
Former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi was injured during a Congressional trip to Luxembourg and has been admitted to the hospital, her spokesperson announced Friday morning. While in Luxembourg to mark the 80th anniversary of the Battle of the Bulge, Pelosi, 84, "sustained an injury during an official engagement and was admitted to the hospital for evaluation," spokesperson Ian Krager said in a statement. "Speaker Emerita Pelosi is currently receiving excellent treatment from doctors and medical professionals." The statement did not provide any additional details about how the injury occurred or Pelosi's current condition. Krager said that Pelosi "continues to work" but will not attend the rest of the events of the Congressional delegation. This is a developing story. Copyright 2024 NPR. To see more, visit npr.org .Wall St Week Ahead Fed rate view in focus as robust stocks year draws to close
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Jeff Graham’s heart sank when he showed up Sunday morning to see that the roof on his beloved Bayfield business, the Albion Hotel, had collapsed. “Initially on Sunday when we arrived, the talk was ‘This is dangerous.’ The Black Dog Restaurant could be in trouble, too. We need to tear this building down right away,” said the Albion’s owner. But following inspections by several engineers throughout the week, Graham said the iconic Albion Hotel will not be torn down. In fact, it will most certainly be rebuilt. “Leigh and I plan to rebuild the Albion and bring it back to its glory. The Municipality and the Heritage Committee are standing right behind us and want the same thing,” said Graham. So too does the community, and local history buffs, who watched in horror as their beloved Bayfield landmark, built in the 1840s and faithfully restored in 1964, sat in near ruins Sunday morning. Work to protect the damaged Albion Hotel following its roof collapse on Sunday, Dec. 8, 2024, seen on Dec. 10. (Scott Miller/CTV News London) “The way the roof had collapsed and thinking about how old the brick was and not knowing if the foundation sides that they're talking about were safe. No, it's awesome news,” said Barbara Durand, president of the Bayfield Historical Society. Graham said engineers determined the roof split at the peak and just folded out and essentially sat down on the second floor, which miraculously didn’t cause as much damage as feared to the 145-year-old structure. “There is damage, but not like we thought. So, that's a very positive thing. The walls, all the corners are very strong still,” said Graham. A temporary plywood and tarp roof was installed on the Albion on Wednesday. Graham said brick work will start on Monday and new roof trusses have already been ordered, which he hopes means the Albion will have a new roof by late January or early February. Sign on the Albion Hotel, seen on Dec. 9, 2024, following its roof collapse on Sunday, Dec. 8. (Scott Miller/CTV News London) More work to restore the interior will need to be done, so Graham can’t say when but he can say that the Albion will be restored and will reopen to the public again. The historical plaque that once sat out front of the Albion will also be put back in its rightful place. “We kept this plaque for when the building reopens and we all get to go and put this on the front of the building and we'll throw the hugest party that Bayfield has ever seen. I can't wait for that day for all of us to do that together,” said Graham. Albion Hotel Owner Jeff Graham, seen on Dec. 11, 2024, holds a historical plaque he rescued from his damaged business following its roof collapse on Sunday, Dec. 8. (Source: Jeff Graham) The Bayfield Historical Society, who installed the Albion’s plaque several years ago, can’t wait for re-opening day, either. “We would really love to be there, when the plaque is placed back on a restored building,” said Durand. In the meantime, more than $75,000 has been raised by the community to help keep the Albion’s 27 employees afloat during restoration. “We plan to fight tooth and nail to get the Albion back to the way it was. We can’t thank the community enough for their support,” said Graham. Shopping Trends The Shopping Trends team is independent of the journalists at CTV News. We may earn a commission when you use our links to shop. Read about us. 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Enabling AI to explain its predictions in plain language December 10, 2024 Massachusetts Institute of Technology Researchers developed a system that converts AI explanations into narrative text that can be more easily understood by users. This system could help people determine when to trust a model's predictions. Facebook Twitter Pinterest LinkedIN Email Machine-learning models can make mistakes and be difficult to use, so scientists have developed explanation methods to help users understand when and how they should trust a model's predictions. These explanations are often complex, however, perhaps containing information about hundreds of model features. And they are sometimes presented as multifaceted visualizations that can be difficult for users who lack machine-learning expertise to fully comprehend. To help people make sense of AI explanations, MIT researchers used large language models (LLMs) to