Net sales increased 2% versus last year with comparable sales up 1% Operating margin of 9.3% improved 270 basis points versus last year Market share gains across all brands in the quarter Raises outlook for fiscal 2024 net sales, gross margin and operating income growth SAN FRANCISCO , Nov. 21, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- Gap Inc. (NYSE: GAP), the largest specialty apparel company in the U.S. and a house of iconic brands including Old Navy, Gap, Banana Republic, and Athleta, today reported financial results for its third quarter ended November 2, 2024. "I'm proud that Gap Inc. delivered another successful quarter, growing net sales for the 4 th consecutive quarter and gaining market share across all brands while meaningfully expanding operating margin," said President and Chief Executive Officer, Richard Dickson . "Consistent execution of our strategic priorities, including the rigor and repetition we're applying to our brand reinvigoration playbook, is making us a stronger company and demonstrates our continued progress in unlocking Gap Inc.'s full potential." Dickson continued: "Holiday is off to a strong start and we remain focused on executing with excellence in the fourth quarter. Our performance year-to-date gives us the confidence to raise our full year outlook for sales, gross margin and operating income growth." Third Quarter Fiscal 2024 – Financial Results Balance Sheet and Cash Flow Highlights Additional information regarding free cash flow, which is a non-GAAP financial measure, is provided at the end of this press release along with a reconciliation of this measure from the most directly comparable GAAP financial measure for the applicable period. Third Quarter Fiscal 2024 – Global Brand Results Comparable Sales Third Quarter 2024 2023 Old Navy — % 1 % Gap 3 % (1) % Banana Republic (1) % (8) % Athleta 5 % (19) % Gap Inc. 1 % (2) % Old Navy: Gap: Banana Republic: Athleta: Fiscal 2024 Outlook As a result of its strong third quarter results, the company is raising its full year outlook for net sales, gross margin and operating income growth compared to prior expectations. Please note that the company's projected full year fiscal 2024 operating income growth below is provided in comparison to its full year fiscal 2023 adjusted operating income, which excludes $93 million in restructuring costs and a $47 million gain on sale of a building. Full Year Fiscal 2024 Current FY24 Outlook Prior FY24 Outlook FY23 Results Net sales Up 1.5% to 2.0% on a 52-week basis Up slightly on a 52-week basis $14.9 billion 1 Gross margin Approximately 220 bps expansion Approximately 200 bps expansion 38.8 % Operating expense Approximately $5.1 billion Approximately $5.1 billion $5.17 billion (adjusted) 2 Operating income Mid to High 60% growth range Mid to High 50% growth range $606 million (adjusted) 3 Effective tax rate Approximately 26.5% Approximately 28% 9.7 % Capital expenditures Approximately $500 million Approximately $500 million $420 million 1 Fiscal year 2023 consisted of 53 weeks and the extra week drove approximately $160 million of incremental sales. 2 Fiscal year 2023 adjusted operating expense of $5.17 billion excludes $89 million in restructuring costs and a $47 million gain on sale. 3 Fiscal year 2023 adjusted operating income of $606 million excludes $93 million in restructuring costs and a $47 million gain on sale. Webcast and Conference Call Information Whitney Notaro , Head of Investor Relations at Gap Inc., will host a conference call to review the company's third quarter fiscal 2024 results beginning at approximately 2:00 p.m. Pacific Time today. Ms. Notaro will be joined by President and Chief Executive Officer, Richard Dickson and Chief Financial Officer, Katrina O'Connell . A live webcast of the conference call and accompanying materials will be available online at investors.gapinc.com . A replay of the webcast will be available at the same location. Non-GAAP Disclosure This press release and related conference call include financial measures that have not been calculated in accordance with U.S. generally accepted accounting principles (GAAP) and are therefore referred to as non-GAAP financial measures. The non-GAAP measures described below are intended to provide investors with additional useful information about the company's financial performance, to enhance the overall understanding of its past performance and future prospects, and to allow for greater transparency with respect to important metrics used by management for financial and operating decision-making. The company presents these non-GAAP financial measures to assist investors in seeing its financial performance from management's view and because it believes they provide an additional tool for investors to use in computing the company's core financial performance over multiple periods with other companies in its industry. Additional information regarding the intended use of non-GAAP measures included in this press release and related conference call is provided in the tables to this press release. The non-GAAP measures included in this press release and related conference