Fresh rallies in Georgia after PM said 'won battle' with pro-EU protestersATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, roughly 22 months after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. As reaction poured in from around the world, President Joe Biden mourned Carter’s death, saying the world lost an “extraordinary leader, statesman and humanitarian” and he lost a dear friend. Biden cited Carter’s work to eradicate disease, forge peace, advance civil and human rights, promote free and fair elections and house the homeless as an example for others. “To all of the young people in this nation and for anyone in search of what it means to live a life of purpose and meaning – the good life – study Jimmy Carter, a man of principle, faith, and humility,” Biden said in a statement. Biden spoke later Sunday evening about Carter, calling it a “sad day” but one that “brings back an incredible amount of good memories.” “I’ve been hanging out with Jimmy Carter for over 50 years,” Biden said in his remarks. He recalled the former president being a comfort to him and his wife Jill when their son Beau died in 2015 of cancer. The president remarked how cancer was a common bond between their families, with Carter himself having cancer later in his life. “Jimmy knew the ravages of the disease too well,” said Biden, who scheduled a state funeral in Washington, D.C., for Carter on Jan. 9. Biden also declared Jan. 9 as a National Day of Mourning across the nation and ordered U.S. flags to fly at half-staff for 30 days from Sunday. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” Sanz is a former Associated Press reporter.
Pierce's 20 lead Presbyterian past Youngstown State 67-42
Pierce added nine rebounds for the Blue Hose (4-3). Kory Mincy scored 12 points, shooting 5 for 11, including 2 for 5 from beyond the arc. Kobe Stewart had 11 points and finished 4 of 9 from the field. The Penguins (2-3) were led by Ty Harper, who posted 12 points. EJ Farmer added 10 points and three steals for Youngstown State. Nico Galette also had five points. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .The images of China’s brand new warplanes, which appeared online this week, is a bold “invitation” to an arms race for a next-generation fighter, Dmitry Stefanovich, a military researcher at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences, has told RT. The videos and photos posted to social media on December 26 show two previously unseen tailles jets – a larger diamond-shaped aircraft, and a smaller plane with an arrow-wing-shaped airframe. While Beijing stays silent on the matter, the display sparked discussion in international media, with some observers suggesting the aircraft could be the first sixth-generation fighter planes. “So far, we have only seen two variants of experimental aircraft,” Stefanovich said. “Presumably, one of them can be tailored for strike missions that involve attacks on ground and, perhaps, naval targets, while another one is tasked with dominating the skies and controlling the airspace.” The footage “demonstrates the general state of the development” of Chinese aircraft rather than sixth-generation planes specifically, the expert argued, noting that ‘sixth generation’ is a “loosely applied term.” Therefore, it is too early to draw definitive conclusions about the capabilities of the new planes, he said. Beijing will have to compete with American next-generation fighter programs, Stefanovich said. “While there are no game-changers on the horizon, China is explicitly inviting to participate in an arms race, at least in terms of quality,” he said. “We should not forget, however, that the US is the only country with an advanced-stage program for a new strategic bomber – the B-21 – which can be adapted for some of what we would call sixth-generation capabilities. The Chinese and Russian planes of comparable type have not taken off the ground yet,” Stefanovich said.
The stock market indexes recently made new all-time highs. A resilient economy, interest rates that should trend down, enthusiasm for an expected corporate-friendly incoming administration, enthusiasm for artificial intelligence (AI), and high-flying tech stocks like Nvidia and Microsoft all play a role in this bull market. Investors should exercise some caution at these levels. Remember that 2021 euphoria quickly turned to dread in 2022. There are pockets of the market that resemble 2021 now. For instance, Palantir 's stock trades for 56 times sales and over 160 times forward earnings. It's a terrific company, but this is a nosebleed valuation by any measure. However, some companies still trade for reasonable valuations with long-term positive trends. Here is one to consider. Don't sleep on Airbnb Vacation habits are changing. Younger generations book vacation rentals at a higher rate than older generations, who stick more to traditional hotels. As shown below, the number of vacation rental users will rise 25% from 2024 to 2029. The trend means that Airbnb ( ABNB 3.06% ) has a long-term tailwind. Airbnb is also highly successful now. Revenue hit $3.7 billion last quarter on 10% year-over-year growth, and operating income reached $1.4 billion on fantastic 37% growth. However, what I like most about the company is the ability to produce free cash flow. Airbnb operates with a lean business model and doesn't have significant capital expenditures (capex) needs, so much of its revenue falls into the company's pocket. Of the $10.8 billion sales over the past 12 months, $4.1 billion was converted to free cash flow, a terrific 38% margin. Having tremendous free cash flow allows Airbnb to fund growth, maintain a fortress balance sheet, and repurchase shares. As of the third quarter, the company reported $11.3 billion in cash and investments against just $2 billion in long-term debt. The company also repurchased $2.6 billion in shares through three quarters of 2024, amounting to more than 3% of the company's current market cap. Is Airbnb stock a good investment? Airbnb stock trades at a similar valuation to its rival Booking Holdings ( BKNG -0.65% ) based on free cash flow, as shown below. ABNB Price to Free Cash Flow data by YCharts This makes sense, as the business models and financial results are similar. It also shows the importance of free cash flow in valuing these companies. Airbnb is trading slightly below its recent average and well below recent peaks. Both are terrific investment options; however, Airbnb's market cap is around half of Booking's, so it has more room to compound. The most significant risk to Airbnb is regulatory. Many localities and homeowners associations have rules limiting short-term rentals. Airbnb works proactively with policymakers to craft mutually beneficial regulations to mitigate the risk. Airbnb will benefit from the long-term trend toward vacation rentals. The rapid rise in users and its top-notch financial results make the stock an excellent long-term pick.
