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Is taking offence the new form of protest? If so, then Senator Lidia Thorpe, the Green-turned-independent whose disruptions of parliament have become commonplace, could teach a masterclass in it. Under Thorpe’s model, the more performative the offence-taking, the better the protest. On Wednesday, the Victorian senator caused another parliamentary ruckus. It began when One Nation senator Pauline Hanson questioned the eligibility of Senator Fatima Payman to sit in parliament. Payman – who defected from Labor to the crossbench in July – was born in Kabul, but her family fled the Taliban, and she came to Australia as a child in 2003. Lidia Thorpe and Pauline Hanson after a division in the Senate this week. Credit: Alex Ellinghausen She was made an Australian citizen in 2005, but has had trouble cancelling her Afghan citizenship because the Taliban government does not have diplomatic relations with Australia. Nonetheless, the legal advice is that Payman is eligible for parliament, having taken “all reasonable steps” to renounce her other citizenship. In the Senate, Payman said Hanson was “vindictive, mean, nasty” and that she “[brought] disgrace to the human race”. I am sympathetic to Payman’s anger . Hanson attempted to table documents relating to the matter, but Thorpe seized the papers and ripped them up. She appeared to throw them at the One Nation senator. Thorpe was subsequently ejected from the chamber, and as she departed, she raised her middle finger in an act of defiance you might call adolescent, except it’s insulting to adolescents. The teens I know would never do anything so rude. Afterwards, Thorpe barged into the Senate press gallery, upsetting the scholarly calm within, and used the elevated position to shout a pro-Palestine statement down at the senators she had just been separated from. Speaking afterwards, Thorpe said there is “one rule for white people who get away with racism, and there’s one rule for us when we call this out. We’re then the ones that are naughty little black girls again”. Independent senator Lidia Thorpe leaves the Senate chamber on Wednesday morning. Credit: AAP Nationals senator Bridget McKenzie said what many people were surely thinking when she responded to this: “Calling people racist actually is just a way, I think, that this senator is trying to excuse her own very, very bad behaviour”. The Second Wave feminists of the 1960s used to say that the personal is political, a slogan that was adopted, rightly, by other civil rights movements. Why? Because it’s true. But the slogan was never meant to be twisted to cover the use of political issues as vehicles for personal grievances. Racism is undoubtedly a problem in Australia – a truism so banal it is barely worth writing it, except that it is always worth reminding ourselves of how persistent and misery-making racism is. That’s particularly the case for people (like me) who have never personally experienced it. This week, after publishing a comprehensive national plan to eliminate racism , Race Discrimination Commissioner Giridharan Sivaraman said there had been “alarming rises in racism during recent times”, and that “interpersonal racism is one symptom of the disease of systemic racism”. I have no doubt that Thorpe has copped a lot of racism in her life, as, I’m sure, has Fatima Payman. In October, Thorpe interrupted a reception for King Charles and Queen Camilla in Parliament’s Great Hall with cries of “you are not my king!” and accusations of genocide. She was later censured. I quite admired her audacity – I have enough imagination to conceive that the head of the British monarchy, presiding over Australia like some sort of ... king, might be enraging to Aboriginal people. Why shouldn’t Thorpe shout about it? “You’re not my king”: Lidia Thorpe heckled the visiting King Charles in Canberra. Credit: Getty, Alex Ellinghausen But the more apposite question might be – will the shouting help the cause or hinder it? And, can you remind me what the cause is, exactly? The tension between passion and pragmatism, between purity and practicality, has long been a fault line in progressive politics. When should an activist movement work with the status quo to change it, and when should it reject the status quo entirely? When to shout, and when to negotiate? The conflict is old, but its urgency is fresh. Following the pummelling of the Democrats in the US presidential election, much commentary has been spilled about the party’s mistakes. Many have blamed the censoriousness of the hard-left, and the righteous pleasure with which some of its members seem to take offence. It was interesting to read, this week, a story in The New York Times (and reprinted in Nine newspapers) about trans rights activists who are questioning the confrontational approach of the movement. The argument was that the rhetorical violence of some trans activists has alienated ordinary people. These are people who