call are adjusted operating expense/adjusted SG&A, adjusted operating income, adjusted operating margin, adjusted diluted earnings per share, and free cash flow. These non-GAAP measures exclude the impact of certain items that are set forth in the tables to this press release. In addition, the company's outlook includes projected full year fiscal 2024 operating income growth compared to its full year fiscal 2023 adjusted operating income. The non-GAAP measures used by the company should not be considered as a substitute for, or superior to, measures of financial performance prepared in accordance with GAAP and may not be the same as similarly titled measures used by other companies due to possible differences in method and in items or events being adjusted. The company urges investors to review the reconciliation of non-GAAP financial measures to the most directly comparable GAAP financial measures included in the tables to this press release below, and not to rely on any single financial measure to evaluate its business. The non-GAAP financial measures used by the company have limitations in their usefulness to investors because they have no standardized meaning prescribed by GAAP and are not prepared under any comprehensive set of accounting rules or principles. Forward-Looking Statements This press release and related conference call and accompanying materials contain forward-looking statements within the "safe harbor" provisions of the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. All statements other than those that are purely historical are forward-looking statements. Words such as "expect," "anticipate," "believe," "estimate," "intend," "plan," "project," and similar expressions also identify forward-looking statements. Forward-looking statements include statements regarding the following: becoming a high performing company; unlocking Gap Inc.'s potential; our four strategic priorities, including maintaining and delivering financial and operational rigor, the reinvigoration of our brands, strengthening our operating platform, and energizing our culture; driving relevance and revenue by executing on our brand reinvigoration playbook; expectations for Old Navy for the holiday season; accelerating Old Navy's presence in the Active category; Old Navy's holiday activations and product; reigniting Gap brand's leadership in trend-right products and creative expression through big ideas and culturally relevant messaging; reestablishing Banana Republic to thrive in the premium lifestyle space; evolving Banana Republic's assortment and fit; continuing to fix the fundamentals at Banana Republic; Banana Republic's holiday product; Athleta's trajectory; Athleta's holiday product; enhancing Athleta's in-store and online experiences; driving high-performance across our teams; executing with excellence; Gap Inc.'s positioning going into the holiday season; expectations for our full year performance; expected year-end inventory levels; expected full year fiscal 2024 net sales; the expected impact of the loss of the 53rd week on full year fiscal 2024 net sales; expected fourth quarter fiscal 2024 net sales; the expected impacts of the loss of the 53rd week and the weekly calendar shift on fourth quarter fiscal 2024 net sales; expected full year fiscal 2024 gross margin; the expected impacts of commodity costs and better inventory management on full year fiscal 2024 gross margin; expected full year fiscal 2024 ROD; expected fourth quarter fiscal 2024 gross margin; the expected impact of the loss of the 53rd week on fourth quarter fiscal 2024 gross margin; expected full year fiscal 2024 SG&A/operating expense; continuing cost discipline and unlocking more efficiencies in the business; expected full year fiscal 2024 operating income; expected full year fiscal 2024 effective tax rate; expected full year fiscal 2024 capital expenditures; generating sustainable, profitable growth and delivering long-term shareholder value; and our dividend policy. Because these forward-looking statements involve risks and uncertainties, there are important factors that could cause our actual results to differ materially from those in the forward-looking statements. These factors include, without limitation, the following risks, any of which could have an adverse effect on our business, financial condition, results of operations, or reputation: the overall global economic and geopolitical environment, including the ongoing Russia - Ukraine and Israel-Hamas conflicts and recent elections in the United States , and impacts on consumer spending patterns; social and political unrest in our sourcing countries, including Bangladesh , and disruptions to global trade and shipping capacity, including in the Red Sea; the risk that we or our franchisees may be unsuccessful in gauging apparel trends and changing consumer preferences or responding with sufficient lead time; the highly competitive nature of our business in the United States and internationally; the risk that we may be unable to manage our inventory effectively and the resulting impact on our gross margins and sales; the risk that our investments