transform plot-based explanations into plain language. They developed a two-part system that converts a machine-learning explanation into a paragraph of human-readable text and then automatically evaluates the quality of the narrative, so an end-user knows whether to trust it. By prompting the system with a few example explanations, the researchers can customize its narrative descriptions to meet the preferences of users or the requirements of specific applications. In the long run, the researchers hope to build upon this technique by enabling users to ask a model follow-up questions about how it came up with predictions in real-world settings. "Our goal with this research was to take the first step toward allowing users to have full-blown conversations with machine-learning models about the reasons they made certain predictions, so they can make better decisions about whether to listen to the model," says Alexandra Zytek, an electrical engineering and computer science (EECS) graduate student and lead author of a paper on this technique. She is joined on the paper by Sara Pido, an MIT postdoc; Sarah Alnegheimish, an EECS graduate student; Laure Berti-Équille, a research director at the French National Research Institute for Sustainable Development; and senior author Kalyan Veeramachaneni, a principal research scientist in the Laboratory for Information and Decision Systems. The research will be presented at the IEEE Big Data Conference. Elucidating explanations The researchers focused on a popular type of machine-learning explanation called SHAP. In a SHAP explanation, a value is assigned to every feature the model uses to make a prediction. For instance, if a model predicts house prices, one feature might be the location of the house. Location would be assigned a positive or negative value that represents how much that feature modified the model's overall prediction. Often, SHAP explanations are presented as bar plots that show which features are most or least important. But for a model with more than 100 features, that bar plot quickly becomes unwieldy. "As researchers, we have to make a lot of choices about what we are going to present visually. If we choose to show only the top 10, people might wonder what happened to another feature that isn't in the plot. Using natural language unburdens us from having to make those choices," Veeramachaneni says. However, rather than utilizing a large language model to generate an explanation in natural language, the researchers use the LLM to transform an existing SHAP explanation into a readable narrative. By only having the LLM handle the natural language part of the process, it limits the opportunity to introduce inaccuracies into the explanation, Zytek explains. Their system, called EXPLINGO, is divided into two pieces that work together. The first component, called NARRATOR, uses an LLM to create narrative descriptions of SHAP explanations that meet user preferences. By initially feeding NARRATOR three to five written examples of narrative explanations, the LLM will mimic that style when generating text. "Rather than having the user try to define what type of explanation they are looking for, it is easier to just have them write what they want to see," says Zytek. This allows NARRATOR to be easily customized for new use cases by showing it a different set of manually written examples. After NARRATOR creates a plain-language explanation, the second component, GRADER, uses an LLM to rate the narrative on four metrics: conciseness, accuracy, completeness, and fluency. GRADER automatically prompts the LLM with the text from NARRATOR and the SHAP explanation it describes. "We find that, even when an LLM makes a mistake doing a task, it often won't make a mistake when checking or validating that task," she says. Users can also customize GRADER to give different weights to each metric. "You could imagine, in a high-stakes case, weighting accuracy and completeness much higher than fluency, for example," she adds. Analyzing narratives For Zytek and her colleagues, one of the biggest challenges was adjusting the LLM so it generated natural-sounding narratives. The more guidelines they added to control style, the more likely the LLM would introduce errors into the explanation. "A lot of prompt tuning went into finding and fixing each mistake one at a time," she says. To test their system, the researchers took nine machine-learning datasets with explanations and had different users write narratives for each dataset. This allowed them to evaluate the ability of NARRATOR to mimic unique styles. They used GRADER to score each narrative explanation on all four metrics. In the end, the researchers found that their system could generate high-quality narrative explanations and effectively mimic different writing styles. Their results show that providing a few manually written example explanations greatly improves the narrative style. However, those examples must be written carefully -- including comparative words, like "larger," can cause GRADER to mark accurate explanations as incorrect. Building on these results, the researchers want to explore techniques that could help their system better handle comparative words. They also want to expand EXPLINGO by adding rationalization to the explanations. In the long run, they hope to use this work as a stepping stone toward an interactive system where the user can ask a model follow-up questions about an explanation. "That would help with decision-making in a lot of ways. If people disagree with a model's prediction, we want them to be able to quickly figure out if their intuition is correct, or if the model's intuition is correct, and where that difference is coming from," Zytek says. Story Source: Materials provided by Massachusetts Institute of Technology . Original written by Adam Zewe. Note: Content may be edited for style and length. Journal Reference : Cite This Page :