overwhelmingly believe in the substance of trans rights, but don’t like having their language policed, or their belief in biological sex dismissed as bigotry. A change in tactics is badly needed because trans rights are in grave danger. President-elect Donald Trump, and members of his cabinet, have made their hostility to trans people known. MAGA Republicans, heady with their newly won power, have spent much of the past couple of weeks campaigning for a “congressional bathroom ban”, barring trans people in Congress from using the bathroom that aligns with their gender. It is a nasty crusade clearly targeted at Representative-elect Sarah McBride, a Democrat from Delaware who is the only openly trans person in Congress. Meanwhile, a video this week made public by failed presidential candidate Kamala Harris was full of milquetoast Oprah-isms that did not match the level of threat faced by the left. The Vice President urged supporters to “not let anybody ... take your power from you”. The video was a timely example of how progressive rhetoric collapses when it doesn’t have a firm basis in concrete policy. Such rhetoric doesn’t win hearts or minds. But neither does the performative umbrage-taking of some of the left’s more self-indulgent activists. There will always be a place for protest. But people will listen best to those who invite their respect. And I still can’t think of a better way to do that besides using the now-quaint tools of reason and forceful argument. Jacqueline Maley is a senior writer and columnist. Cut through the noise of federal politics with news, views and expert analysis. Subscribers can sign up to our weekly Inside Politics newsletter .Deion Sanders does things different. That’s what rubs people wrong about the Colorado football coach. Or rubs them right; Deion has his proponents as well as his detractors. The detractors are a little less noisy these days. They were well-armed a year ago, when the Buffaloes lost their final six games to finish 4-8. Never mind that 4-8 was a three-game improvement three-game improvement over the derelict team Deion inherited. Now, of course, Colorado is 8-3 and still in the thick of the Big 12 title race, hosting OSU on Friday at Folsom Field, which is hopping again after nearly two decades as a mausoleum. The Buffalo herd is rumbling again courtesy of Deion and his strange ways. He’s brash and flash. He’s outspoken about his players, both in praise and in criticism. He embraced extreme roster makeovers before the transfer portal was cool among coaches. People are also reading... Bill Haisten: ‘Why would you even say that?’ OSU fund-raising was damaged by Gundy comments Former senior administrator at Tulsa Public Schools sentenced to prison Pagan prayer before Tulsa City Council meeting riles up Gov. Stitt, Ryan Walters What's the latest with Michael Fasusi? An update on OU's top 2025 recruiting target POLL CLOSED: Vote for the Bill Knight Automotive high school football player of the week for Week 12 State Department of Education bought 532 Trump Bibles, purchase order shows Berry Tramel: $100k in fines is worth the cost to restore optimism in Oklahoma football Where to eat on Thanksgiving Day Union sixth-graders could be relocated amid planned renovations, declining district enrollment Roster cuts are coming to Oklahoma State and Mike Gundy is dreading it Is GJ Kinne out of reach? What about Brennan Marion? A look at possible TU coaching candidates Bill Haisten: ‘Hungrier than ever’ Mike Gundy says, ‘I ain’t going out this way’ McAlester football coach Forrest Mazey faces criminal misdemeanor charges Police, sheriff talk about what Trump's mass deportation plan could mean for Tulsa Video: Stephen Colbert counts Ryan Walters among 'far-right weirdos' Trump could hire Deion Sanders is counter-culture, and counter-culture never is popular on the college gridiron. Not among coaches, not among traditionalists, not among anyone who likes the way things were way back in the olden days of 1947 and 2019. But too much focus is placed on Deion’s counter-culture gold chains and media company and self-promotion. Not enough focus is placed on Deion’s counter-culture view of how to win football games in the Year of our Lord 2024. Starting with this. Travis Hunter playing both flanker and cornerback full-time for the Buffaloes, averaging more than 120 snaps per game. Boldly going where no college football player has gone before. At least not in the 60 years of two-platoon football. Hunter is a phenom, of course. He’s a finalist for the Biletnikoff Award, which goes to the nation’s best receiver; the Bednarik Award, which goes to the nation’s best defensive player; the Maxwell Award (best all-around player); and Walter Camp Trophy (most outstanding player). Hunter is not a finalist for the Oklahoma-based Thorpe Award (nation’s best defensive back), much to Deion’s chagrin. Deion himself won the Thorpe Award way back in 1988 and Tuesday told Thorpe voters “you can have it