in customer, digital, and omni-channel shopping initiatives may not deliver the results we anticipate; the risk that we fail to maintain, enhance, and protect our brand image and reputation; the risk of loss or theft of assets, including inventory shortage; the risk that we fail to manage key executive succession and retention or continue to attract qualified personnel; reductions in income and cash flow from our credit card arrangement related to our private label and co-branded credit cards; the risk that changes in our business strategy or restructuring our operations may not generate the intended benefits or projected cost savings; the risk that trade matters could increase the cost or reduce the supply of apparel available to us; the risks to our business, including our costs and global supply chain, associated with global sourcing and manufacturing; the risks to our reputation or operations associated with importing merchandise from foreign countries, including failure of our vendors to adhere to our Code of Vendor Conduct; the risk that we or our franchisees may be unsuccessful in identifying, negotiating, and securing new store locations and renewing, modifying, or terminating leases for existing store locations effectively; engaging in or seeking to engage in strategic transactions that are subject to various risks and uncertainties; the risk that our efforts to expand internationally may not be successful; the risk that our franchisees and licensees could impair the value of our brands; the risk of data or other security breaches or vulnerabilities that may result in increased costs, violations of law, significant legal and financial exposure, and a loss of confidence in our security measures; the risk that failures of, or updates or changes to, our IT systems may disrupt our operations; the risk that our comparable sales and margins may experience fluctuations, that we may fail to meet financial market expectations, or that the seasonality of our business may experience fluctuations; the risk of foreign currency exchange rate fluctuations; the risk that our level of indebtedness may impact our ability to operate and expand our business; the risk that we and our subsidiaries may be unable to meet our obligations under our indebtedness agreements; the risk that changes in our credit profile or deterioration in market conditions may limit our access to the capital markets; natural disasters, public health crises (such as pandemics and epidemics), political crises (such as the ongoing Russia - Ukraine and Israel-Hamas conflicts), negative global climate patterns, or other catastrophic events; evolving regulations and expectations with respect to ESG matters, including climate reporting; the adverse effects of climate change on our operations and those of our franchisees, vendors, and other business partners; our failure to comply with applicable laws and regulations and changes in the regulatory or administrative landscape; the risk that we will not be successful in defending various proceedings, lawsuits, disputes, and claims; the risk that our estimates and assumptions used when preparing our financial information are inaccurate or may change; the risk that changes in the geographic mix and level of income or losses, the expected or actual outcome of audits, changes in deferred tax valuation allowances, and new legislation could impact our effective tax rate, or that we may be required to pay amounts in excess of established tax liabilities; the risk that changes in our business structure, our performance or our industry could result in reductions in our pre-tax income or utilization of existing tax carryforwards in future periods, and require additional deferred tax valuation allowances; the risk that the adoption of new accounting pronouncements will impact future results; and the risk that additional information may arise during our close process or as a result of subsequent events that would require us to make adjustments to our financial information. Additional information regarding factors that could cause results to differ can be found in our Annual Report on Form 10-K filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission on March 19, 2024 , as well as our subsequent filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission. These forward-looking statements are based on information as of November 21, 2024 . We assume no obligation to publicly update or revise our forward-looking statements even if experience or future changes make it clear that any projected results expressed or implied therein will not be realized. About Gap Inc. Gap Inc., a house of iconic brands, is the largest specialty apparel company in America. Its Old Navy , Gap , Banana Republic , and Athleta brands offer clothing, accessories, and lifestyle products for men, women and children. Since 1969, Gap Inc. has created products and experiences that shape culture, while doing right by employees, communities and the planet. Gap Inc. products are available worldwide through company-operated stores, franchise stores, and e-commerce sites. Fiscal year 2023 net sales were $14.9 