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Rachel Reeves is to appoint a health service and regulatory veteran, Tom Hayhoe, a former Conservative cabinet adviser, as her Covid corruption commissioner with the remit of clawing back billions in fraudulent contracts. The chancellor is understood to believe the Treasury can recoup £2.6bn from waste, fraud and flawed contracts signed during the pandemic. The Treasury has previously said the commissioner will work with HMRC, the Serious Fraud Office and the National Crime Agency to examine an estimated £7.6bn worth of Covid-related fraud. The Guardian understands Hayhoe will begin work on Tuesday initially reviewing £674m in contracts that had been previously written off by the Conservative government, with the aim of returning cash to the taxpayer. Hayhoe, who began his career as an adviser to the Tory cabinet minister Peter Walker under Margaret Thatcher, has had a prolific career in healthcare, procurement and scrutiny. He will also receive assessments of fraud recovery work to date in other major Covid loan schemes such as furlough, bounce-back loans, business support grants, eat out to help out , and Covid-era universal credit fraud. The award of lucrative Covid contracts was a significant controversy of the previous government. The Conservative peer Michelle Mone was involved in one contract with PPE Medpro, awarded contracts worth £200m. The company is the subject of a long-running investigation by the National Crime Agency. Annual accounts for the DHSC in January showed that nearly three-quarters of the money it spent on PPE during the pandemic had been written off. A Treasury source said: “ The chancellor has been clear that she wants this money – that belongs to the British people, and belongs in our public services like our NHS, schools, and police – back. She won’t let fraudsters who sought to profit off the back of a national emergency line their pockets. “ Tom Hayhoe brings a wealth of experience and will leave no stone unturned as a commissioner with free rein to investigate the unacceptable carnival of waste and fraud during the pandemic.” Labour pledged in its manifesto to appoint a fixed-term commissioner to recoup public money lost in pandemic-related fraud and from contracts that have not been delivered. Hayhoe will be in post on a one-year contract, reporting to the chancellor. Sign up to First Edition Our morning email breaks down the key stories of the day, telling you what’s happening and why it matters after newsletter promotion He will then deliver a report to parliament, which will include recommendations for government procurement in the face of future crises. Hayhoe was chair of west London NHS Trust and of West Middlesex university hospital, as well as investigating committee chair on the Nursing and Midwifery Council’s fitness to practise panel. He has also held senior positions at WH Smith and McKinsey and is chair of the Legal Services Consumer Panel. He has also chaired the Taxation Disciplinary Board, been an external assessor at the College of Policing, and a disciplinary committee chair for the Association of Chartered Certified Accountants. Reeves is expected to confirm the appointment at Treasury questions in the House of Commons on Tuesday, the Guardian understands. The previous government has always defended the Covid spend, citing the unique circumstances during a pandemic when globally PPE was in extremely short supply, which drove up costs and led to a rush to secure protective equipment for frontline health and care workers.Fianna Fail and Fine Gael eye independent TDs as option to secure Dail majorityThe UK Government was warned that a “save David campaign” for UUP leader Lord Trimble would ruin progress made under the Good Friday Agreement. Extensive confidential documents in the lead-up to the collapse of Northern Ireland’s institutions in 2002 have been made available to the public as part of annual releases from the Irish National Archives. They reveal that the Irish Government wanted to appeal to the UK side against “manipulating” every scenario for favourable election results in Northern Ireland, in an effort to protect the peace process. In the years after the landmark 1998 Good Friday Agreement, a number of outstanding issues left the political environment fraught with tension and disagreement. Mr Trimble, who won a Nobel Peace Prize with SDLP leader John Hume for their work on the Agreement, was keen to gain wins for the UUP on policing, ceasefire audits and paramilitary disarmament – but also to present his party as firmer on these matters amid swipes from its Unionist rival, the DUP. These issues were at the front of his mind as he tried to steer his party into Assembly elections planned for May 2003 and continue in his role as the Executive’s first minister despite increasing political pressure. The documents reveal the extent to which the British and Irish Governments were trying to delicately resolve the contentious negotiations, conscious that moves seen as concessions to one group could provoke anger on the other side. In June 2002, representatives of the SDLP reported to Irish officials on a recent meeting between Mr Hume’s successor Mark Durkan and Prime Minister Tony Blair on policing and security. Mr Blair is said to have suggested that the SDLP and UUP were among those who both supported and took responsibility for the Good Friday Agreement. The confidential report of the meeting says that Mr Durkan, the deputy First Minister, was not sure that Mr Trimble had