back; in fact, I’m gonna give him (Hunter) mine.” No matter. The Thorpe’s loss, since Hunter is the runaway favorite for the Heisman Trophy. Deion and Broadway is a match made in marketing heaven. But beyond the flash and the brash, beyond the attraction to Deion that makes traditionalists squirm, give Deion credit on the Travis Hunter front. Deion doesn’t say why. Deion says why not. Why not let a talent like Hunter try something unheard of on autumn Saturdays? Why not let Hunter go all Shohei Ohtani; pitch and hit; catch and cover? Hunter is not doing things that no other human can do. He’s doing things that no other coach has ALLOWED a player to do. Deion didn’t have to scrape the crust off his imagination to let Hunter play this much. Other coaches do. All of them. Literally all of them. Mike Gundy even admitted Monday that OSU has had players that were capable of playing extreme amounts of snaps at high levels. Justin Blackmon definitely. Tylan Wallace probably. Both were all-American receivers who could have been excellent safeties, Gundy said. R.W. McQuarters did play both ways, during his 1995-97 Cowboy days, but only in spot duty at receiver. Just like Chris Canty at Kansas State and Charles Woodson at Michigan and other select supreme athletes. But Deion is the first coach in forever who said, why not more? “This is unbelievable,” Gundy said of Hunter. In the McQuarters days, “we were 58 plays a game, and he (McQuarters) would play 10 plays on offense. I mean, this guy’s playing a bunch. “We’ve had guys in this organization that could do it. Those guys that are really, really skilled athletically, if they have enough of the physical part of it — you can get away being a wideout and be soft, but not on defense. But there’s guys that can do it. I’m gonna go back to what I said earlier, his ability to have the energy capacity, the oxygen to do that is what’s impressive.” What’s impressive is that Deion was willing to give Hunter the chance. To structure practice schedules around a two-way player. To trust an exceptional athlete who knows his body better than any coach or medicine man could. Deion even says the National Football League would be crazy not to use Hunter both ways. “The thing about Travis is, if he plays cornerback, and he's being dominant out there, and you sit up there and you can't move the ball at the next level, you're gonna say, 'Well, my best receiver's on the sidelines, somebody come on,’” Deion said. The NFL occasionally has used two-way players. Troy Brown and Mike Vrabel and Adoree’ Jackson; a few others in the 21st century. The great Roy Green for the old St. Louis Cardinals 40 years ago. And a fellow named Deion Sanders, who is one of the NFL’s greatest corners ever but also had 60 pro catches, including 36 for the 1996 Dallas Cowboys, coached by Barry Switzer. Same for Deion as for Hunter. “Travis is a football player, and you can't have a football player on the sidelines," Deion said. Go back and read that sentence. It’s nothing but common sense. We don’t associate Deion with common sense, and that has a lot more to do with us than him. Deion recruited Hunter, realized he was a supreme athlete, a supremely- conditioned athlete and also a sharp football player. “The first thing I said was the guy's got a high football IQ,” Gundy said “When I watch him play, I see a high football IQ, so I'm guessing that helps him play on both sides of the ball." There are a million things to say about Deion Sanders as a Colorado football coach. I’d start with this. Colorado football was in a pit for almost 20 years, and the Buffaloes quickly left the pit upon Deion’s arrival and now are soaring. One reason is this. Deion is willing to try things that other coaches have shown no willingness to do, in order to win football games within the rules. Someone please explain why that’s a bad thing.None
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Russian journalist Nika Novak Sentenced to 4 years in Prison for Cooperation With Foreign MediaUtah Valley defeats Bethesda (CA) 119-59As the year winds down, IMOLEAYO OYEDEYI captures some of the most dominant events that shaped political discourse and challenged the effectiveness of government policies for the masses Ibadan Explosion A series of explosions in Ibadan, the capital of Oyo State, shattered the early excitement of 2024, raising concerns about the escalating menace of illegal mining across the country. The blasts, which dominated public discourse for weeks, claimed two lives, injured several others, and caused widespread destruction of property. The explosions tore off rooftops and shattered windows, leaving many homeless for days and prompting costly government rescue operations. Binance Executive Detention In February, one of the most contentious issues in the country was the arrest and detention of Binance executive, Tigran Gambaryan, on charges of money laundering and operating without a licence. However, his detention was short-lived, as