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They’re political soulmates except when it comes to climate. President-Elect Donald Trump praised Hungary’s right-wing populist leader Viktor Orbán as respected, smart and a “strong man” in his winning 2024 campaign. During Hungary’s rotation at the top of a council of European Union leaders, Orbán promised to “make Europe great again.” But on climate they don’t see eye-to-eye. Trump has rejected the need for climate action, instead promising to drill for more planet-warming oil and gas. Meanwhile, Hungary has set a net-zero emissions goal. Other far-right governments, such as Italy and the Philippines, have said strong climate action is needed because it's a serious threat to their countries and the world. They also see it as an economic opportunity. “We can balance ambition with pragmatism, establishing Europe as a global leader in climate action without compromising the prosperity of our industries and agriculture,” Orbán told attendees of ongoing United Nations climate negotiations. European officials say they're just recognizing reality. Hungary is pushing climate action “because we understand that that's the only way forward,” said Veronika Bagi, who leads negotiations both for Hungary and for the EU. “You see from people, it’s their priority. They are becoming more and more aware.” In contrast, Trump in his first term pulled out of the historic 2015 Paris agreement that calls for nations to limit warming and has discussed doing so again. And Project 2025, written by conservatives in Trump's orbit, calls for the even more drastic move of pulling out of a 1992 treaty — negotiated by George H.W. Bush's administration and approved unanimously by the Senate — that sets up the underlying environmental program behind climate negotiations. The U.S. is now the world's largest oil producer, so the country has a financial interest in fossil fuels. Trump isn't alone. Argentina's right-wing President Javier Milei recently pulled his team out of climate negotiations in Baku and has considered withdrawing from the Paris agreement. That’s a problem because limiting emissions requires international cooperation, said Dieter Plehwe, a climate politics expert at the Berlin Social Science Center. “If country after country drops out, then of course Paris is dead," he said. Look at oil and gas supplies, said former U.S. climate envoy Jonathan Pershing, now executive director of the environment program at the Hewlett Foundation (The Associated Press receives support for climate coverage from Hewlett). “The primary difference” between European right-wing parties and those in the Americas “is what your resource supply looks like,” Pershing said, noting that Italy and Hungary have little oil or gas. “If I don't have the resources what do I care about? I care about energy security,” which can come from climate-friendly renewables, he said. There's also a philosophical difference between Europe and America that cuts across ideologies, Pershing said. In Europe even the right wing views “that government is part of national policy,” he said, but in America “government is seen as an obstruction to individual freedoms.” Francesco Corvaro, Italy’s special envoy for climate change, said young people care about reducing carbon emissions, setting expectations that the right-wing government will act. And then there are efforts to create mistrust of climate action. The origins of American climate doubt developed decades ago and was driven by a partnership between oil and gas interests and anti-regulation think tanks, according to Bob Ward, policy and communications director with the Grantham Research Institute at the London School of Economics. In 1988, NASA climate scientist Jim Hansen told Congress that carbon dioxide was warming the planet, raising public awareness of global warming for the first time. A coalition of pro-business groups cast doubt on that science — a tactic that splintered public opinion. “It became an identity issue that denying the science of climate change was a statement of your identity. And equally, accepting the science of climate change was a statement of your identity as a Democrat,” he said. Industry efforts succeeded. In 2022 — more than three decades after Hansen raised the alarm — the Biden administration’s Inflation Reduction Act was the first major piece of U.S. climate change legislation. In the U.S. “you can spend as much as you want on campaigns. You can lobby openly. You can purchase influence, basically, if you are a huge industry,” said Timmons Roberts, a politics of climate change expert at Brown University. Mario Loyola, a senior research fellow with the Heritage Foundation focused on environmental policy and regulation, rejected blame aimed at the right. “Even without the Heritage Foundations and the so-called right, when people realize what the costs of climate policies are, they reject them,” he said, pointing as an example to large French protests over rising fuel prices in 2018. A recent United Nations poll found a majority of people support strong climate action, but Loyola said when costly solutions are implemented they become unpopular and countries are likely to abandon them. That anti-regulation influence hasn't achieved similar dominance across Europe, experts said. Atilla Steiner, state secretary