been correctly categorised. The Prime Minister asked if the SDLP could work more closely with the UUP ahead of the elections. Mr Durkan argued that Mr Trimble was not only not saleable to nationalists, but also not saleable to half of the UUP – to which Mr Blair and Northern Ireland Secretary John Reid are said to have laughed in agreement. The SDLP leader further warned that pursuing a “save David” campaign would ruin all they had worked for. Damien McAteer, an adviser for the SDLP, was recorded as briefing Irish officials on September 10 that it was his view that Mr Trimble was intent on collapsing the institutions in 2003 over expected fallout for Sinn Fein in the wake of the Colombia Three trial, where men linked to the party were charged with training Farc rebels – but predicted the UUP leader would be “in the toilet” by January, when an Ulster Unionist Council (UUC) meeting was due to take place. A week later in mid September, Mr Trimble assured Irish premier Bertie Ahern that the next UUC meeting to take place in two days’ time would be “okay but not great” and insisted he was not planning to play any “big game”. It was at that meeting that he made the bombshell announcement that the UUP would pull out of the Executive if the IRA had not disbanded by January 18. The move came as a surprise to the Irish officials who, along with their UK counterparts, did not see the deadline as realistic. Sinn Fein described the resolution as a “wreckers’ charter”. Doubts were raised that there would be any progress on substantive issues as parties would not be engaged in “pre-election skirmishing”. As that could lead to a UUP walkout and the resulting suspension of the institutions, the prospect of delaying the elections was raised while bringing forward the vote was ruled out. Therefore, the two Governments stressed the need to cooperate as a stabilising force to protect the Agreement – despite not being sure how that process would survive through the January 18 deadline. The Irish officials became worried that the British side did not share their view that Mr Trimble was not “salvageable” and that the fundamental dynamic in the UUP was now Agreement scepticism, the confidential documents state. In a meeting days after the UUC announcements, Mr Reid is recorded in the documents as saying that as infuriating as it was, Mr Trimble was at that moment the “most enlightened Unionist we have”. The Secretary said he would explore what the UUP leader needed to “survive” the period between January 18 and the election, believing a significant prize could avoid him being “massacred”. Such planning went out the window just weeks later, when hundreds of PSNI officers were involved in raids of several buildings – including Sinn Fein’s offices in Stormont. The resulting “Stormontgate” spy-ring scandal accelerated the collapse of powersharing, with the UUP pulling out of the institutions – and the Secretary of State suspending the Assembly and Executive on October 14. For his part, Irish officials were briefed that Mr Reid was said to be “gung ho” about the prospect of exercising direct rule – reportedly making no mention of the Irish Government in a meeting with Mr Trimble and Mr Durkan on that day. The Northern Ireland Secretary was given a new role and Paul Murphy was appointed as his successor. A note on speaking points for a meeting with Mr Murphy in April showed that the Irish side believed the May elections should go ahead: “At a certain stage the political process has to stand on its own feet. “The Governments cannot be manipulating and finessing every scenario to engineer the right result. “We have to start treating the parties and the people as mature and trusting that they have the discernment to make the right choices.” However, the elections planned for May did not materialise, instead delayed until November. Mr Trimble would go on to lose his Westminster seat – and stewardship of the UUP – in 2005. The November election saw the DUP emerge as the largest parties – but direct rule continued as Ian Paisley’s refused to share power with Sinn Fein, which Martin McGuinness’ colleagues. The parties eventually agreed to work together following further elections in 2007. – This article is based on documents in 2024/130/5, 2024/130/6, 2024/130/15
Let’s Fisk The Hill’s Garbage Column Claiming that Trump Could Still Be Disqualified by CongressA former senior Canadian Security Intelligence Service official acknowledges the spy service wanted Abousfian Abdelrazik placed on Canada's no-fly list. David Vigneault struggled to recall other details as he testified in Federal Court today in Abdelrazik's civil lawsuit against Ottawa over his detention and alleged torture in Sudan. The Sudanese-born Abdelrazik became a Canadian citizen in the 1990s. He was arrested during a 2003 visit to his native country to see his ailing mother. CSIS did not want Abdelrazik to return to Canada, former diplomat tells court CSIS had concerns about Abdelrazik's motives ahead of trip to Sudan, investigator testifies CSIS officers travelled to Khartoum to interrogate him about suspected extremist links in October 2003. Abousfian Abdelrazik speaks on the phone as he leaves Federal Court in Ottawa on Wednesday, Oct. 30, 2024. (Adrian Wyld/Canadian Press) Abdelrazik, who denies involvement in terrorism, says he was tortured by Sudanese authorities during two periods of detention. Vigneault was a senior CSIS official from December 2006 to June 2009, became the spy service's director in 2017 and left the service earlier this year.