he was eventually released due to deteriorating health and diplomatic interventions. Kano Emirate Tussle The first half of the year witnessed significant political drama in Kano, triggered by the state assembly’s repeal of the law that had divided the city into five emirates. Governor Abba Yusuf swiftly signed a new law, resulting in the removal of five prominent emirs: Aminu Ado Bayero of Kano, Nasir Ado Bayero of Bichi, Kabiru Muhammad Inuwa of Rano, Ibrahim Abubakar II of Karaye, and Aliyu Ibrahim Abdulkadir of Gaya. In a dramatic turn of events, former Central Bank Governor, Muhammadu Sanusi, who had been dethroned by the previous administration, was reinstated. However, Ado Bayero rejected the decision and moved to the Nasarawa palace. The two emirs, locked in a parallel leadership battle, continue to fuel tensions in Kano, making the emirate tussle one of the year’s most prominent issues. Cabinet reshuffle Amid months of intense speculation, President Bola Tinubu enacted a significant reshuffle of his 45-member cabinet on October 23, appointing seven new ministers, dismissing five, and reassigning 10 others to new roles. Notably, the ministers of finance, defence, and national planning, and two junior energy ministers retained their positions. The reshuffle also saw the Ministry of Niger Delta Development renamed the Ministry of Regional Development, the Ministry of Sports dissolved, and the Ministries of Tourism and Arts and Culture merged. The reshuffle sparked mixed reactions across Nigeria, with many questioning why some underperforming ministers were retained while others were dismissed. The public discourse surrounding these changes made it one of the year’s most debated political topics. Tax Reform Controversy Since Tinubu introduced his tax reform bills to the National Assembly in October, the proposals have become a major point of contention. The bills—comprising the Joint Revenue Board of Nigeria (Establishment) Bill, the Nigerian Revenue Service (Establishment) Bill, the Nigeria Tax Administration Bill, and the Nigeria Tax Bill—have sparked nationwide debate. Supporters argue that the reforms will ease the tax burden on 90 per cent of Nigerian workers, streamline tax procedures, support small businesses, and enhance tax collection efficiency. However, opposition from Northern lawmakers and leaders, including Senator Ali Ndume and Borno State Governor Babagana Zulum, has been vocal. Critics contend that the bills could disrupt business operations and negatively impact state government revenue, particularly in the Northern region. National Grid Collapses A persistent issue throughout 2024 was the frequent collapse of the national grid, occurring no fewer than 12 times. These grid failures caused widespread blackouts across some of Nigeria’s largest cities, including Abuja, Lagos, and Kano, severely disrupting daily life and economic activities. The outages paralysed businesses in affected regions, resulting in staggering financial losses. Northern electricity distribution companies alone reported losses exceeding N74 billion, underscoring the urgent need for reforms in the country’s power sector. Prison Break in Suleja On the night of Wednesday, April 24, 2024, a heavy downpour flooded the Medium Security Custodial Centre in Suleja, Niger State, sparking a dramatic prison break. The flood destroyed critical sections of the facility, including its perimeter fence, enabling the escape of 118 inmates. Although authorities later reported recapturing some fugitives, the incident raised serious concerns about prison security and disaster preparedness in Nigeria. The escape dominated the news for weeks, with many calling for urgent reforms in the country’s correctional system. Flooding in Northern Nigeria/Alau Dam Collapse A major humanitarian disaster in 2024 was the collapse of the Alau Dam in Borno State. On September 10, the dam’s embankment gave way, releasing an overwhelming 112 billion litres of water into low-lying areas in the Maiduguri metropolis and Jere Local Government Area. The resulting flood submerged entire towns and villages, displacing over one million people and affecting 414,000 residents. The catastrophe left hundreds homeless, prompting widespread sympathy and a swift response. Business tycoons and state governors donated over N13 billion to aid flood victims, highlighting the disaster’s devastating impact. Ondo and Edo Governorship Elections The off-cycle governorship elections in Ondo and Edo States were among the year’s most significant political events. In both contests, the Independent National Electoral Commission declared candidates from the All Progressives Congress—Lucky Aiyedatiwa in Ondo and Monday Okpebholo in Edo—as winners. In Ondo, Aiyedatiwa secured 366,781 votes, defeating the Peoples Democratic Party candidate, Agboola Ajayi, who polled 117,845 votes. Similarly, in Edo, Okpebholo garnered 291,667 votes to beat PDP’s Asue Ighodalo, who received 247,274 votes. However, the