billion . For more information, please visit www.gapinc.com . Investor Relations Contact: Nina Bari Investor_relations@gap.com Media Relations Contact: Megan Foote Press@gap.com The Gap, Inc. CONDENSED CONSOLIDATED BALANCE SHEETS UNAUDITED ($ in millions) November 2, 2024 October 28, 2023 ASSETS Current assets: Cash and cash equivalents $ 1,969 $ 1,351 Short-term investments 250 — Merchandise inventory 2,331 2,377 Other current assets 580 646 Total current assets 5,130 4,374 Property and equipment, net of accumulated depreciation 2,546 2,552 Operating lease assets 3,217 3,200 Other long-term assets 960 926 Total assets $ 11,853 $ 11,052 LIABILITIES AND STOCKHOLDERS' EQUITY Current liabilities: Accounts payable $ 1,523 $ 1,433 Accrued expenses and other current liabilities 1,135 1,078 Current portion of operating lease liabilities 617 604 Income taxes payable 50 24 Total current liabilities 3,325 3,139 Long-term liabilities: Long-term debt 1,489 1,488 Long-term operating lease liabilities 3,360 3,456 Other long-term liabilities 544 509 Total long-term liabilities 5,393 5,453 Total stockholders' equity 3,135 2,460 Total liabilities and stockholders' equity $ 11,853 $ 11,052 The Gap, Inc. CONDENSED CONSOLIDATED STATEMENTS OF OPERATIONS UNAUDITED 13 Weeks Ended 39 Weeks Ended ($ and shares in millions except per share amounts) November 2, 2024 October 28, 2023 November 2, 2024 October 28, 2023 Net sales $ 3,829 $ 3,767 $ 10,937 $ 10,591 Cost of goods sold and occupancy expenses 2,194 2,211 6,322 6,488 Gross profit 1,635 1,556 4,615 4,103 Operating expenses 1,280 1,306 3,762 3,757 Operating income 355 250 853 346 Interest, net (6) — (12) 8 Income before income taxes 361 250 865 338 Income tax expense 87 32 227 21 Net income $ 274 $ 218 $ 638 $ 317 Weighted-average number of shares - basic 377 371 376 369 Weighted-average number of shares - diluted 383 375 383 373 Earnings per share - basic $ 0.73 $ 0.59 $ 1.70 $ 0.86 Earnings per share - diluted $ 0.72 $ 0.58 $ 1.67 $ 0.85 The Gap, Inc. CONDENSED CONSOLIDATED STATEMENTS OF CASH FLOWS UNAUDITED 39 Weeks Ended ($ in millions) November 2, 2024 (a) October 28, 2023 (a) Cash flows from operating activities: Net income $ 638 $ 317 Depreciation and amortization 371 394 Gain on sale of building — (47) Change in merchandise inventory (344) (5) Change in accounts payable 156 133 Other, netmikkelwilliam The lithium price remains near the lows, weighing on lithium mining companies. The chart shows the continued weakness in lithium carbonate prices. Lithium is a critical metal for lithium-ion rechargeable batteries. KULR Technology Group, Inc. ( NYSE: KULR ) offers The Hecht Commodity Report is one of the most comprehensive commodities reports available today from a top-ranked author in commodities, forex, and precious metals. My weekly report covers the market movements of over 29 different commodities and provides bullish, bearish, and neutral calls, directional trading recommendations, and actionable ideas for traders and investors. I am offering a free trial and discount to new subscribers for a limited time. Andrew Hecht is a 35-year Wall Street veteran covering commodities and precious metals. The Hecht Commodity Report Learn more Analyst’s Disclosure: I/we have no stock, option or similar derivative position in any of the companies mentioned, and no plans to initiate any such positions within the next 72 hours. I wrote this article myself, and it expresses my own opinions. I am not receiving compensation for it (other than from Seeking Alpha). I have no business relationship with any company whose stock is mentioned in this article. The author always has positions in commodities markets in futures, options, ETF/ETN products, and commodity equities. These long and short positions tend to change on an intraday basis. Seeking Alpha's Disclosure: Past performance is no guarantee of future results. No recommendation or advice is being given as to whether any investment is suitable for a particular investor. Any views or opinions expressed above may not reflect those of Seeking Alpha as a whole. Seeking Alpha is not a licensed securities dealer, broker or US investment adviser or investment bank. Our analysts are third party authors that include both professional investors and individual investors who may not be licensed or certified by any institute or regulatory body.Dave Ramsey: 52% of Americans Think the President Impacts Their Wallets — Is That True?Top war-crimes court issues arrest warrants for Netanyahu and others in Israel-Hamas fighting
