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, Immigration, perhaps more than any other issue, is what propelled Donald Trump to the White House in both 2016 and 2024. This policy included two major prongs: the first, building a robust, impenetrable wall on the nearly 2,000-mile-long US-Mexico border; the second, mass deportations. While the rhetoric eight years focused primarily on the former, all throughout this year, the rhetorical emphasis shifted to mass deportation. This is partly attributed to the influx of recent illegal migrants under Joe Biden: an estimated 10-25 million illegals, many of which include violent criminals, have crossed over the US-Mexico border and infiltrated the country in the past four years alone, presenting an unmanageable crisis of immediate urgency. The reasons for this catastrophe are twofold: the political class in Washington, DC, colloquially termed "the Uniparty" prefers mass migration. Importing the third world allows them to safeguard their power indefinitely. While the trends shifted slightly this year, with President Trump making inroads among several traditionally Democrat-leading constituencies, including Hispanic Americans and, to a lesser extent, Asian Americans, the general rule still holds: migrants, the children of migrants, and even the grandchildren of migrants overwhelmingly – by margins of two-thirds or more – vote for the Democrat Party. Thus, open borders are an easy way for Democrats to reliably expand their coalition. For this reason, states like Virginia, Colorado, and New Mexico, once Republican strongholds, now, as a result of recent mass migration, consistently and reliably vote Democrat. The gargantuan efforts taken by Republicans in recent years to preserve battleground states like Florida and Pennsylvania, which required registering hundreds of thousands of new voters to keep those states red, merely proves the rule. No such efforts would have been needed had the border always been closed. Moreover, the electoral college distribution reflects... Paul IngrassiaRegional shares rise in thin year-end trading
Merry Christmas, America – Mass Deportations Are Coming
Who plays on 'Monday Night Football' tonight? Time, TV channel, schedule for NFL Week 17 game | Sporting News
Rookie Brian Thomas Jr. scores again as Jaguars beat Titans 20-13 for rare series sweepSANTA CLARA, Calif. — Building the current crop of artificial intelligence chatbots has relied on specialized computer chips pioneered by Nvidia, which dominates the market and made itself the poster child of the AI boom. But the same qualities that make those graphics processor chips, or GPUs, so effective at creating powerful AI systems from scratch make them less efficient at putting AI products to work. That’s opened up the AI chip industry to rivals who think they can compete with Nvidia in selling so-called AI inference chips that are more attuned to the day-to-day running of AI tools and designed to reduce some of the huge computing costs of generative AI. “These companies are seeing opportunity for that kind of specialized hardware,” said Jacob Feldgoise, an analyst at Georgetown University’s Center for Security and Emerging Technology. “The broader the adoption of these models, the more compute will be needed for inference and the more demand there will be for inference chips.” It takes a lot of computing power to make an AI chatbot. It starts with a process called training or pretraining — the “P” in ChatGPT — that involves AI systems “learning” from the patterns of huge troves of data. GPUs are good at doing that work because they can run many calculations at a time on a network of devices in communication with each other. However, once trained, a generative AI tool still needs chips to do the work — such as when you ask a chatbot to compose a document or generate an image. That’s where inferencing comes in. A trained AI model must take in new information and make inferences from what it already knows to produce a response. GPUs can do that work, too. But it can be a bit like using a sledgehammer to crack a nut. “With training, you’re doing a lot heavier, a lot more work. With inferencing, that’s a lighter weight,” said Forrester analyst Alvin Nguyen. That’s led startups like Cerebras, Groq and d-Matrix as well as Nvidia’s traditional chipmaking rivals — such as AMD and Intel — to pitch more inference-friendly chips as Nvidia focuses on meeting the huge demand from bigger tech companies for its higher-end hardware. D-Matrix was founded in 2019 — a bit late to the AI chip game, as CEO Sid Sheth explained during a recent interview at the company’s headquarters in Santa Clara, California, the same Silicon Valley city that’s also home to AMD, Intel and Nvidia. “There were already 100-plus companies. So when we went out there, the first reaction we got was ‘you’re too late,’” he said. The pandemic’s arrival six months later didn’t help as the tech industry pivoted to focus on software to serve remote work. Now, however, Sheth sees a big market in AI inferencing, comparing that later stage of machine learning to how human beings apply the knowledge they acquired in school. “We spent the first 20 years of our lives going to school, educating ourselves. That’s training, right?” he said. “And then the next 40 years of your life, you kind of go out there and apply that knowledge — and then you get rewarded for being efficient.” The product, called Corsair, consists of two chips with four chiplets each, made by Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co. — the same