This is the endgame to a saga that has been playing out for most of Biden’s tenure: the tension between the administration’s goal of improving public services and its habit of catering to public-service unions. It would be an exaggeration to say that public dissatisfaction with government services played a major role in President-elect Donald Trump’s victory. But the incoming administration’s fixation with government efficiency, however misguided, will certainly play a role going forward. No controversy surrounded federal workers going remote in 2020, during the pandemic, and as Biden was inaugurated in January 2021. But over the next few months, vaccines became widely available, and Americans returned to tourism, business travel and office work. By March 1, 2022, when Biden delivered the State of the Union, the clear desire was to return to normal. “It’s time for America to get back to work and fill our great downtowns again with people,” Biden said. “The vast majority of federal workers will once again work in person.” Yet it never happened. The White House issued various directives, and every political appointee I know was routinely in the office (and routinely complaining about the absence of so many civil servants making their jobs harder). But despite this widespread discontent among his own appointees, Biden never got the workers back. One reason is that civil servants overwhelmingly view the return-to-office push as a bad-faith political stunt designed to assuage critics in Congress or provide economic benefits to cities. The belief that regular presence in an office is beneficial, expressed by many managers in the private sector, doesn’t have much traction. The larger issue is that return-to-work policies need to be bargained collectively with the unions representing federal workers. The job of union leaders is to win concessions for their members, so they argue that requiring an in-office presence is burdensome and pointless. That lets them maximize financial concessions or whatever else in exchange for going to in-person work. Biden officials generally treated this collective bargaining situation as an external constraint on their ability to manage the federal workforce. But the president’s own appointees controlled the National Labor Relations Board. It’s of course appropriate that a dramatic shift in working conditions should be subject to collective bargaining. But we all lived through the pandemic and saw what happened: Employers made a dramatic shift to remote work as a result of a public health emergency. The idea that this should have also created a new bargaining chit for public-sector unions doesn’t make sense. If the White House really couldn’t persuade the NLRB to treat this more sensibly, it could have tried to work with Congress to make a statutory change to require common-sense policies. But the Biden administration didn’t do that, either. The president told the public he was going to bring federal workers back and then didn’t, because of deference to labor unions. Under Trump, America is going to get the polar-opposite approach to remote work. Instead of policies that balance the collaborative benefits of time in office with the recruiting and retention benefits of flexibility, the new regime doesn’t really care about public-sector performance and wants to purge the “deep state” of professionalism and perceived political enemies. To that end, being as strict as possible — in the hope that career civil servants will quit — will serve Trump’s ends. That’s unfortunate. The option of working remotely at least some of the time has real value to both workers and employers. Pretending that Zoom doesn’t exist would be absurd. Prudent members of Congress should push back against efforts, already apparent among the president-elect’s allies, to use return-to-work as a hammer to destroy state capacity. For Democrats, there will always be some friction between serving the public’s interest in efficient government services and its own interest in accommodating its supporters in public unions. These interests are not often aligned. Successful Democratic presidents, such as Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, were especially attentive to the ways in which teachers unions could be impediments to improving public education, and made a point of standing up to them. Biden — and Biden-era Democrats — generally prioritized coalition management over such concerns. That’s why they made COVID-era work policies permanent as a giveaway to civil-service unions. It’s a decision Democrats will come to regret, as Trump now wields the very real shortcomings of the status quo as a pretext for dismantling systems that Americans very much need.