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No. 9 Oregon led for all but the first minute of the game, shooting 55 percent from the field in an 89-49 victory over Weber State in the final nonconference game for both teams Sunday in Eugene, Ore. The Ducks (12-1) have won three consecutive games since losing at home to UCLA in a Big Ten game three weeks ago. Weber State (6-8) heads into Big Sky play having lost four of its last six games. Oregon had five scorers in double figures, led by Jackson Shelstad, who had 16 points on 7-of-10 shooting from the field. Brandon Angel made all five of his field-goal attempts, including a 3-pointer, and all three of his free-throw tries for 14 points. He also had seven rebounds. Jadrian Tracey made four of five of his shots from beyond the arc and finished with 14 points for the Ducks. TJ Bamba had 10 points and seven rebounds and Kwame Evans Jr. finished with 10 points. Blaise Threatt was Weber State's lone scorer in double figures with 15 points. Weber State shot 33.3 percent from the field and a paltry 13.6 percent from 3-point range. Oregon made 40.9 percent of its shots from beyond the arc. The Wildcats had 18 turnovers that led to 27 points for Oregon. The only time Oregon trailed was 2-0 before Shelstad made a 3-pointer with 18:49 left in the first half that ignited a 14-2 run. Oregon later outscored Weber State 21-6 in a nearly 10-minute stretch to take a 35-15 lead with 2:35 left in the half. The Ducks led 40-23 at halftime. Shelstad led the hosts with nine points. The Ducks opened the second half scoring the first 10 points, seven by Angel. After missing its first five shots from the field in the second half, Weber State scored on a Dyson Koehler layup with 16:56 remaining, cutting the lead to 50-25. The Wildcats went on a 10-1 run to get within 60-40 with 10:09 left. Oregon then pulled away with a 9-2 run, with Bamba scoring four of the points. --Field Level MediaPresident-Elect Donald Trump Requests The Supreme Court Delay TikTok Ban
Three long days of counting in the General Election finished late on Monday night when the final two seats were declared in the constituency of Cavan-Monaghan. Fianna Fail was the clear winner of the election, securing 48 of the Dail parliament’s 174 seats. Sinn Fein took 39 and Fine Gael 38. Labour and the Social Democrats both won 11 seats; People Before Profit-Solidarity took three; Aontu secured two; and the Green Party retained only one of its 12 seats. Independents and others accounted for 21 seats. The return of a Fianna Fail/Fine Gael-led coalition is now highly likely. However, their combined seat total of 86 leaves them just short of the 88 needed for a majority in the Dail. While the two centrist parties that have dominated Irish politics for a century could look to strike a deal with one of the Dail’s smaller centre-left parties, such as the Social Democrats or Labour, a more straightforward route to a majority could be achieved by securing the support of several independent TDs. For Fianna Fail leader Micheal Martin and current taoiseach and Fine Gael leader Simon Harris, wooing like-minded independents would be likely to involve fewer policy concessions, and financial commitments, than would be required to convince another party to join the government benches. Longford-Westmeath independent TD Kevin “Boxer” Moran, who served in a Fine Gael-led minority government between 2017 and 2020, expressed his willingness to listen to offers to join the new coalition in Dublin. “Look, my door’s open,” he told RTE. “Someone knocks, I’m always there to open it.” Marian Harkin, an independent TD for Sligo-Leitrim, expressed her desire to participate in government as she noted that Fianna Fail and Fine Gael were within “shouting distance” of an overall majority. “That means they will be looking for support, and I certainly will be one of those people who will be speaking to them and talking to them and negotiating with them, and I’m looking forward to doing that, because that was the reason that I ran in the first place,” she said. Meanwhile, the Social Democrats and Irish Labour Party both appear cautious about the prospect of an alliance with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael. They will no doubt be mindful of the experience of the Green Party, the junior partner in the last mandate. The Greens experienced near wipeout in the election, retaining only one of their 12 seats. Sinn Fein appears to currently have no realistic route to government, given Fianna Fail and Fine Gael’s ongoing refusal to share power with the party. Despite the odds being stacked against her party, Sinn Fein president Mary Lou McDonald contacted the leaders of the Social Democrats and Labour on Monday to discuss options. Earlier, Fianna Fail deputy leader and outgoing Finance Minister Jack Chambers predicted that a new coalition government would not be in place before Christmas. Mr Chambers said planned talks about forming an administration required “time and space” to ensure that any new government will be “coherent and stable”. After an inconclusive outcome to the 2020 election, it took five months for Fianna Fail, Fine