opposition rejected the results, citing allegations of widespread electoral fraud. Both cases are now before election petition tribunals, with hearings expected to gain momentum in the early part of 2025. #EndBadGovernance protest One of the most defining events of the outgoing year was the eruption of the #EndBadGovernance protests, also known as #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria. Between August 1 and 10, thousands of young Nigerians, frustrated by the soaring cost of living, took to the streets in mass demonstrations across all six geopolitical zones of the country. The protests quickly became a focal point in national discourse as they were met with brutal repression. Scores of protesters were killed, and over 1,000 were arrested across major protest grounds in cities such as Abuja, Lagos, Niger, Kano, Kaduna, and Katsina. These demonstrations marked one of the most significant political movements of the year. Detention of minors over protest A controversial event that dominated political discourse this year was the arraignment of at least 76 detained #EndBadGovernance protesters at the Federal High Court in Abuja. They faced ten counts of charges related to alleged treason and conspiracy to destabilise Nigeria, contrary to sections 96 and 97 of the Penal Code Act. Among those detained were 32 minors, aged between 14 and 17. Their court arraignment sparked nationwide outrage, especially when national television broadcasts showed clips of the minors, appearing malnourished and sickly, writhing in pain on the floor of the courtroom. Four of the minors collapsed before proceedings began, further igniting public anger. Amid growing controversy, the court eventually granted the minors bail at N10m each, with stringent conditions. The Arewa Consultative Forum condemned the Federal Government for its treatment of the minors, calling the trial a blatant attempt to intimidate citizens and stifle their constitutional rights to protest and voice grievances. Rise in killings, kidnappings, and terror attacks Year 2024 saw a chilling rise in cases of kidnappings, banditry, killings, and terror attacks across Nigeria, making it one of the deadliest years in recent memory. From mass kidnappings to village assaults, the year was marked by shocking brutality. High-profile kidnappings included the abduction of at least 61 people from Kajuru village in Kaduna State by bandits disguised in military uniforms on March 12, and the kidnapping of 80 people, mostly women and children, by bandits in Zamfara State on April 19. In a particularly brutal attack on May 24, suspected Boko Haram militants abducted 160 people in Kuchi village, Niger State, while at least 100 more were kidnapped in Maidabino village, Katsina State, on June 22. Related News Iconic moments of 2024 in style Falana blames Police for deaths in stampedes across Nigeria Stampedes won’t halt palliative distribution – FG The year also witnessed some of the most horrific fatal attacks. Bandits killed 40 people during an assault on Zurak village, Plateau State, on May 24. On the same day, Boko Haram terrorists killed 10 people in Kuchi village. A few weeks later, on June 10, unknown gunmen killed at least 50 residents of Yargoje village in Katsina State. The killing spree reached a devastating peak on March 14, when 17 Nigerian Army officers were massacred during a peace-keeping mission in Okuama, Delta State. Among the fallen were the Commanding Officer of the 181 Amphibious Battalion, Lt Col Ah Ali, and several other military personnel. Students were also not spared, as the year saw numerous abductions. Nine students from the Confluence University of Science and Technology in Osara, Kogi State, were abducted on May 10, and 20 medical and dental students were taken from Otukpo, Benue State, on August 15. Northern Nigeria, especially Borno and Zamfara States, endured a wave of bombings that left over 18 people dead and more than 30 injured in different explosions. In response, the military launched major counter-terrorism operations. On May 21, Nigerian troops rescued 350 Boko Haram hostages, primarily women and children, from the Sambisa Forest in Borno State. Additionally, 974 terrorists were killed, 466 hostages were freed, and 1,157 terrorists from Boko Haram and ISWAP surrendered in February. Spiking inflation, naira devaluation, and CBN interest rate hikes A persistent trend throughout the outgoing year was the alarming spike in both nominal and food inflation, which stood at 34.60 per cent and 39.93 per cent respectively in November. The surge in inflation was largely driven by the soaring cost of food, which placed an immense strain on Nigerian households across the country. Similarly, the Naira endured frequent devaluations, becoming the third most devalued currency in Sub-Saharan Africa in 2024. According to the Dataviz Economic Explorer, from November 2023 to November 2024, the naira depreciated by a staggering 51.79 per cent against