SAN advocates six-year single term for president, govsBest NFL DFS sleepers and expert value picks for Week 13 of the 2024 season for DraftKings, FanDuel, SuperDraft | Sporting News
How world leaders are reacting to Jimmy Carter's deathLet me cite The Rising Nepal’s masthead motto proclaimed so prominently: All be happy, all be well. When Pakistan’s ambassador to Nepal, Abrar H. Hashmi, called on him on Tuesday, Prime Minister KP Oli reiterated Nepal’s emphasis on the constructive role the eight member-states of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) can contribute to reactivate the world’s most-populous but developing region. On the occasion, Ambassador Hashmi predictably conveyed that Pakistan was ready to host the regional summit, while also dwelling upon the prospects of increased bilateral cooperation with Nepal on various issues and areas. Although the broad areas in which mutual cooperation could benefit both the countries were dwelt upon during the meeting, the thrust on the long-impending SAARC summit was clearly a highlight. The statement issued by the PM’s Office seems to suggest so. Formally launched on December 8, 2024, SAARC completes 40 years next December. But the grouping, which represents a fifth of humanity, is conspicuous by its state of stalemate. The 19th summit, originally scheduled to be held in Islamabad in 2016, was abruptly cancelled when India decided to boycott it. Bangladesh, Bhutan and Afghanistan, sent notices to the hosts about their decisions not to attend the top-level regional gathering. A terrorist attack on an army camp at Uri in the disputed region of Kashmir triggered the drastic decision. Islamabad strongly denied New Delhi’s accusation of engineering the attack. In any case, the earlier collective commitment to holding summits at least every two years have not been complied with echoing the deep differences in member states. Loss for all Nepal thus has the inconvenient — rather not so easy task of chairing the grouping for a record-long period of 10 years without any immediate sight of the long-stalled Islamabad summit date. How long is the non-summit going to last? Nepal has regularly reiterated its keen interest in giving the required impetus to the SAARC process. Since its inception, SAARC, originally comprising seven countries before the addition of Afghanistan in 2005, has failed to make expected progress, largely due to the rivalry between India and Pakistan. Some non-South Asian powers might be keenly looking for openings to fish in the troubled SAARC waters at a time when the world witnesses the not-so-slow but sure process of a new order in the making. Any vacuum created by a less than active SAARC would give an added impetus to big power rivals to push their agendas, whatever the consequences for South Asians in general. It is no secret that the running Indo-Pakistani feud has created a cold war that has adversely affected the prospects of consensus on any meaningful achievement for a full decade. India’s initiative in creating the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC), too, is having a rough ride. With India, Bangladesh, Bhutan Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Thailand as its members. Thailand decided to postpone the hosting of the 6th BIMSTC summit that was scheduled for September. BIMSTEC’s creation was seen by some analysts as an attempt at sidelining Pakistan from South Asian mainstream. A review on this might be in order against the background of its scope, reach and potential matching neither SAARC’s nor China’s larger Belt and Road initiative. India, which nurses the hope of securing a permanent seat at UN Security Council, has also focused on Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal (BBIN), consisting of Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal, in an approach that excludes Pakistan. SAARC is all the more relevant today, given the aggressive manner in which nationalist stance and regional strategies are being coordinated and espoused directly or in semi-disguises. The protracted delay in summit meeting puts a brake on its prospects of accelerated pace. However, all is not lost. Despite running bilateral tensions over border dispute, India and Pakistan have attended SAARC’s Council of Ministers’ meetings, which have helped keep the organisation breathing. At the time of its launch in Bangladesh’s capital decades ago, development experts and economists had compared SAARC’s economic prospects with those of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the European Union (EU). In an emerging multipolar world, the need and significance of regional organisations should gear SAARC members to infuse a sense of urgency for the much-needed boost to South Asian desire for collective economic self-reliance. Its success would lead to greater bilateral understanding, expanding the range of cooperation and demonstrating South Asians do not engage in debilitating conflicts and but in mutually beneficial endeavours that could be emulated by other developing regions, too. Public first No one denies that leaders and governments have to level with the public. Defined as independent, conscientious and bias-free view of consistently credible section of society, public opinion is the life blood of a successful democratic governance. South Asians without any exception have many strides to take for an average quality of life that advanced economies in democratic systems recorded several decades ago. Inequalities in different forms and at various levels of social units are persisting issues begging to be addressed. Coping with the long-festering challenges is an onerous but by no means an impossible task. Dwelling upon them with meticulous planning and unflinching dedication should steer a nation on an even keel. South Asia today has definitive potential for gaining fast strides in development that visibly reflect on the living standards of an average individual. Collective efforts, based on firm commitment and supported by equally appropriate and unwavering action can fetch the designed outcomes. SAARC, when reactivated in real earnest, will deliver the goods that have eluded the member states. As such, Prime Minister Oli’s renewed emphasis on setting the regional organisation on a befitting track and speed for the collective good of a region that hosts the single-largest concentration of poverty-stricken people should nudge all concerned at all levels to undertake the necessary without any more delay. This can be attained with the collective efforts of all without any hint of one upmanship among member states. Quiet, persistent and determined efforts should bring about enduring results. And New Delhi can play a major role in rolling back the SAARC into meaningful action. (Professor Kharel specialises in political communication.)
Sanctuary AI Demonstrates In-Hand Manipulation Capabilities for Improved General Purpose Robot Dexterity
Analysis: Barkley is NFL's version of OhtaniAP News Summary at 3:49 p.m. ESTNYC High-Net-Worth Divorce Lawyer Juan Luciano Offers Guidance on Protecting Assets in Divorce