Gael and the Greens to strike the last coalition deal. Mr Chambers said he did not believe it would take that long this time, as he noted the Covid-19 pandemic was a factor in 2020, but he also made clear it would not be a swift process. He said he agreed with analysis that there was no prospect of a deal before Christmas. “I don’t expect a government to be formed in mid-December, when the Dail is due to meet on December 18, probably a Ceann Comhairle (speaker) can be elected, and there’ll have to be time and space taken to make sure we can form a coherent, stable government,” he told RTE. “I don’t think it should take five months like it did the last time – Covid obviously complicated that. But I think all political parties need to take the time to see what’s possible and try and form a stable government for the Irish people.” Fine Gael minister of state Peter Burke said members of his parliamentary party would have to meet to consider their options before giving Mr Harris a mandate to negotiate a new programme for government with Fianna Fail. “It’s important that we have a strong, stable, viable government, whatever form that may be, to ensure that we can meet the challenges of our society, meet the challenges in terms of the economic changes that are potentially going to happen,” he told RTE. Despite being set to emerge with the most seats, it has not been all good news for Fianna Fail. The party’s outgoing Health Minister Stephen Donnelly became one of the biggest casualties of the election when he lost his seat in Wicklow in the early hours of Monday morning. Mr Donnelly was always predicted to face a fight in the constituency after boundary changes saw it reduced from five to four seats. If it is to be a reprise of the Fianna Fail/Fine Gael governing partnership of the last mandate, one of the major questions is around the position of taoiseach and whether the parties will once again take turns to hold the Irish premiership during the lifetime of the new government. The outcome in 2020 saw the parties enter a coalition on the basis that the holder of the premier position would be exchanged midway through the term. Fianna Fail leader Mr Martin took the role for the first half of the mandate, with Leo Varadkar taking over in December 2022. Current Fine Gael leader Mr Harris succeeded Mr Varadkar as taoiseach when he resigned from the role earlier this year. However, this time Fianna Fail has significantly increased its seat lead over Fine Gael, compared with the last election when there were only three seats between the parties. The size of the disparity in party numbers is likely to draw focus on the rotating taoiseach arrangement, raising questions as to whether it will be re-run in the next coalition and, if it is, on what terms. On Sunday, Simon Coveney, a former deputy leader of Fine Gael, said a coalition that did not repeat the rotating taoiseach arrangement in some fashion would be a “difficult proposition” for his party. Meanwhile, Fine Gael minister Paschal Donohoe said he would be making the case for Mr Harris to have another opportunity to serve as taoiseach. On Monday, Mr Chambers said while his party would expect to lead the government it would approach the issue of rotating the taoiseach’s role on the basis of “mutual respect” with Fine Gael. “I think the context of discussions and negotiations will be driven by mutual respect, and that’s the glue that will drive a programme for government and that’s the context in which we’ll engage,” he said. On Monday, Labour leader Ivana Bacik reiterated her party’s determination to forge an alliance with fellow centre-left parties with the intention of having a unified approach to the prospect of entering government. Asked if Labour was prepared to go into government with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael on its own, she told RTE: “No, not at this stage. We are absolutely not willing to do that. “We want to ensure there’s the largest number of TDs who share our vision and our values who want to deliver change on the same basis that we do.” The Social Democrats have been non-committal about any potential arrangement with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael, and have restated a series of red lines they would need to achieve before considering taking a place in government. Leader Holly Cairns, who gave birth to a daughter on polling day on Friday, said in a statement: “The party is in a very strong position to play an important role in the next Dail. In what position, government or opposition, remains to be seen.” Fianna Fail secured the most first preference votes in Friday’s proportional representation election, taking 21.9% to Fine Gael’s 20.8%. Sinn Fein came in third on 19%. While Sinn Fein’s vote share represented a marked improvement on its disappointing showing in June’s local elections in Ireland, it is still significantly down on the 24.5% poll-topping share it secured in the 2020 general election. The final breakdown of first preferences also flipped the result of Friday night’s exit poll, which suggested Sinn Fein was in front on 21.1%, with Fine Gael on 21% and Fianna Fail on 19.5%.