for energy and climate policy in Hungary and a top negotiator for the EU, said he doesn't see a conflict between reducing emissions and conservatism, which he says values protecting a country's resources. “I think if you have a family – if you have children – then you care about their future,” he said, adding that means you care about the climate and environment. It’s not that every right-wing party in Europe is a climate champion. There are far-right parties that oppose climate action, see it as unimportant, or reject the science. A right-wing party in the Netherlands, for example, campaigned on pulling out of the Paris agreement, though it backed away from that position after the election. But at this point, outright denial or disengagement rarely drives government decision-making, Ward said. And Europe's elections are shorter, less costly — and therefore less susceptible to money's influence — than those in the U.S., where climate-friendly Republicans can be vulnerable to primary election challenges from more conservative party rivals. The fossil fuel industry and its executives poured millions into Trump's campaign, and spends heavily on supportive politicians throughout government. Fossil fuel interests do have influence in Europe, but there’s “certainly a difference in the strength of the opposition,” according to Plehwe of the Berlin Social Science Center. He said the structure of the European Union helps by coordinating policy across borders and funding the transition away from fossil fuels. In Poland, for example, EU funding helped coal-dependent regions shift to renewable energy, retrain workers and clean up polluted land. Right-wing climate action extends beyond Europe. Philippines President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., son of the country’s former dictator, agreed to host leaders of a fund that would help places hit hardest by climate change. The island nation is highly vulnerable to climate change and there's not the view that climate action stands in the way of economic success, according to Lidy Nacpil, a Filipino coordinator with the Asian Peoples' Movement on Debt and Development. “The basic position that we need to be free of fossil fuels eventually and rapidly as we need to cuts across parties,” she said.HOUSTON (AP) — Will Levis threw for 278 yards and his 70-yard touchdown pass to Chig Okonkwo put Tennessee on top in the fourth quarter and the Titans held on for a 32-27 win over the Houston Texans on Sunday. Okonkwo grabbed a short pass and rumbled for the touchdown to put the Titans (3-8) up 30-27 with 91⁄2 minutes remaining. Safety Eric Murray missed a tackle that would have stopped him near midfield. The Texans (7-5) had a chance to tie it with less than two minutes remaining, but Ka’imi Fairbairn’s 28-yard field-goal attempt sailed wide left. He fell to the ground after the miss before getting up and slamming his helmet on the field. Titans coach Brian Callahan held both hands in the air and smiled after watching the miss that allowed his team to win on a day it had three turnovers. The Texans forced a three-and-out, but couldn’t move the ball after that and Harold Landry sacked C.J. Stroud in the end zone for a safety to make it 32-27 and allow Tennessee to snap a two-game skid. Stroud threw for 247 yards and two touchdowns, but also threw two interceptions as the AFC South-leading Texans lost for the third time in four games. Jimmie Ward had a 65-yard interception return for a touchdown in the third quarter and the Texans tied a franchise record with eight sacks. But the offense sputtered for most of the game as Joe Mixon was held to 22 yards on 14 carries. Tennessee extended the lead to 23-17 on a 51-yard field goal by Nick Folk with nine minutes left in the third. Stroud threw his second interception with about 90 seconds left in the third quarter but Ward’s touchdown came three plays later to put the Texans on top 24-23. The Titans fumbled a punt early in the fourth quarter and Houston recovered it. A 54-yard field goal by Fairbairn extended the lead to 27-23 with about 10 minutes to go. Dameon Pierce returned the opening kickoff 80 yards to get the Texans in the red zone. Houston cashed in on the next play when Stroud found rookie Cade Stover on a 19-yard pass for his first touchdown reception. The Titans trailed by four after a field goal by Folk when Nick Westbrook-Ikhine got in front of the defense and was wide open for a 38-yard TD catch that made it 10-7 late in the first quarter. Tennessee extended the lead to 17-7 when Tony Pollard ran 10 yards for a touchdown with about 11 minutes left in the second. Pollard finished with 119 yards and a touchdown. Nico Collins scored on a 5-yard reception with about six minutes left in the second. Levis fumbled on the Houston 32 with 31⁄2 minutes left in the first half and Houston recovered the ball. Stroud connected with Collins on a 56-yard pass on the next play, but the Texans couldn’t move the ball and settled for a 28-yard field goal to tie it at 17-17. Houston forced a punt after that, but rookie Jarvis Brownlee Jr. got his first career interception two plays later to give Tennessee the ball back. Folk’s 56-yard field goal, which tied his career long, put the Titans up 20-17 at halftime. The Titans were without cornerback L’Jarius Sneed, after he was placed on injured reserve with a quadriceps injury, and safety Amani Hooker, who was added to the injury report Sunday morning with an illness. Hooker leads the Titans with three interceptions. ... Houston S Jalen Pitre injured his shoulder in the second quarter and didn’t return. ... CB Ka’dar Hollman left in the fourth quarter with a knee injury. Titans: Visit the Commanders next Sunday. Texans: Visit Jacksonville next Sunday. AP NFL: https://apnews.com/hub/nflTTC bans e-bikes, e-scooters aboard vehicles during winter monthsKurram grand jirga yet to reach agreement as deadlock persists over key issues
