
Scott Eastwood company proudly promotes American manufacturers: 'We used to make things'US President Jimmy Carter shown in this July 10, 1976 photo in New York. —AP Photo ATLANTA, Georgia — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care, at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023, spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world—Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. READ: Jimmy Carter’s 100th birthday to be celebrated with musical gala “My faith demands—this is not optional—my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and US defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Former President Jimmy Carter works at a Habitat for Humanity building site Monday, Nov. 2, 2015, in Memphis, Tenn. Carter and his wife, Rosalynn, have volunteered a week of their time annually to Habitat for Humanity since 1984, events dubbed “Carter work projects” that draw thousands of volunteers and take months of planning. —AP Photo/Mark Humphrey Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. READ: Rosalynn Carter honored by first ladies and presidents, including husband Jimmy Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives—to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad”—even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a US invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring US elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors. He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house—expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents—where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of US dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners. He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian, would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000—then and now—Carter won an appointment to the US Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office—he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions—but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966—losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox—and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced—including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s—after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the US for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. Subscribe to our daily newsletter By providing an email address. I agree to the Terms of Use and acknowledge that I have read the Privacy Policy . “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015. “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” —AP
It's getting harder to stay on the PGA Tour. Here's whyCrowdStrike Holdings, Inc. ( NASDAQ:CRWD – Get Free Report ) CFO Burt W. Podbere sold 11,217 shares of the stock in a transaction on Monday, December 23rd. The stock was sold at an average price of $358.14, for a total transaction of $4,017,256.38. Following the sale, the chief financial officer now directly owns 290,711 shares in the company, valued at $104,115,237.54. This trade represents a 3.72 % decrease in their ownership of the stock. The sale was disclosed in a filing with the SEC, which can be accessed through this link . CrowdStrike Stock Down 2.8 % NASDAQ:CRWD opened at $354.99 on Friday. CrowdStrike Holdings, Inc. has a 52 week low of $200.81 and a 52 week high of $398.33. The stock’s fifty day moving average is $342.36 and its two-hundred day moving average is $316.22. The stock has a market capitalization of $87.44 billion, a price-to-earnings ratio of 696.07, a price-to-earnings-growth ratio of 19.48 and a beta of 1.11. The company has a quick ratio of 1.86, a current ratio of 1.86 and a debt-to-equity ratio of 0.24. Hedge Funds Weigh In On CrowdStrike Several hedge funds have recently bought and sold shares of CRWD. Jennison Associates LLC increased its stake in CrowdStrike by 25.0% during the third quarter. Jennison Associates LLC now owns 5,068,800 shares of the company’s stock worth $1,421,646,000 after purchasing an additional 1,013,161 shares during the period. International Assets Investment Management LLC grew its holdings in shares of CrowdStrike by 17,926.3% in the third quarter. International Assets Investment Management LLC now owns 925,831 shares of the company’s stock valued at $259,668,000 after purchasing an additional 920,695 shares in the last quarter. Daiwa Securities Group Inc. increased its stake in CrowdStrike by 1,655.9% during the 3rd quarter. Daiwa Securities Group Inc. now owns 755,951 shares of the company’s stock worth $212,021,000 after buying an additional 712,900 shares during the period. Assenagon Asset Management S.A. lifted its holdings in CrowdStrike by 248.6% during the 3rd quarter. Assenagon Asset Management S.A. now owns 521,198 shares of the company’s stock worth $146,180,000 after buying an additional 371,695 shares in the last quarter. Finally, State Street Corp boosted its position in CrowdStrike by 2.9% in the 3rd quarter. State Street Corp now owns 9,630,776 shares of the company’s stock valued at $2,701,144,000 after buying an additional 275,717 shares during the period. Institutional investors and hedge funds own 71.16% of the company’s stock. Analyst Upgrades and Downgrades Get Our Latest Analysis on CrowdStrike About CrowdStrike ( Get Free Report ) CrowdStrike Holdings, Inc provides cybersecurity solutions in the United States and internationally. Its unified platform offers cloud-delivered protection of endpoints, cloud workloads, identity, and data. The company offers corporate endpoint and cloud workload security, managed security, security and vulnerability management, IT operations management, identity protection, SIEM and log management, threat intelligence, data protection, security orchestration, automation and response and AI powered workflow automation, and securing generative AI workload services. Further Reading Receive News & Ratings for CrowdStrike Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for CrowdStrike and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .TheStewartofNY/GC Images “Welcome to (a rainy) New York!” , 35, and , also 35, were seen walking hand-in-hand on a rainy night out in New York City’s Meatpacking District on Saturday, Dec. 28. The singer and NFL star both opted for festive outfits with Swift wearing a black embellished coat over a mini dress, teamed with red-bottomed Christian Louboutin platform heels and her signature red lipstick. She completed the look with a Stella McCartney Falabella crystal-fringed tote. Kelce, meanwhile, sported a bright red denim jacket over a white logo-print T-shirt paired with jeans, black sneakers, and a printed cap. The couple, , looked in good spirits despite the rain as they made their way around the city. TheStewartofNY/GC Images Related: Swift and Kelce’s latest sighting in N.Y.C. comes after they were seen holding hands while on a with pals and at BondST Restaurant in NoHo on Friday, Dec. 27. For the occasion, Swift wore an oversized blazer paired with diamond sheer tights, platform boots, and a medusa-themed crystal Versace handbag. Kelce wore a brown cardigan over a dark shirt, brown pants, and dark-colored shoes. Qualley, 30, wrapped herself in a burgundy coat paired with black stockings, while her husband Antonoff, 40, donned a casual look of jeans, a yellow top, and a black puffer jacket. TheStewartofNY/GC Images Related: Back in April, the “Fortnight” singer supported Antonoff during his set with his band Bleachers while . The couple were seen as they watched the band perform. Swift also attended her friend and longtime collaborator Antonoff and Qualley’s in New Jersey in August 2023, along with pal , and . Justin K. Aller/Getty; Scott Winters/Icon Sportswire via Getty Her reunion with Kelce in N.Y.C. comes after she at Arrowhead Stadium in Kansas City, Miss., on Dec. 21. The 14-time Grammy winner's appearance at the game followed the which concluded in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada, on Dec. 8. In a of her final show posted on X (formerly known as Twitter), Swift told her fans onstage, “I want to thank every single one of you for being a part of the most thrilling chapter of my entire life to date — my beloved Eras Tour." Read the original article on
Wall Street's main indexes rose on Tuesday in a truncated trading session before Christmas, with the S&P 500 and the Nasdaq up for the third consecutive day, helped by gains in a handful of megacap and growth stocks. Broadcom and Nvidia provided the biggest boost to the indexes, advancing 2.7% and 0.7%, respectively, while Consumer Discretionary and Technology led gains among S&P 500 sectors. With few major catalysts, thin trading volumes expected in the final days of the year raised the prospect of choppy trading. Stock markets will shut at 1:00 p.m. ET on Tuesday and will be closed for Christmas on Wednesday. At 09:42 a.m. the Dow Jones Industrial Average rose 32.38 points, or 0.08%, to 42,939.33, the S&P 500 gained 21.68 points, or 0.36%, to 5,995.75, and the Nasdaq Composite gained 116.55 points, or 0.59%, to 19,881.43. 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"As a result, maybe this market will end up creeping higher between now and the end of the year." After a stellar run to record highs following the November election, which sparked hopes of pro-business policies under U.S. President-elect Donald Trump, Wall Street's rally hit a bump this month as investors grappled with the prospect of higher interest rates in 2025. The U.S. Federal Reserve eased borrowing costs for the third time this year last Wednesday, but signaled only two more 25-basis-point reductions next year, down from its September projection of four cuts, as policymakers weigh the possibility of Trump's policies stoking inflation. Traders expect the Fed to leave rates in the range of 4% to 4.25% by the end of 2025, from between 3.75% and 4% about 10 days ago, according to CME's FedWatch tool. Markets are currently in a historically strong period called the "Santa Claus rally". The S&P 500 on average has gained 1.3% in the last five days of December and first two days of January, according to data from the Stock Trader's Almanac going back to 1969. However, market participants are questioning if U.S. stocks' climb to new record highs will be attainable in the coming days, amid concerns about sky-high valuations and the market's overall health. The benchmark S&P 500 fell about 1% in December but the equal-weight S&P 500, a proxy for the average index stock, is down 5.8%. NeueHealth soared 64% after the healthcare provider said New Enterprise Associates, its largest shareholder, and a group of existing investors will take the company private in a $1.3 billion deal. American Airlines' shares were down 1.9% after the carrier briefly grounded all its flights in the United States due to an unspecified technical issue. Declining issues outnumbered advancers by a 1.21-to-1 ratio on the NYSE, and by a 1.07-to-1 ratio on the Nasdaq. The S&P 500 posted two new 52-week highs and no new lows, while the Nasdaq Composite recorded 17 new highs and 31 new lows. (You can now subscribe to our ETMarkets WhatsApp channel )Utah Hockey Club (9-10-4, in the Central Division) vs. Vegas Golden Knights (15-6-3, in the Pacific Division) Read this article for free: Already have an account? To continue reading, please subscribe: * Utah Hockey Club (9-10-4, in the Central Division) vs. Vegas Golden Knights (15-6-3, in the Pacific Division) Read unlimited articles for free today: Already have an account? Utah Hockey Club (9-10-4, in the Central Division) vs. Vegas Golden Knights (15-6-3, in the Pacific Division) Paradise, Nevada; Saturday, 10 p.m. EST BETMGM SPORTSBOOK LINE: Golden Knights -192, Utah Hockey Club +159; over/under is 6.5 BOTTOM LINE: The Vegas Golden Knights host the Utah Hockey Club after Ivan Barbashev scored two goals in the Golden Knights’ 4-3 win against the Winnipeg Jets. Vegas is 15-6-3 overall and 9-2-0 at home. The Golden Knights are 15-2-2 in games they score three or more goals. Utah has a 9-10-4 record overall and a 5-6-2 record in road games. The Utah Hockey