Provident Bancorp, Inc. Adopts Stock Repurchase ProgramThe release on parole of former commerce minister Boonsong Teriyapirom, who was convicted of corruption in the rice-pledging scheme, has heightened speculation about a possible return of fugitive former prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra. After serving more than six years in jail, Boonsong, 64, was released by the Department of Corrections (DoC) on Monday. His 48-year jail term was reduced multiple times, bringing it down to 10 years. With his release scheduled for April 21, 2028, Boonsong will be on parole probation for another three years and five months, during which time he will probably wear an electronic tag. Wanwichit Boonprong, a political science lecturer at Rangsit University, said preparations have been made for Yingluck's return, and Boonsong's release will likely benefit the former premier the most. He pointed to former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra's interview about his sister's return, expected next April or slightly earlier, and the DoC's new regulation allowing detention outside prison. Boonsong: Jailed for over six years Under the new regulation, prisoners allowed to be detained outside prison must meet certain requirements stipulated by the DOC and be categorised by a screening panel set up by the department. "The timeline has been acknowledged, but there is a deliberate intent to turn this issue into news. Thaksin's media interview about her return signals that the information is released in a structured manner to gauge public opinion," he said. In an interview with Nikkei Asia last month, Thaksin said he expected Yingluck to return, possibly during or before the Songkran festival in April, depending on timing and opportunities. Yingluck, 57, has been a fugitive since August 2017, when she failed to appear before the Supreme Court's Criminal Case Division for Holders of Political Positions for the reading of the court ruling on a charge of dereliction of duty in a rice-pledging programme that ran up at least 500 billion baht in losses. Boonsong's ruling was handed down hours after Yingluck's no-show at the Supreme Court. In her absence, she was sentenced to five years in prison for failing to stop corruption in the programme. Olarn Thinbangtieo, a political science lecturer at Burapha University in Chon Buri, said the timing to bring Yingluck home could not be better given Thaskin's political influence. He also said he believes that preparations are ongoing to ensure that Yingluck will not have to spend a day in prison, similar to what Thaksin did. Talk about Yingluck's return made the rounds in March this year following the Supreme Court's failure to uphold the malfeasance and collusion case involving her government's 2-trillion-baht infrastructure projects. The National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) decided not to appeal the ruling. The NACC's probes into cases stemming from her tenure have also been terminated, intensifying speculation she is closer to returning home. Meanwhile, Dejnatwit Teriyapirom, Boonsong's son, told the media that he was alarmed that his father's release gained media attention because the other inmates had also been released. He said his father, who had lost 10 kg, would undergo surgery to treat cervical pain. Sahakarn Phetnarin, director-general of DoC, said Boonsong was granted temporary release on probation after serving at least two-thirds of his sentence. He said he did not have full details of the release process, which the prison handled. Once the prison is informed of the committee's decision, Boonsong can be released without court approval, with the Department of Probation (DoP) in charge of his supervision. Suriya Singhakamol, director-general of the DoP, said that not every inmate on parole must wear an EM bracelet, which is determined by the committee reviewing the release.