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By WILL WEISSERT, JUAN ZAMORANO and GARY FIELDS PANAMA CITY (AP) — Teddy Roosevelt once declared the Panama Canal “one of the feats to which the people of this republic will look back with the highest pride.” More than a century later, Donald Trump is threatening to take back the waterway for the same republic. Related Articles National Politics | President-elect Trump wants to again rename North America’s tallest peak National Politics | Inside the Gaetz ethics report, a trove of new details alleging payments for sex and drug use National Politics | An analyst looks ahead to how the US economy might fare under Trump National Politics | Trump again calls to buy Greenland after eyeing Canada and the Panama Canal National Politics | House Ethics Committee accuses Gaetz of ‘regularly’ paying for sex, including with 17-year-old girl The president-elect is decrying increased fees Panama has imposed to use the waterway linking the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. He says if things don’t change after he takes office next month, “We will demand that the Panama Canal be returned to the United States of America, in full, quickly and without question.” Trump has long threatened allies with punitive action in hopes of winning concessions. But experts in both countries are clear: Unless he goes to war with Panama, Trump can’t reassert control over a canal the U.S. agreed to cede in the 1970s. Here’s a look at how we got here: What is the canal? It is a man-made waterway that uses a series of locks and reservoirs over 51 miles (82 kilometers) to cut through the middle of Panama and connect the Atlantic and Pacific. It spares ships having to go an additional roughly 7,000 miles (more than 11,000 kilometers) to sail around Cape Horn at South America’s southern tip. The U.S. International Trade Administration says the canal saves American business interests “considerable time and fuel costs” and enables faster delivery of goods, which is “particularly significant for time sensitive cargoes, perishable goods, and industries with just-in-time supply chains.” Who built it? An effort to establish a canal through Panama led by Ferdinand de Lesseps, who built Egypt’s Suez Canal, began in 1880 but progressed little over nine years before going bankrupt. Malaria, yellow fever and other tropical diseases devastated a workforce already struggling with especially dangerous terrain and harsh working conditions in the jungle, eventually costing more than 20,000 lives, by some estimates. Panama was then a province of Colombia, which refused to ratify a subsequent 1901 treaty licensing U.S. interests to build the canal. Roosevelt responded by dispatching U.S. warships to Panama’s Atlantic and Pacific coasts. The U.S. also prewrote a constitution that would be ready after Panamanian independence, giving American forces “the right to intervene in any part of Panama, to re-establish public peace and constitutional order.” In part because Colombian troops were unable to traverse harsh jungles, Panama declared an effectively bloodless independence within hours in November 1903. It soon signed a treaty allowing a U.S.-led team to begin construction . Some 5,600 workers died later during the U.S.-led construction project, according to one study. Why doesn’t the US control the canal anymore? The waterway opened in 1914, but almost immediately some Panamanians began questioning the validity of U.S. control, leading to what became known in the country as the “generational struggle” to take it over. The U.S. abrogated its right to intervene in Panama in the 1930s. By the 1970s, with its administrative costs sharply increasing, Washington spent years negotiating with Panama to cede control of the waterway. The Carter administration worked with the government of Omar Torrijos. The two sides eventually decided that their best chance for ratification was to submit two treaties to the U.S. Senate, the “Permanent Neutrality Treaty” and the “Panama Canal Treaty.” The first, which continues in perpetuity, gives the U.S. the right to act to ensure the canal remains open and secure. The second stated that the U.S. would turn over the canal to Panama on Dec. 31, 1999, and was terminated then. Both were signed in 1977 and ratified the following year. The agreements held even after 1989, when President George H.W. Bush invaded Panama to remove Panamanian leader Manuel Noriega. In the late 1970s, as the handover treaties were being discussed and ratified, polls found that about half of Americans opposed the decision to cede canal control to Panama. However, by the time ownership actually changed in 1999, public opinion had shifted, with about half of Americans in favor. What’s happened since then? Administration of the canal has been more efficient under Panama than during the U.S. era, with traffic increasing 17% between fiscal years 1999 and 2004 . Panama’s voters approved a 2006 referendum authorizing a major expansion of the canal to accommodate larger modern cargo ships. The expansion took until 2016 and cost more than $5.2 billion. Panamanian President José Raúl Mulino said in a video Sunday that “every square meter of the canal belongs to Panama and will continue to.” He added that, while his country’s people are divided on some key issues, “when it comes to our canal, and our sovereignty, we will all unite under our Panamanian flag.” Shipping prices have increased because of droughts last year affecting the canal locks, forcing Panama to drastically cut shipping traffic through the canal and raise rates to use it. Though the rains have mostly returned, Panama says future fee increases might be necessary as it undertakes improvements to