Club have an 8-0-4 record when scoring at least three goals. Saturday’s game is the third meeting between these teams this season. The Golden Knights won 4-2 in the previous meeting. Barbashev led the Golden Knights with two goals. TOP PERFORMERS: Brett Howden has scored 10 goals with one assist for the Golden Knights. Barbashev has five goals and six assists over the last 10 games. Dylan Guenther has 10 goals and 10 assists for the Utah Hockey Club. Jack McBain has scored six goals over the last 10 games. LAST 10 GAMES: Golden Knights: 6-3-1, averaging 2.9 goals, 4.7 assists, 3.3 penalties and 7.7 penalty minutes while giving up 2.6 goals per game. Utah Hockey Club: 4-5-1, averaging 2.6 goals, 4.6 assists, 5.1 penalties and 14.4 penalty minutes while giving up 2.6 goals per game. INJURIES: Golden Knights: None listed. Utah Hockey Club: None listed. ___ The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar. Advertisement
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Game of the Year: Best PS5 Indie Game of 2024Bengals optimistic heading into new month, meeting vs. SteelersIndia’s former Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh remains a remarkable figure in the nation's history. Despite enduring relentless criticism from the Left, he will be celebrated by history as the visionary economist who steered India away from economic collapse in 1991 and paved its path to global prominence. New Delhi: There is an irony in the way history treats its architects. The unassuming figures, often ridiculed or ignored in their time, are the ones who quietly lay the foundations of transformative change. Dr Manmohan Singh, India’s former Prime Minister, stands as a towering example. While his critics from the Left took relentless potshots at him, history will undoubtedly recognise him as the economic architect who saved India from the brink of economic collapse in 1991 and charted its course toward global prominence. The disdain Dr Singh faced from the Left is no secret. Their deep suspicion of liberal economic policies made him an easy target. For them, Dr Singh epitomised everything they opposed — a reformist who embraced market liberalisation, advocated for reduced state intervention, and empowered the private sector. But their antagonism went beyond economic reforms. Their fierce opposition to the India-US nuclear deal during Dr Singh’s tenure as Prime Minister revealed the depths of their ideological rigidity and unwillingness to adapt to a changing world order. The crisis that defined a leader The early 1990s marked one of the darkest periods in India’s economic history. With foreign reserves depleting to perilous levels and the nation teetering on the edge of bankruptcy, India’s economy was in free fall. The Nehruvian socialist model of centralised planning and heavy state control, which the Left continued to champion, had led to stagnation and inefficiency. India needed a lifeline, and that lifeline came in the form of reforms spearheaded by Dr Singh, then Finance Minister under Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao. Dr Singh’s economic reforms — summarised as liberalisation, privatisation, and globalisation — were a bold departure from decades of economic orthodoxy. The Indian economy was opened to foreign investments, import restrictions were eased, and monopolistic state control over critical sectors was dismantled. The Left branded these measures as “a betrayal of India’s socialist ideals,” ignoring the harsh reality that without these reforms, India would have descended deeper into poverty and economic irrelevance. Their failure to propose credible alternatives exposed the hollowness of their rhetoric. India-US nuclear deal The Left’s contradictions were further highlighted during Dr Singh’s second term as Prime Minister. Their vehement opposition to the India-US nuclear deal was not just short-sighted but also detrimental to India’s long-term strategic interests. The deal, which ended India’s decades-long nuclear isolation, was a diplomatic masterstroke. It ensured India access to critical nuclear technology and fuel, boosting energy security and strengthening its global standing. But the Left saw it as an “infringement on India’s sovereignty”, framing it as a “capitulation to US interests”. Their obstructionist stance brought the government to the brink of collapse in 2008, with the Left withdrawing support in protest. Yet, Dr Singh’s resolve remained unshaken. He famously stated, “I would rather risk my government than my country’s future.” This bold stance not only secured the deal but also demonstrated his commitment to India’s strategic autonomy. A legacy of humility and vision Under Dr Manmohan Singh’s leadership, India’s economy witnessed unprecedented growth, even weathering the global financial crisis of 2008 with resilience. Landmark initiatives such as the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) and the Right to Information Act showcased his commitment to inclusive development. The Left may continue to criticise Dr Singh, but history has already rendered its verdict. Whether it was his transformative economic reforms or his determined pursuit of the nuclear deal, Dr Singh’s actions were guided by a vision for a stronger, self-reliant India. Today, as we reflect on his contributions, it is clear that India owes Dr Manmohan Singh a debt of gratitude. His legacy is a testament to the power of pragmatic leadership and the courage to make tough, unpopular decisions for the greater good. (Saswat Panigrahi is a senior multimedia journalist.) Click for more latest India news . Also get top headlines and latest news from India and around the world at News9. Saswat Panigrahi is a Senior multi-media journalist drawing on two-decade of experience, of which he has served 12 years working in leadership role and devising content strategy. His experience ranges from reporting and analysing on politics and public policy to heading news room, from building the digital arm of a business news channel to spearheading a regional news channel. Latest News