NEW YORK (AP) — Walmart's sweeping rollback of its diversity policies is the strongest indication yet of a profound shift taking hold at U.S. companies that are revaluating the legal and political risks associated with bold programs to bolster historically underrepresented groups in business. The changes announced by the world's biggest retailer followed a string of legal victories by conservative groups that have filed an onslaught of lawsuits challenging corporate and federal programs aimed at elevating minority and women-owned businesses and employees. The risk associated with some of programs crystalized with the election of former President Donald Trump, whose administration is certain to make dismantling diversity, equity and inclusion programs a priority. Trump's incoming deputy chief of policy will be his former adviser Stephen Miller , who leads a group called America First Legal that has aggressively challenged corporate DEI policies. “There has been a lot of reassessment of risk looking at programs that could be deemed to constitute reverse discrimination,” said Allan Schweyer, principal researcher the Human Capital Center at the Conference Board. “This is another domino to fall and it is a rather large domino,” he added. Among other changes, Walmart said it will no longer give priority treatment to suppliers owned by women or minorities. The company also will not renew a five-year commitment for a racial equity center set up in 2020 after the police killing of George Floyd. And it pulled out of a prominent gay rights index . Schweyer said the biggest trigger for companies making such changes is simply a reassessment of their legal risk exposure, which began after U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling in June 2023 that ended affirmative action in college admissions. Since then, conservative groups using similar arguments have secured court victories against various diversity programs, especially those that steer contracts to minority or women-owned businesses. Most recently, the conservative Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty won a victory in a case against the U.S. Department of Transportation over its use of a program that gives priority to minority-owned businesses when it awards contracts. Companies are seeing a big legal risk in continuing with DEI efforts, said Dan Lennington, a deputy counsel at the institute. His organization says it has identified more than 60 programs in the federal government that it considers discriminatory, he said. “We have a legal landscape within the entire federal government, all three branches -- the U.S. Supreme Court, the Congress and the President -- are all now firmly pointed in the direction towards equality of individuals and individualized treatment of all Americans, instead of diversity, equity and inclusion treating people as members of racial groups,” Lennington said. The Trump administration is also likely to take direct aim at DEI initiatives through executive orders and other policies that affect private companies, especially federal contractors. “The impact of the election on DEI policies is huge. It can’t be overstated,” said Jason Schwartz, co-chair of the Labor & Employment Practice Group at law firm Gibson Dunn. With Miller returning to the White House, rolling back DEI initiatives is likely to be a priority, Schwartz said. “Companies are trying to strike the right balance to make clear they’ve got an inclusive workplace where everyone is welcome, and they want to get the best talent, while at the same time trying not to alienate various parts of their employees and customer base who might feel one way or the other. It’s a virtually impossible dilemma,” Schwartz said. A recent survey by Pew Research Center showed that workers are divided on the merits of DEI policies. While still broadly popular, the share of workers who said focusing on workplace diversity was mostly a good thing fell to 52% in the November survey, compared to 56% in a similar survey in February 2023. Rachel Minkin, a research associated at Pew called it a small but significant shift in short amount of time. There will be more companies pulling back from their DEI policies, but it likely won’t be a retreat across the board, said David Glasgow, executive director of the Meltzer Center for Diversity, Inclusion and Belonging at New York University. “There are vastly more companies that are sticking with DEI," Glasgow said. "The only reason you don’t hear about it is most of them are doing it by stealth. They’re putting their heads down and doing DEI work and hoping not to attract attention.” Glasgow advises organizations to stick to their own core values, because attitudes toward the topic can change quickly in the span of