accommodate modern shipping needs. Mulino said fees to use the canal are “not set on a whim.” Jorge Luis Quijano, who served as the waterway’s administrator from 2014 to 2019, said all canal users are subject to the same fees, though they vary by ship size and other factors. “I can accept that the canal’s customers may complain about any price increase,” Quijano said. “But that does not give them reason to consider taking it back.” Why has Trump raised this? The president-elect says the U.S. is getting “ripped off” and “I’m not going to stand for it.” “It was given to Panama and to the people of Panama, but it has provisions — you’ve got to treat us fairly. And they haven’t treated us fairly,” Trump said of the 1977 treaty that he said “foolishly” gave the canal away. The neutrality treaty does give the U.S. the right to act if the canal’s operation is threatened due to military conflict — but not to reassert control. “There’s no clause of any kind in the neutrality agreement that allows for the taking back of the canal,” Quijano said. “Legally, there’s no way, under normal circumstances, to recover territory that was used previously.” Trump, meanwhile, hasn’t said how he might make good on his threat. “There’s very little wiggle room, absent a second U.S. invasion of Panama, to retake control of the Panama Canal in practical terms,” said Benjamin Gedan, director of the Latin America Program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington. Gedan said Trump’s stance is especially baffling given that Mulino is a pro-business conservative who has “made lots of other overtures to show that he would prefer a special relationship with the United States.” He also noted that Panama in recent years has moved closer to China, meaning the U.S. has strategic reasons to keep its relationship with the Central American nation friendly. Panama is also a U.S. partner on stopping illegal immigration from South America — perhaps Trump’s biggest policy priority. “If you’re going to pick a fight with Panama on an issue,” Gedan said, “you could not find a worse one than the canal.” Weissert reported from West Palm Beach, Florida, and Fields from Washington. Amelia Thomson-Deveaux contributed to this report from Washington.Truckloads of Cheer: Truck Master Warranty Donates Toy Trucks to Children's Hospitals for the Holidays
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UK to charge Russia with cyber realm aggressionJaguar's Type 00 concept car: Redefining EV landscapeBy WILL WEISSERT, JUAN ZAMORANO and GARY FIELDS PANAMA CITY (AP) — Teddy Roosevelt once declared the Panama Canal “one of the feats to which the people of this republic will look back with the highest pride.” More than a century later, Donald Trump is threatening to take back the waterway for the same republic. Related Articles National Politics | President-elect Trump wants to again rename North America’s tallest peak National Politics | Inside the Gaetz ethics report, a trove of new details alleging payments for sex and drug use National Politics | An analyst looks ahead to how the US economy might fare under Trump National Politics | Trump again calls to buy Greenland after eyeing Canada and the Panama Canal National Politics | House Ethics Committee accuses Gaetz of ‘regularly’ paying for sex, including with 17-year-old girl The president-elect is decrying increased fees Panama has imposed to use the waterway linking the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. He says if things don’t change after he takes office next month, “We will demand that the Panama Canal be returned to the United States of America, in full, quickly and without question.” Trump has long threatened allies with punitive action in hopes of winning concessions. But experts in both countries are clear: Unless he goes to war with Panama, Trump can’t reassert control over a canal the U.S. agreed to cede in the 1970s. Here’s a look at how we got here: It is a man-made waterway that uses a series of locks and reservoirs over 51 miles (82 kilometers) to cut through the middle of Panama and connect the Atlantic and Pacific. It spares ships having to go an additional roughly 7,000 miles (more than 11,000 kilometers) to sail around Cape Horn at South America’s southern tip. The U.S. International Trade Administration says the canal saves American business interests “considerable time and fuel costs” and enables faster delivery of goods, which is “particularly significant for time sensitive cargoes, perishable goods, and industries with just-in-time supply chains.” An effort to establish a canal through Panama led by Ferdinand de Lesseps, who built Egypt’s Suez Canal, began in 1880 but progressed little over nine years before going bankrupt. Malaria, yellow fever and other tropical diseases devastated a workforce already struggling with especially dangerous terrain and harsh working conditions in the jungle, eventually costing more than 20,000 lives, by some estimates. Panama was then a province of Colombia, which refused to ratify a subsequent 1901 treaty licensing U.S. interests to build the canal. Roosevelt responded by dispatching U.S. warships to Panama’s Atlantic and Pacific coasts. The U.S. also prewrote a constitution that would be ready after Panamanian independence, giving American forces “the right to intervene in any part of Panama, to re-establish public peace and constitutional order.” In part because Colombian troops were unable to traverse harsh jungles, Panama declared an effectively bloodless independence within hours in November 1903. It soon signed a treaty allowing a U.S.