manufacturer of most of Nvidia’s chips — and packaged together in a way that helps to keep them cool. The chips are designed in Santa Clara, assembled in Taiwan and then tested back in California. Testing is a long process and can take six months — if anything is off, it can be sent back to Taiwan. D-Matrix workers were doing final testing on the chips during a recent visit to a laboratory with blue metal desks covered with cables, motherboards and computers, with a cold server room next door. While tech giants like Amazon, Google, Meta and Microsoft have been gobbling up the supply of costly GPUs in a race to outdo each other in AI development, makers of AI inference chips are aiming for a broader clientele. Forrester’s Nguyen said that could include Fortune 500 companies that want to make use of new generative AI technology without having to build their own AI infrastructure. Sheth said he expects a strong interest in AI video generation. “The dream of AI for a lot of these enterprise companies is you can use your own enterprise data,” Nguyen said. “Buying (AI inference chips) should be cheaper than buying the ultimate GPUs from Nvidia and others. But I think there’s going to be a learning curve in terms of integrating it.” Feldgoise said that, unlike training-focused chips, AI inference work prioritizes how fast a person will get a chatbot’s response. He said another whole set of companies is developing AI hardware for inference that can run not just in big data centers but locally on desktop computers, laptops and phones. Better-designed chips could bring down the huge costs of running AI to businesses. That could also affect the environmental and energy costs for everyone else. Sheth says the big concern right now is, “are we going to burn the planet down in our quest for what people call AGI — human-like intelligence?” It’s still fuzzy when AI might get to the point of artificial general intelligence — predictions range from a few years to decades. But, Sheth notes, only a handful of tech giants are on that quest. “But then what about the rest?” he said. “They cannot be put on the same path.” Get local news delivered to your inbox!
Special counsel moves to dismiss election interference and classified documents cases against TrumpThe Wolverines started the season ranked No. 9 in the AP Top 25, making them the third college football team since 1991 to be ranked worse than seventh in the preseason poll after winning a national title. Michigan (6-5, 4-4 Big Ten) failed to meet those modest expectations, barely becoming eligible to play in a bowl and putting the program in danger of losing six or seven games for the first time since the Brady Hoke era ended a decade ago. The Wolverines potentially can ease some of the pain with a win against rival and second-ranked Ohio State (10-1, 7-1, No. 2 CFP) on Saturday in the Horseshoe, but that would be a stunning upset. Ohio State is a 21 1/2-point favorite, according to the BetMGM Sportsbook, and that marks just the third time this century that there has been a spread of at least 20 1/2 points in what is known as "The Game." Michigan coach Sherrone Moore doesn't sound like someone who is motivating players with an underdog mentality. "I don't think none of that matters in this game," Moore said Monday. "It doesn't matter the records. It doesn't matter anything. The spread, that doesn't matter." How did Michigan end up with a relative mess of a season on the field, coming off its first national title since 1997? Winning it all with a coach and star player contemplating being in the NFL for the 2024 season seemed to have unintended consequences for the current squad. The Wolverines closed the College Football Playoff with a win over Washington on Jan. 8; several days later quarterback J.J. McCarthy announced he was skipping his senior season; and it took more than another week for Jim Harbaugh to bolt to coach the Los Angeles Chargers. In the meantime, most quality quarterbacks wanting to transfer had already enrolled at other schools and Moore was left with lackluster options. Davis Warren beat out Alex Orji to be the team's quarterback for the opener and later lost the job to Orji only to get it back again. No matter who was under center, however, would've likely struggled this year behind an offensive line that sent six players to the NFL. The Wolverines lost one of their top players on defense, safety Rod Moore, to a season-ending injury last spring and another one, preseason All-America cornerback Will Johnson, hasn't played in more than a month because of an injury. The Buckeyes are not planning to show any mercy after losing three straight in the series. "We're going to attack them," Ohio State defensive end Jack Sawyer said. "We know they're going to come in here swinging, too, and they've still got a good team even though the record doesn't indicate it. This game, it never matters what the records are." While a win would not suddenly make the Wolverines' season a success, it could help Moore build some momentum a week after top-rated freshman quarterback Bryce Underwood flipped his commitment from LSU to Michigan. "You come to Michigan to beat Ohio," said defensive back Quinten Johnson, intentionally leaving the word State out when referring to the rival. "That's one of the pillars of the Michigan football program. "It doesn't necessarily change the fact of where we are in the season, but it definitely is one of the defining moments of your career here at Michigan." AP Sports Writer Mitch Stacy in Columbus, Ohio, contributed to this report.