four years. “It’s going to leave them looking a little bit weak if there’s a kind of flip-flopping, depending on whichever direction the political winds are blowing,” he said. One reason DEI programs exist is because without those programs, companies may be vulnerable to lawsuits for traditional discrimination. “Really think carefully about the risks in all directions on this topic,” Glasgow said. Walmart confirmed will no longer consider race and gender as a litmus test to improve diversity when it offers supplier contracts. Last fiscal year, Walmart said it spent more than $13 billion on minority, women or veteran-owned good and service suppliers. It was unclear how its relationships with such business would change going forward. Organizations that that have partnered with Walmart on its diversity initiatives offered a cautious response. The Women’s Business Enterprise National Council, a non-profit that last year named Walmart one of America's top corporation for women-owned enterprises, said it was still evaluating the impact of Walmart's announcement. Pamela Prince-Eason, the president and CEO of the organization, said she hoped Walmart's need to cater to its diverse customer base will continue to drive contracts to women-owned suppliers even if the company no longer has explicit dollar goals. “I suspect Walmart will continue to have one of the most inclusive supply chains in the World,” Prince-Eason wrote. “Any retailer's ability to serve the communities they operate in will continue to value understanding their customers, (many of which are women), in order to better provide products and services desired and no one understands customers better than Walmart." Walmart's announcement came after the company spoke directly with conservative political commentator and activist Robby Starbuck, who has been going after corporate DEI policies, calling out individual companies on the social media platform X. Several of those companies have subsequently announced that they are pulling back their initiatives, including Ford , Harley-Davidson, Lowe’s and Tractor Supply . Walmart confirmed to The Associated Press that it will better monitor its third-party marketplace items to make sure they don’t feature sexual and transgender products aimed at minors. The company also will stop participating in the Human Rights Campaign’s annual benchmark index that measures workplace inclusion for LGBTQ+ employees. A Walmart spokesperson added that some of the changes were already in progress and not as a result of conversations that it had with Starbuck. RaShawn “Shawnie” Hawkins, senior director of the HRC Foundation’s Workplace Equality Program, said companies that “abandon” their commitments workplace inclusion policies “are shirking their responsibility to their employees, consumers, and shareholders.” He said the buying power of LGBTQ customers is powerful and noted that the index will have “record participation” of more than 1,400 companies in 2025." Alexandra Olson And Cathy Bussewitz, The Associated PressWhile he now spends his nights roaming the sidelines with a camera during Holly High School football games, documenting the successes by his son’s team, Bill Keenist spent 36 years roaming the turf and press boxes of the Pontiac Silverdome and Ford Field, helping others document the Detroit Lions’ successes. Related Articles Detroit Lions | ‘Take It a Step Further’: Lions defense set to improve against Bills Detroit Lions | Lions ‘flag guy’ got ejected, feels he embarrassed fans, organization Detroit Lions | Chirco: Lions own NFC North, not letting go of grip Detroit Lions | Grades: Lions’ aggressiveness pays off with 34-31 win over Packers Detroit Lions | Packers coach LaFleur defends heated pregame exchange with ‘arrogant’ Lions fan The Oxford resident is one of three former public relations directors who have been named to the fourth class of recipients for the Pro Football Hall of Fame’s ‘Awards of Excellence,’ it was announced on Thursday. The three — Keenist, former Dolphins senior vice president of communications and community affairs Jason Jenkins, and former special assistant to the commissioner Pete Abitante — will e honored during an awards luncheon in Canton, Ohio, next June 25-26. Keenist was hired by then-owner William Clay Ford’s Lions organization in May 1985, and worked at several roles in the front office — assistant public relations director; PR director; director of marketing, broadcasting and communications; and senior vice president for communications — before his retirement in 2021, having spent nearly two decades in the last role. Despite the absence of his employer in the NFL’s key event, Keenist worked 29 Super Bowls, five times acting as ‘co-captain’ of the public relations team for the event. His NFL career included a Super Bowl ring during his short stint with the Washington Redskins (1981-83), then he worked for the USFL’s Pittsburgh Maulers (1983-84), before joining the Lions. Billy Keenist Jr. is the head football coach at Holly. The Pro Football Hall of Fame’s Awards of Excellence program started in 2022, to recognize the “behind-the-scenes” contributors in public relations, athletic training, equipment management and film/video directors. Each group set up its own selection committees and criteria for choosing new honorees in their area of expertise.