-led team to begin construction . Some 5,600 workers died later during the U.S.-led construction project, according to one study. The waterway opened in 1914, but almost immediately some Panamanians began questioning the validity of U.S. control, leading to what became known in the country as the “generational struggle” to take it over. The U.S. abrogated its right to intervene in Panama in the 1930s. By the 1970s, with its administrative costs sharply increasing, Washington spent years negotiating with Panama to cede control of the waterway. The Carter administration worked with the government of Omar Torrijos. The two sides eventually decided that their best chance for ratification was to submit two treaties to the U.S. Senate, the “Permanent Neutrality Treaty” and the “Panama Canal Treaty.” The first, which continues in perpetuity, gives the U.S. the right to act to ensure the canal remains open and secure. The second stated that the U.S. would turn over the canal to Panama on Dec. 31, 1999, and was terminated then. Both were signed in 1977 and ratified the following year. The agreements held even after 1989, when President George H.W. Bush invaded Panama to remove Panamanian leader Manuel Noriega. In the late 1970s, as the handover treaties were being discussed and ratified, polls found that about half of Americans opposed the decision to cede canal control to Panama. However, by the time ownership actually changed in 1999, public opinion had shifted, with about half of Americans in favor. Administration of the canal has been more efficient under Panama than during the U.S. era, with traffic increasing 17% between fiscal years 1999 and 2004 . Panama’s voters approved a 2006 referendum authorizing a major expansion of the canal to accommodate larger modern cargo ships. The expansion took until 2016 and cost more than $5.2 billion. Panamanian President José Raúl Mulino said in a video Sunday that “every square meter of the canal belongs to Panama and will continue to.” He added that, while his country’s people are divided on some key issues, “when it comes to our canal, and our sovereignty, we will all unite under our Panamanian flag.” Shipping prices have increased because of droughts last year affecting the canal locks, forcing Panama to drastically cut shipping traffic through the canal and raise rates to use it. Though the rains have mostly returned, Panama says future fee increases might be necessary as it undertakes improvements to accommodate modern shipping needs. Mulino said fees to use the canal are “not set on a whim.” Jorge Luis Quijano, who served as the waterway’s administrator from 2014 to 2019, said all canal users are subject to the same fees, though they vary by ship size and other factors. “I can accept that the canal’s customers may complain about any price increase,” Quijano said. “But that does not give them reason to consider taking it back.” The president-elect says the U.S. is getting “ripped off” and “I’m not going to stand for it.” “It was given to Panama and to the people of Panama, but it has provisions — you’ve got to treat us fairly. And they haven’t treated us fairly,” Trump said of the 1977 treaty that he said “foolishly” gave the canal away. The neutrality treaty does give the U.S. the right to act if the canal’s operation is threatened due to military conflict — but not to reassert control. “There’s no clause of any kind in the neutrality agreement that allows for the taking back of the canal,” Quijano said. “Legally, there’s no way, under normal circumstances, to recover territory that was used previously.” Trump, meanwhile, hasn’t said how he might make good on his threat. “There’s very little wiggle room, absent a second U.S. invasion of Panama, to retake control of the Panama Canal in practical terms,” said Benjamin Gedan, director of the Latin America Program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington. Gedan said Trump’s stance is especially baffling given that Mulino is a pro-business conservative who has “made lots of other overtures to show that he would prefer a special relationship with the United States.” He also noted that Panama in recent years has moved closer to China, meaning the U.S. has strategic reasons to keep its relationship with the Central American nation friendly. Panama is also a U.S. partner on stopping illegal immigration from South America — perhaps Trump’s biggest policy priority. “If you’re going to pick a fight with Panama on an issue,” Gedan said, “you could not find a worse one than the canal.” Weissert reported from West Palm Beach, Florida, and Fields from Washington. Amelia Thomson-Deveaux contributed to this report from Washington.