the US dollar, based on the official exchange rate. This devaluation significantly increased Nigeria’s external debt, which rose by approximately N30.03 trillion from 2023 to June 2024 when evaluated in Naira terms. In response to this economic turmoil and to combat the mounting inflation, the Central Bank of Nigeria raised the interest rate six times throughout the year, eventually placing it at 27.25 per cent. This represented a cumulative increase of 875 basis points by November. National Anthem Change On May 29, Tinubu signed into law a controversial change to Nigeria’s national anthem, returning to the old version titled “Nigeria, We Hail Thee,” which had been in use since the country’s independence in 1960. This replaced the version “Arise, O Compatriots,” which had been adopted in 1978. The decision to revert to the old anthem sparked mixed reactions across the country, particularly due to the swift pace at which the legislation was debated and passed by the National Assembly. The lawmakers’ performance further fueled public debate when they sang the chorus “On your mandate we shall stand” in unison before the president in the Red Chamber, intensifying perceptions of their rubber-stamp nature. Bobrisky and Simon Ekpa’s detention One of the year’s most talked-about stories centred on the imprisonment of controversial social media personality and cross-dresser, Idris Okuneye, popularly known as Bobrisky, as well as pro-Biafran activist, Simon Ekpa. Bobrisky’s trouble began on April 3, 2024, when he was arrested and detained by the Lagos Command of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission. He faced accusations of mutilating naira notes worth N490,000 and engaging in money laundering. This arrest followed the viral circulation of a video showing Bobrisky spraying naira notes at the premiere of the movie Ajakaju at Film One Circle Mall in Lekki, Lagos, on March 24, 2024. After being arraigned on six counts at the Federal High Court in Lagos, Bobrisky was sentenced to six months in prison without the option of a fine for abuse of the naira. However, his imprisonment became even more controversial when, upon his release on August 5, he appeared at a celebratory party just hours after walking out of jail. Many Nigerians were shocked to see him looking more radiant than ever, sparking suspicions about whether he had truly served his time in a custodial facility. This episode spiralled into heated exchanges involving Bobrisky, social media activist Martins Otse (also known as VeryDarkMan), the EFCC, and renowned lawyer Femi Falana over allegations of unpaid debts. This saga remained one of the year’s most divisive topics. In another high-profile case, Simon Ekpa was arrested on November 21 in Finland, alongside four others, on charges related to terrorism, including inciting violence and financing terrorism. According to Finnish media outlet Yle, Ekpa was remanded in custody by the Päijät-Häme District Court, facing charges of incitement to commit crimes with terrorist intent. He was accused of orchestrating violent actions in Nigeria’s South-East region through social media from Finland. The Federal Government sought Ekpa’s extradition to Nigeria, but the Finnish District Court has set May 2025 for the hearing of his case. Dele Farotimi and Afe Babalola saga The dramatic feud between elder statesman Chief Afe Babalola and civil rights activist Mr Dele Farotimi dominated national discourse in the outgoing year. Babalola took Farotimi to court in both the Federal High Court in Ekiti State and the Ekiti State Magistrate Court, accusing him of defamation and cyberbullying. The revered legal icon claimed that Farotimi had besmirched his character in his book Nigeria’s Criminal Justice System. The case sparked widespread public outrage, with many questioning why Farotimi was being prosecuted in Ekiti, rather than Lagos, where he resides. The Ekiti Magistrate Court eventually granted Farotimi bail in the sum of N30m, with two sureties, but the controversy surrounding the trial continued to fuel heated debates across the nation. Fatal stampedes In just four days, a series of tragic stampedes across Nigeria claimed the lives of at least 70 people in Ibadan (Oyo State), Okija (Anambra), and Abuja. These fatal incidents sparked political outrage, with opposition parties accusing the current administration of failing its citizens. They described the stampedes as glaring signs of leadership failures and widespread poverty, drawing further attention to the nation’s deepening socio-economic crisis. Labour Unions Strike In June, the leadership of the Nigerian Labour Congress and the Trade Union Congress (TUC) declared a nationwide strike due to the government’s failure to raise the federal minimum wage following an increase in electricity tariffs. The unions demanded an increase in the national minimum wage from 30,000 naira to 494,000 naira, but the presidency dismissed these demands as “unreasonable.” The