKLY Get the editor's insights: what's happening & why it matters. WEEKLY Love footy? We've got all the action covered. WEEKLY Every Saturday and Tuesday, explore destinations deals, tips & travel writing to transport you around the globe. WEEKLY Going out or staying in? Find out what's on. WEEKDAYS Sharp. Close to the ground. Digging deep. Your weekday morning newsletter on national affairs, politics and more. TWICE WEEKLY Your essential national news digest: all the big issues on Wednesday and great reading every Saturday. WEEKLY Get news, reviews and expert insights every Thursday from CarExpert, ACM's exclusive motoring partner. TWICE WEEKLY Get real, Australia! Let the ACM network's editors and journalists bring you news and views from all over. AS IT HAPPENS Be the first to know when news breaks. DAILY Your digital replica of Today's Paper. Ready to read from 5am! DAILY Test your skills with interactive crosswords, sudoku & trivia. Fresh daily! Advertisement AdvertisementMichigan shocks No. 2 Ohio State, 13-10, wins fourth straight in heated rivalry
OpenAI CEO Sam Altman has become the latest tech billionaire to signal allegiance to Donald Trump by pledging to donate to the president-elect's inaugural fund . An OpenAI spokesperson told Newsweek on Friday that Altman would make a $1 million "personal donation" to Trump's fund. Altman said in a statement that "President Trump will lead our country into the age of AI, and I am eager to support his efforts to ensure America stays ahead." Altman's decision comes amid his ongoing l egal battle with fellow tech billionaire Elon Musk , who became a staunch Trump supporter and mega-donor earlier this year. In 2015, Musk co-founded OpenAI along with Altman and others, then left the company in 2018. Altman warned earlier this month that Musk was using his newfound "political power" to "hurt" his competitors and enrich himself, which "would be profoundly un-American." In the 48 hours preceding news of Altman's donation, the following two tech giants announced that they would be donating to Trump's inaugural fund: Newsweek reached out for comment to Trump's office and the Trump transition team via email on Friday. Before Zuckerberg's recent meeting with Trump and his decision to have Meta donate to the inaugural fund, he and the president-elect had a very rocky relationship . Trump accused Facebook of "censorship" after he was banned from the platform following the January 6, 2021, assault on the U.S. Capitol. Trump has also repeatedly threatened to jail Zuckerberg and said without evidence that he was involved in a plot to help President Joe Biden "steal" the 2020 election. At the same time, Zuckerberg rarely made public remarks about Trump, although he did praise him for raising his fist after surviving an assassination attempt in July, calling it "one of the most badass things I've ever seen in my life." Zuckerberg also quickly congratulated Trump after he won last month's election. In a post to Threads, he praised him for "a decisive victory" and said he was "looking forward" to working with the incoming administration just hours after Trump's win over Vice President Kamala Harris . Bezos seemingly experienced his own rapid change of opinion regarding Trump in the months before Amazon 's inaugural donation. He blocked the editorial board of The Washington Post , which he owns, from endorsing Harris, citing concerns about "bias." Facebook did not donate to Trump's inaugural fund in 2017 or Biden's inauguration fund in 2021, according to the Associated Press. Amazon donated around $58,000 to Trump's first inauguration and streamed Biden's inauguration.Analysis: Some Chiefs could rest for 24 days after team clinches No. 1 seed in AFC
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Minnesota schools’ cellphone bans getting closer scrutiny, including from students