None
This is the endgame to a saga that has been playing out for most of Biden’s tenure: the tension between the administration’s goal of improving public services and its habit of catering to public-service unions. It would be an exaggeration to say that public dissatisfaction with government services played a major role in President-elect Donald Trump’s victory. But the incoming administration’s fixation with government efficiency, however misguided, will certainly play a role going forward. No controversy surrounded federal workers going remote in 2020, during the pandemic, and as Biden was inaugurated in January 2021. But over the next few months, vaccines became widely available, and Americans returned to tourism, business travel and office work. By March 1, 2022, when Biden delivered the State of the Union, the clear desire was to return to normal. “It’s time for America to get back to work and fill our great downtowns again with people,” Biden said. “The vast majority of federal workers will once again work in person.” Yet it never happened. The White House issued various directives, and every political appointee I know was routinely in the office (and routinely complaining about the absence of so many civil servants making their jobs harder). But despite this widespread discontent among his own appointees, Biden never got the workers back. One reason is that civil servants overwhelmingly view the return-to-office push as a bad-faith political stunt designed to assuage critics in Congress or provide economic benefits to cities. The belief that regular presence in an office is beneficial, expressed by many managers in the private sector, doesn’t have much traction. The larger issue is that return-to-work policies need to be bargained collectively with the unions representing federal workers. The job of union leaders is to win concessions for their members, so they argue that requiring an in-office presence is burdensome and pointless. That lets them maximize financial concessions or whatever else in exchange for going to in-person work. Biden officials generally treated this collective bargaining situation as an external constraint on their ability to manage the federal workforce. But the president’s own appointees controlled the National Labor Relations Board. It’s of course appropriate that a dramatic shift in working conditions should be subject to collective bargaining. But we all lived through the pandemic and saw what happened: Employers made a dramatic shift to remote work as a result of a public health emergency. The idea that this should have also created a new bargaining chit for public-sector unions doesn’t make sense. If the White House really couldn’t persuade the NLRB to treat this more sensibly, it could have tried to work with Congress to make a statutory change to require common-sense policies. But the Biden administration didn’t do that, either. The president told the public he was going to bring federal workers back and then didn’t, because of deference to labor unions. Under Trump, America is going to get the polar-opposite approach to remote work. Instead of policies that balance the collaborative benefits of time in office with the recruiting and retention benefits of flexibility, the new regime doesn’t really care about public-sector performance and wants to purge the “deep state” of professionalism and perceived political enemies. To that end, being as strict as possible — in the hope that career civil servants will quit — will serve Trump’s ends. That’s unfortunate. The option of working remotely at least some of the time has real value to both workers and employers. Pretending that Zoom doesn’t exist would be absurd. Prudent members of Congress should push back against efforts, already apparent among the president-elect’s allies, to use return-to-work as a hammer to destroy state capacity. For Democrats, there will always be some friction between serving the public’s interest in efficient government services and its own interest in accommodating its supporters in public unions. These interests are not often aligned. Successful Democratic presidents, such as Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, were especially attentive to the ways in which teachers unions could be impediments to improving public education, and made a point of standing up to them. Biden — and Biden-era Democrats — generally prioritized coalition management over such concerns. That’s why they made COVID-era work policies permanent as a giveaway to civil-service unions. It’s a decision Democrats will come to regret, as Trump now wields the very real shortcomings of the status quo as a pretext for dismantling systems that Americans very much need.
PARIS -- French President Emmanuel Macron’s office announced a new government Monday, after the previous Cabinet collapsed in a historic vote prompted by fighting over the country's budget. The government, put together by newly named Prime Minister Francois Bayrou , includes members of the outgoing conservative-dominated team and new figures from centrist or left-leaning backgrounds. Coming up with a 2025 budget will be the most urgent order of business. The new government enters office after months of political deadlock and crisis and pressure from financial markets to reduce France’s colossal debt. Macron has vowed to remain in office until his term ends in 2027, but has struggled to govern since snap elections in the summer left no single party with a majority in the National Assembly. Since his appointment 10 days ago, Bayrou has held talks with political leaders from various parties in search of the right balance for the new government. Some critics on Monday were angry at Bayrou for consulting with Marine Le Pen’s far-right party, and some argue the government looks too much like the old one to win lawmakers’ trust. Former Prime Minister Michel Barnier resigned this month following a no-confidence vote prompted by budget disputes in the National Assembly , leaving France without a functioning government. Le Pen played a key role in Barnier’s downfall by joining her National Rally party’s forces with the left to pass the no-confidence motion. Bayrou will need support from moderate legislators on the right and left to keep his government alive. Banker Eric Lombard will be finance minister, a crucial post when France is working to fulfill its promises to European Union partners to reduce its deficit, estimated to reach 6% of its gross domestic product this year. Lombard briefly worked as an adviser to a Socialist finance minister in the 1990s. Bayrou has said he supports tax hikes championed by his predecessor, but it’s not clear how the new government can find the right calculation for a budget that satisfies a majority of lawmakers angry over spending cuts. Hard-right Bruno Retailleau stays on as interior minister, with responsibility for France’s security and migration policy. Sebastien Lecornu, who has been at the forefront of France’s military support for Ukraine, remains defense minister, while Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot, who has traveled extensively in the Mideast in recent weeks, also retains his post. Among new faces are two former prime ministers. Manuel Valls will be minister for overseas affairs, and Elisabeth Borne takes the education ministry.