strike dominated national discourse for weeks, plunging the country into darkness as union workers shut down the national grid and the nation’s power supply, according to the Transmission Company of Nigeria. However, after a prolonged battle, both the labour leadership and the Federal Government reached an agreement on a N70,000 national minimum wage. Opposition Verbal War with APC Over 2027 Presidency Another major issue in the outgoing year was the series of verbal clashes between the All Progressives Congress and opposition parties, particularly the Peoples Democratic Party, regarding the 2027 presidency. The verbal war began when the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Dr. George Akume, declared that there would be no vacancy in the presidential villa in 2027, claiming that the current administration had exceeded expectations. In response, the PDP and prominent Northern politicians, such as former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, condemned Akume’s assertion, arguing that the poor performance of President Tinubu’s administration would lead to its ousting in the next presidential election. Miss Universe Nigeria In August, Chidimma Adetshina, who represented Taraba State, was crowned Miss Universe Nigeria 2024. Her journey to the title was considered remarkable by many Nigerians, reflecting resilience and grace, reminiscent of the Miss Universe South Africa incident, where she was disqualified. While she will be representing Nigeria on the global stage in Mexico, her victory was undoubtedly one of the most talked-about events of the outgoing year.
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DAYTONA BEACH, Fla. (AP) — Ian Schieffelin had 18 points, 13 rebounds and eight assists in leading Clemson to a 75-67 win over Penn State on Tuesday and the championship of the Sunshine Slam Beach Division. Chase Hunter added 17 points, Chauncey Wiggins 14 and Del Jones 10 for the Tigers (6-1), who shot 44% and made 9 of 19 3-pointers led by Hunter's three.Despite Mary Lou McDonald’s confidence around shaping a coalition without Fine Gael and Fianna Fail – the two parties that have dominated the landscape of Irish politics for a century – the pathway to government for Sinn Fein still appears challenging. With counting following Friday’s election still in the relatively early stages – after an exit poll that showed the main three parties effectively neck-and-neck – there is some way to go before the final picture emerges and the options for government formation crystalise. Taoiseach and Fine Gael leader, Simon Harris, has dismissed talk of a Sinn Fein surge and said he was “cautiously optimistic” about where his party will stand after all the votes are counted. Meanwhile, Ireland’s deputy premier and Fianna Fail leader, Micheal Martin, insisted his party has a “very clear route back to government” as he predicted seat gains. The counting process could last days because of Ireland’s complex system of proportional representation with a single transferable vote (PR-STV), where candidates are ranked by preference. The early indications have turned the focus to the tricky arithmetic of government formation, as the country’s several smaller parties and many independents potentially jockey for a place in government. Ms McDonald told reporters at the RDS count centre in Dublin that she would be “very, very actively pursuing” the potential to form a government with other parties on the left of the political spectrum. The smaller, left-leaning parties in Ireland include the Social Democrats, the Irish Labour Party, the Green Party and People Before Profit-Solidarity. Ms McDonald said her party had delivered an “incredible performance” in the election. “I think it’s fair to say that we have now confirmed that we have broken the political mould here in this state,” she said. “Two party politics is now gone. It’s consigned to the dustbin of history and that, in itself, is very significant.” She added: “I am looking to bring about a government of change, and I’m going to go and look at all formulations. “If you want my bottom line, the idea of Fianna Fail and Fine Gael for another five years, in our strong opinion, is not a good outcome for Irish society. “Obviously, I want to talk to other parties of the left and those that we share very significant policy objectives with. So I’m going to do that first and just hear their mind, hear their thinking. But be very clear, we will be very, very actively pursuing entrance into government.” In Friday night’s exit poll, Sinn Fein was predicted to take 21.1% of first-preference votes, narrowly ahead of outgoing coalition partners Fine Gael and Fianna Fail at 21% and 19.5% respectively. Prior to the election, Fianna Fail and Fine Gael both ruled out entering government with Sinn Fein. Fine Gael leader Mr Harris rejected suggestions Sinn Fein had broken new ground. He told reporters in his count centre in Greystones, Co Wicklow: “Certainly we haven’t seen a