Senores Pharma, Ventive Hospitality debut at premium; Carraro shares list at 8% discountUS to send $1.25 billion in weapons to Ukraine, pushing to get aid out before Biden leaves office
GLASSBRIDGE: Google Blocks Thousands of Pro-China Fake News SitesSo far, 10 of Donald Trump ’s cabinet picks, and seven other appointees, are people who lost political races at one point or another – a higher percentage than the makeup of past administrations. It’s not entirely uncommon for presidents to tap current or former political candidates to hold cabinet or cabinet-level positions, regardless of election success. President Joe Biden tapped former presidential candidate Kamala Harris to serve as vice president and Pete Buttigieg as secretary of transportation- both after losing the Democratic primary. Tom Vilsack, the secretary of agriculture, also unsuccessfully ran for president in 2008. Former Labor Secretary Marty Walsh lost a congressional race in 1996. But it seems Trump - who promised before his first White House stint to surround himself with “the best and most serious people” - has created a noticeable pattern when nominating people to serve in his administration . Marco Rubio, nominated to serve as secretary of state, unsuccessfully ran against Trump in the 2016 presidential election. Pete Hegseth, nominated as secretary of defense, briefly ran in the 2012 Minnesota Senate race – though he withdrew his own candidacy. Linda McMahon, nominated as secretary of education, lost a Connecticut Senate race in 2010 and 2012. Doug Collins, nominated as secretary of veteran affairs, lost the 2021 Georgia Senate special election. Robert F. Kennedy Jr., nominated as secretary of health and human services, unsuccessfully ran against Trump in the 2024 presidential election as an Independent candidate, but dropped out before Election Day. Similarly, Doug Burgum, nominated to be secretary of the interior, also had a short-lived failed presidential campaign this past election cycle. Lori Chavez-DeRemer, nominated as secretary of labor, lost a congressional election in Oregon in 2016, 2018 and 2024. Scott Turner, who Trump nominated to serve as secretary of housing and urban development, lost a congressional race in California in 2006. Lee Zeldin, nominated as Environmental Protection Agency administrator, lost a New York congressional race in 2008 and the New York gubernatorial race in 2022. Tulsi Gabbard , nominated to serve as director of national intelligence, unsuccessfully ran in the 2020 Democratic presidential election. Other individuals nominated to serve in Trump’s second administration also follow this pattern. Dr. Mehmet Oz, nominated to serve as head of Medicare and Medicaid, famously lost the 2022 Pennsylvania Senate election to John Fetterman. Matthew Whitaker, nominated as U.S. ambassador to NATO, lost the 2002 Iowa Treasury election and 2014 Iowa senate primary. Pete Hoekstra, nominated as ambassador to Canada, lost the 2010 Michigan gubernatorial primary and 2012 Michigan senate race. Mike Huckabee, nominated as ambassador to Israel, lost the Republican nomination in the 2008 and 2016 presidential elections. Karoline Leavitt, tapped to serve as White House press secretary, lost a New Hampshire congressional race in 2022. Dave Weldon, tapped to head the CDC, lost the 2012 Florida Senate primary and a congressional race in 2024. Vivek Ramaswamy, who co-chairs the advisory committee, the Department of Government Efficiency, also unsuccessfully ran against Trump in the 2024 presidential election. And, of course, Trump himself lost the 2020 presidential election.
Giants topple Colts 45-33 to eliminate Indy from the playoff race