Keanu Reeves has expressed mixed feelings about the possibility of returning for John Wick Chapter 5 . Reeves has cited physical reason as a pivotal factor. ET Year-end Special Reads What kept India's stock market investors on toes in 2024? India's car race: How far EVs went in 2024 Investing in 2025: Six wealth management trends to watch out for As per People magazine, in a recent interview to promote his role as the villain Shadow in 'Sonic the Hedgehog 3', the 60-year-old actor was asked whether he would consider returning for another 'John Wick' film. The Hollywood star replied that while his heart may be willing, his body, specifically his knees, might not be up for the challenge, ANI reported. His response was candid, revealing the physical toll that playing the iconic assassin has taken over the years. Despite this, Reeves remains involved in the 'John Wick' universe. He will reprise his role as the legendary hitman in a cameo for the upcoming spinoff 'From the World of John Wick: Ballerina', which is set to hit theatres on June 6. In the 'Ballerina' film, Reeves' character will appear briefly alongside a new cast, including Cisely Saldivar and Ana de Armas. 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The first film introduced Reeves as a retired hitman seeking revenge for the death of his beloved dog, and it quickly garnered a loyal fanbase. "John Wick: Chapter 2" was released in 2017, "John Wick: Chapter 3 – Parabellum" was premiered in 2019, and John Wick: Chapter 4 hit the theatres in 2023. The franchise as a whole has grossed over USD 1 billion worldwide, according to People magazine. Along with the films, the 'John Wick' universe has expanded to include a prequel series, "The Continental", as well as video games and comic books. FAQs Q1. What are 'John Wick' films? A1. 'John Wick' franchise, which began with the 2014 film. "John Wick: Chapter 2" was released in 2017, "John Wick: Chapter 3 – Parabellum" was premiered in 2019, and John Wick: Chapter 4 hit the theatres in 2023. The franchise as a whole has grossed over USD 1 billion worldwide. Q2. What are 'John Wick' prequel, sequel films? A2. 'John Wick' prequel, sequel films include 'Ballerina' and "The Continental". (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel )Amol Palekar dedicates his memoir to ‘those who believe in the power of resistance’. Looking at the man through the viewfinder that this book provides, one sees a quiet, determined fighter who will not let the system, injustice, or conventional practices deter him. The book brings to life a different person from the screen image he had mostly adopted in films like and . In real life, as he shows us through the memoir, he believes in ignoring whatever tries to pull him down or fit him into a straitjacket. Yet, in his own way, despite being the stormy petrel who never gave much thought before staging a political satire in open spaces or filing a suit against a formidable producer like B.R. Chopra, or yet again, filing PILs against censorship, Palekar dons the man next door image in real life, shying away from publicity and all the trappings that go with stardom. Among the many aspects of his career, the book is an acknowledgement of the many people who have influenced Palekar’s life. He paints a strong word picture of his first mentor, Satyadev Dubey, the enfant terrible of Marathi and Hindi theatre. Palekar’s narration of his last meeting with Dubey is poignant in its understated depth of feeling. It was Dubey who pulled Palekar onto the acting stage, telling him in his typical manner that he was recruiting him, not because he saw any great talent in Palekar but because he seemed to have plenty of time on his hands. Despite Dubey’s words, Palekar went on to not just act in many noteworthy plays but direct a few path-breaking ones of his own. Perhaps it was Dubey’s penchant for improvising on the playwright’s original that inspired Palekar to edit almost every play he directed in marked ways. Badal Sircar, Mohan Rakesh, and poet and playwright Sadanand Rege are others whom Palekar acknowledges to be shapers of his journey as an actor and director. The remarkable thing about this book is that at every point, in every chapter, Palekar talks about a learning that he shares with the reader. On his own admission, it is a conscious inclusion, and it takes the book to a level above being a narrative about his life and work. The book includes chapters on his foray into Hindi cinema and the subsequent stardom it brought to him. It also mentions the cameos of co-actors, plus the endearing ones on Basu Chatterjee and Hrishikesh Mukherjee, with whom Palekar scored his biggest hits. Stories from the making of , , , and will quench the thirst of his filmgoer fans. So will the detailing of why he chose anti-roles like that of Keshav Dalvi in Shyam Benegal’s . But as significant is the story of Palekar’s own foray into the direction of Hindi films. Movies like , , and are among the path-breaking successes of parellel cinema, with strong, offbeat themes and great music supporting the