Sinn Fein surge or anything like it. “I mean, it looks likely, on the figures that we’ve seen now, fewer people, many fewer people would have voted Sinn Fein in this election than the last one. “In fact, I think they’re down by around 5% and actually the parties, particularly the two parties, the two larger parties in government, are likely to receive significant support from the electorate. So definitely, politics in Ireland has gotten much more fragmented.” He said it was too early to tell what the next government would look like. “I think anybody who makes any suggestion about who is going to be the largest party or the construct of the next government, they’re a braver person than I am,” he said. “Our electoral system dictates that there’ll be many, many transfers that will go on for hours, if not days, before we know the final computations at all. “But what I am very confident about is that my party will have a very significant role to play in the years ahead, and I’m cautiously optimistic and excited.” Fianna Fail’s Mr Martin told reporters at a count centre in Cork he was confident that the numbers exist to form a government with parties that shared his political viewpoint. Mr Martin said it “remains to be seen” whether he would return to the role of Taoiseach – a position he held between 2020 and 2022 – but he expressed confidence his party would outperform the exit poll prediction. “It’s a bit too early yet to call the exact type of government that will be formed or the composition of the next government,” he said. “But I think there are, there will be a sufficiency of seats, it seems to me, that aligns with the core principles that I articulated at the outset of this campaign and throughout the campaign, around the pro-enterprise economy, around a positively pro-European position, a government that will strongly push for home ownership and around parties that are transparently democratic in how they conduct their affairs.” Asked if it would be in a coalition with Fianna Fail, Fine Gael and the Social Democrats, he said that would be “racing a bit too far ahead”. The final result may dictate that if Fianna Fail and Fine Gael are to return to government, they may need more than one junior partner, or potentially the buy-in of several independent TDs. Mr Martin said it was unclear how quickly a government can be formed, as he predicted his party would gain new seats. “It will be challenging. This is not easy,” he added. The junior partner in the outgoing government – the Green Party – looks set for a bruising set of results. Green leader Roderic O’Gorman is in a fight to hold onto his seat, as are a number of party colleagues, including Media Minister Catherine Martin. “It’s clear the Green Party has not had a good day,” he said. The early counting also suggested potential trouble for Fianna Fail in Wicklow, where the party’s only candidate in the constituency, Health Minister Stephen Donnelly, is considered to have a battle ahead, with the risk of losing his seat. Meanwhile, there is significant focus on independent candidate Gerard Hutch who, on Saturday evening, was sitting in fourth place in the four-seat constituency of Dublin Central. Last spring, Mr Hutch was found not guilty by the non-jury Special Criminal Court of the murder of David Byrne, in one of the first deadly attacks of the Hutch-Kinahan gangland feud. Mr Byrne, 33, died after being shot six times at a crowded boxing weigh-in event at the Regency Hotel in February 2016. A Special Criminal Court judge described Mr Hutch, 61, as the patriarchal figurehead of the Hutch criminal organisation and said he had engaged in “serious criminal conduct”. The constituency will be closely watched as other hopefuls wait to see if transfers from eliminated candidates may eventually rule him out of contention. In the constituency of Louth, the much-criticised selection of John McGahon appeared not to have paid off for Fine Gael. The party’s campaign was beset by questioning over footage entering the public domain of the candidate engaged in a fight outside a pub in 2018. The Social Democrats have a strong chance of emerging as the largest of the smaller parties. The party’s leader, Holly Cairns, was already celebrating before a single vote was counted however, having announced the birth of her baby girl on polling day.
ATHENS, Ohio — AJ Clayton scored 16 points as Ohio beat Robert Morris, 84-68, on Saturday. The Colonials (6-3) were led by Josh Omojafo, who recorded 15 points. Antallah Sandlin’El added 14 points for Robert Morris. Alvaro Folgueiras finished with 12 points and seven rebounds. The loss ended a six-game winning streak for the Colonials. RMU returns to UPMC Events Center to open Horizon League play Wednesday night against Youngstown State. Clayton had seven rebounds for the Bobcats (3-5). Victor Searls scored 14 points and added seven rebounds. Jackson Paveletzke and Aidan Hadaway both scored 11 points.Controversial Block star’s racy makeover