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China unveils amphibious assault ship that can launch fighter jetsDommaraju Gukesh has come a long way since he first dreamt of becoming the youngest chess world champion at the tender age of 11, with the Chennai lad going on to fulfill that dream seven years later at the FIDE World Chess Championship in Singapore earlier this month. The year 2024 was a magical one for Gukesh, one in which the teenager was crowned the youngest Candidates champion of all time after beating the likes of Fabiano Caruana and Hikaru Nakamura and later played a starring role in India’s historic Chess Olympiad triumph. His victory over Ding Liren by a 7.5-6.5 margin at the World Championship in Singapore, however, would outshine all the others as the 18-year-old not only became the youngest world champion in the history of the sport, he also became the second Indian after the legendary Viswanathan Anand. Gukesh is currently enjoying a well-deserved break back in Chennai, having received a hero’s welcome in his hometown and meeting legends such as Rajinikanth. He can afford to rest on his laurels for a few more days, perhaps till it’s time to usher in the new year. It will, however, only be a matter of time before the 18-year-old braces for a fresh challenge. And the year 2025 sure has plenty of them : Icons of the game such as world No 1 Magnus Carlsen, who had decided against defending his world championship last year that allowed China’s Ding to take his place and beat Ian Nepomniachtchi, have questioned the quality of the battle that was on display in the World Championship in Singapore. The sentiment of the Norwegian GM, who had defeated Vishy Anand in Chennai in 2013 to be crowned world champion, was echoed by the likes of former world champion Vladimir Kramnik, who called Gukesh’s crowning moment on Thursday, 12 December as the “end of chess as we know it”. Having climbed to the summit of the sport, Gukesh will now have to prove that he belongs there by beating the who’s who of chess in the triple crown of tournament chess in 2025 – the Tata Steel Chess in Wijk aan Zee, Netherlands in January, Norway Chess at Stavanger, Norway in May-June as well as the Sinquefield Cup at St Louis, USA in August. Also Read | Gukesh aims to reach full potential after World Championship win: ‘I still have a long way to go’ Carlsen, whom Gukesh considers to be his idol as well as the epitome of success in the modern era of the sport, will not be participating in Tata Steel Chess next month but could face the newly-crowned world champion at his home event in the summer months in a battle that could be the biggest showdown of the year. And beyond Carlsen, there’s also the uphill task of facing Caruana and Nakamura, ranked 2nd and 3rd in the latest FIDE ratings with the former in action at Wijk aan Zee next month. Gukesh had finished ahead of the two in the Candidates Tournament in Toronto in April and both American grandmasters will be hoping to return the favour this year. And let’s not forget the fact that Gukesh faces intense competition not just from the Carlsens, Caruanas and Nakamuras but from fellow Indians as well with world No 4 Arjun Erigaisi emerging a key threat for Gukesh when not competing alongside him in events such as the Chess Olympiad. Arjun, who is currently competing in the FIDE Rapid and Blitz World Championships in New York City, had recently made history as well by becoming only the second Indian after Anand to achieve the elusive 2800 ELO rating. Together with Praggnanandhaa, who had finished runner-up in last year’s Chess World Cup after losing to Carlsen, and others such as Vidit Gujrathi, Arjun will sure prove a major challenge for Gukesh to conquer. Especially since they all know each other so well.
On Wednesday, South Koreans woke up to the unbelievable news that, overnight, . The act was swiftly overturned by the National Assembly. , institutional guardrails against authoritarianism held firm and democracy prevailed, at least for now. Nevertheless, this quasi-coup attempt has baffled most experts. Despite some , this had been widely considered unthinkable in South Korea. The opposition parties hold an absolute majority in parliament, and citizens — though often leaning conservative — are known for their staunch resistance to authoritarian rule. There are still details to untangle, but trying to understand this unexpected political upheaval may offer some valuable implications for other countries with a presidential system, including the United States. One clear factor in this week’s events is Yoon’s deep unpopularity. The president has been mired in a series of corruption and abuse-of-power allegations since he was narrowly elected in 2022. Calls for special prosecutors have been widespread, both to investigate Yoon and his wife, first lady Kim Keon-hee. Combined with catastrophic economic conditions and numerous diplomatic missteps, these allegations have steadily eroded his support. In recent months, his approval ratings have generally . By early 2024, talks of impeachment had already begun simmering in political podcasts frequented by opposition lawmakers. A more immediate blow to Yoon’s presidency came with the revelation that a behind the scenes had allegedly tampered with various public opinion polls, possibly influencing the outcomes of primaries leading up to the latest parliamentary elections and calling into question the very foundation of the Yoon government’s legitimacy. Many Koreans also drew a parallel between Yoon and former President Park Geun-hye, who was impeached for — ironically — involving the undue influence of a confidante. It seems reasonable to assume — though far from certain — that a politically cornered Yoon decided to gamble on declaring martial law. A long shot, such a move also carried enormous risks. Indeed, 190 members of the National Assembly — including 18 from Yoon’s own ruling People’s Power Party — convened almost immediately after the announcement to unanimously pass a resolution demanding the lifting of martial law, precisely as inscribed in the Constitution. Thus the power grab lasted barely three hours before democratic institutions crushed it, functioning as they were designed. Thankfully, both the military and the protesters demonstrated remarkable self-restraint. Troops were dispatched to the National Assembly, reportedly to prevent the vote and arrest key lawmakers. Yet, opposition party members and groups of citizens effectively resisted these efforts by physically blocking soldiers from entering the building. Any bloodshed could have escalated the crisis uncontrollably. Instead, the most notable act of violence involved spraying troops with fire extinguishers. In some video footage, soldiers appeared to Reports suggest that many of the rank-and-file officers on the ground were not even fully aware of the specifics of the orders. Most in the presidential office were kept in the dark. are mounted with this level of preparedness and competence. The fallout is sure to continue. The president’s interference in the party’s operations during the latest election fractured its cohesion, marginalizing several high-profile figures, including party leader Han Dong Hoon. These members openly expressed their dissatisfaction with Yoon following the election. To be clear, the opposition Democratic Party, with its absolute majority, could have annulled the martial law on its own. But instead, the ruling party joined forces with the opposition. At that point, the writing was very clearly on the wall. And in the likely event of an impeachment vote — which requires 200 to pass — these anti-Yoon members within the ruling party will undoubtedly play a pivotal role. U.S. politicians should be following along closely. No matter how unlikely it might seem, a politically cornered president can resort to martial law with surprisingly little initial resistance. Presidents have broad discretion over military matters, underscoring the need for constant vigilance and a swift and decisive course of correction action. Bipartisan initiatives — especially those led by the president’s own party — can serve as a catalyst for this preparedness. At the same time, institutional arrangements are no panacea. The professionalism and political neutrality of the military are indispensable in safeguarding against such abuses of power. South Korea’s experience this week highlights the importance of preserving this independence at all levels. Finally, self-restraint is not limited to the military. While organized citizens have acted as the ultimate bulwark against autocratizing governments, their effectiveness often hinges on their own discipline in avoiding violence. South Korea’s ability to overcome this unprecedented attempt represents its democratic resilience. But the details reveal that it was a terrifyingly close call — and multiple factors had to go right. The event serves as a powerful reminder that democracy is never guaranteed, and why it demands unwavering vigilance and deliberate efforts to preserve it.Cooper, Stein sue GOP legislative leaders over State Board of Elections appointment changes
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