actors. A piquant story on why he cast the thunderous Nana Patekar in , despite the actor having brought the house down with his violent role in , is worth reading as a mirror to what dedicated actors and directors can do. Equally engaging is a confession of the embarrassment Palekar suffered when he had to dance in a film with Shabana as his co-star and Waheeda Rehman looking on. Approaching acting as someone who must sacrifice himself to look the part, Palekar sported short hair, a thick moustache, and glasses for and played a murderer in , based on the gruesome Manvat child sacrifice case. Palekar does not shy away from talking about his personal life. The mention of first wife, Chitra, is tinged with pathos, and there is enough and more evidence of his admiration for and dependence on his lawyer and writer-director wife, Sandhya. The book offers QR codes that open up into films, scenes, and songs from some of his work, and is punctuated by evocative watercolours of the author. It is definitely a book for your book shelf and worthy of being in every library.Joe Biden’s Shortsighted Pardon of His Son
Home | New PM Bayrou faces ‘long road’ against fractious French parliament French President Emmanuel Macron named key ally Francois Bayrou as his fourth prime minister of 2024 on Friday, but the scale of the challenge facing the veteran centrist was immediately clear as the Socialist Party refused to join his coalition government. Bayrou, 73, gave a sober assessment of whether he could tame a hung parliament that ousted his predecessor, Michel Barnier, just last week. “It is a long road, everyone knows that,” he told reporters. “I am not the first to take a long road.” France’s festering political malaise has raised doubts about whether Macron will complete his second presidential term until 2027. It has also lifted French borrowing costs and left a power vacuum in the heart of Europe, just as Donald Trump heads to the White House and Germany braces for new elections following the collapse of its governing coalition. Bayrou, the founder of the Democratic Movement (MoDem) party which has been a part of Macron’s ruling alliance since 2017, has himself run for president three times, leaning on his rural roots as the longtime mayor of the southwestern town of Pau. His immediate priority will be passing a special law to roll over the 2024 budget, with a nastier battle over the belt-tightening 2025 legislation looming early next year. Parliamentary pushback over the 2025 bill led to Barnier’s downfall and left-wing leaders on Friday announced they might try to topple Bayrou as well should he use special constitutional powers to ram through the budget against parliament. Bayrou’s proximity to the deeply unpopular Macron may also prove to be a vulnerability. The Socialist Party, which Macron courted during his prime ministerial search, accused the president of ignoring their demands for a leftist leader in favour of a “risky” Macronista. “We will thus not enter the government and remain in the opposition,” said Boris Vallaud, the leader of the Socialists’ parliamentary bloc. VIEW FROM THE LEFT Reaction to Bayrou’s appointment on the left will be a concern for Macron, with the prime minister likely living day-to-day, at the mercy of the president’s opponents, for the foreseeable future. Macron will hope Bayrou can stave off no-confidence votes until at least July, when France will be able to hold a new parliamentary election. Far-left France Unbowed party leaders said they would be seeking to immediately remove Bayrou, while leaders from other left-wing parties took a more nuanced approach. Greens boss Marine Tondelier also said she would support a no-confidence motion if the prime minister ignored their tax and pensions concerns. Communist leader Fabien Roussel said his party would hold fire against Bayrou and decide on a case-by-case basis if he promises not to ram through legislation. Jordan Bardella, president of the far-right National Rally (RN) party, said it would not be calling for an immediate no-confidence motion, while fellow RN leader Marine Le Pen said Bayrou should listen to the opposition’s budgetary wishes. REAL TEST OVER 2025 BUDGET LOOMS Barnier’s budget bill, which aimed for 60 billion euros ($63 billion) in savings to assuage investors increasingly concerned by France’s 6% deficit, was deemed too miserly by the far-right and left. The government’s failure to find a way out of the gridlock has seen French borrowing costs push higher. XTB Research Director Kathleen Brooks said Bayrou’s appointment was unlikely to have a major impact on French bonds. However, she said the CAC 40 French stock index is underperforming German stocks by a three-decade margin. “With France still mired in political turmoil, narrowing this gap is an uphill struggle, even with a new PM,” she wrote. Macron named Bayrou as justice minister in 2017 but he resigned only weeks later amid an investigation into his party’s alleged fraudulent employment of parliamentary assistants. He was acquitted of fraud charges this year. SABC © 2024