No. 24 Arizona is coming off consecutive defeats for the first time in the Tommy Lloyd era when it faces undefeated Davidson on Wednesday to begin the Battle 4 Atlantis in Paradise Island, Bahamas. Arizona (2-2) lost at Wisconsin 103-88 on Nov. 15 and followed that with a home loss against Duke 69-55 on Friday. The Wildcats have dropped 15 spots in the Associated Press Top 25 poll in two weeks. Arizona's record is .500 this early in a season for the first time since it was 3-3 to start the 2017-18 schedule. "I've got work to do, so let's get to work," said Lloyd, in his fourth year as Arizona's head coach. "Let's see where we're at in a month, and if we're still struggling, you know what I'll do? I still got work to do, but I'm gonna get to it." Arizona shot 39.6 percent from the field against Duke, and just 26.1 percent (6 of 23) from 3-point range. The Wildcats were outrebounded by 43-30 and their 15 turnovers led to 19 points. Jaden Bradley led Arizona with 18 points and KJ Lewis added 12. Preseason All-American Caleb Love had eight points on 3-of-13 shooting from the field, including 1-of-9 from 3-point range. Arizona made only one field goal in the last 5:39 as Duke pulled away after its lead was trimmed to six points. "We didn't play great," Lloyd said. "Now we need to take a step back and figure out why. Are there some schematic problems? Are there some problems with how our personnel is kind of put together? "We got to figure out what our certainties are, and the things we have to have, and then over the course of the next couple of days, if there's adjustments we need to make, we need to figure out what those are." Davidson is 4-0 after a 15-17 record last season, in which it lost its last six games to put an end to postseason hopes. A 93-66 win over visiting VMI on Friday followed a 91-85 win at Bowling Green and 76-70 victory over visiting East Tennessee State. The two wins by 10 points or fewer are important because Davidson was 6-12 in such games last season. It was 4-11 in games decided by five points or fewer. "The goal (is) to get better," Davidson head coach Matt McKillop said after the season opener. "We talk about fighting to win every possession. I think we had to figure out what that really felt like with the lights on." Davidson made 13 shots from 3-point range in the win over VMI. Reed Bailey had 23 points, eight rebounds and six assists. Bobby Durkin added 19 points, including 17 of them and a career-best five 3-pointers in the first half. Bailey leads Davidson in scoring (19 points per game) and rebounding (7.8). Durkin is shooting 57.9 percent (22 of 38) from the field and 54.2 percent (13 of 24) from 3-point range. By contrast, Arizona's Love is shooting 32 percent (16 of 50) from the field and 21.4 percent (6 of 28) from beyond the arc. Bradley leads Arizona with 15.5 points per game. He is shooting 50 percent (24 of 48) from the field and is 35.7 percent (5 of 14) from 3-point range. --Field Level MediaJIM GOODWIN insists he wasn’t trying to get a rise out of Rangers boss Philippe Clement. Because EVERY team going to Ibrox tries to tap into their fans’ frustrations. 3 Jim Goodwin's men took a shock point from Ibrox Credit: Getty 3 Philippe Clement's side now sit 11 points behind Celtic Credit: PA The Dundee United manager made a big thing of telling his players to turn Rangers supporters against their side last weekend. Clement hit back saying the Irishman was doing his team talk for him. In the end it was Goodwin who came out of it better, with his side claiming a point to plunge Rangers under even more pressure. But the Tannadice gaffer maintains he wasn’t at the capers and simply stated the obvious. read more football stories SORE POINT Injury-jinxed Rangers star facing fresh sweat as he can't complete B team clash NICE OFFER Nice vs Rangers: Get £50 in free bets for Europa League on Thursday with Betfred He said: “I really wasn't trying to be clever - I just was stating the obvious. “I think it's something that managers say before every time they play Celtic or Rangers away from home . “We know the expectation that's on those two teams and we know that the fans can be quite fickle at times if things aren't going according to plan. “I’ve got a lot of respect for Philippe Clement and it wasn't a case of disrespecting anybody. Most read in Football SORE POINT Injury-jinxed Rangers star facing fresh sweat as he can't complete B team clash HISTORY MAKER Ex-Scotland women coach 'lands key role at Prem club' working with MALE stars PLAN BINNED Rangers hero loses appeal to open pub outside Ibrox after rejected plans EUR ON Brendan Rodgers explains Celtic's Champions League 'trampoline effect' “I was just stating the obvious. “You know, we go there and we try to quieten the crowd. I was offered Rangers job then they never called me “We try to frustrate Rangers, try and deny them space , and all of those things.” Goodwin also brushed off suggestions he engaged more shenanigans by delaying the already shunted back kick off time even further. United got stuck in traffic because of Storm Bert so their starting time was shifted to 3.45pm. But after sitting on their team bus for hours and suffering a disrupted prep, Goodwin’s team stayed out warming up for ten minutes longer. Ex-United boss Ian McCall, who was on media duties at the game, speculated they did that because they really wanted a 4pm start. But Goodwin has explained that they only warmed up for so long to ensure their players were properly ready to play. He said: “We were very honest about the situation and there was no hiding from the fact the weather conditions were terrible all over the country. “We normally leave Tannadice about 10am but we brought the time forward to 9.30am. 3 “We were expecting traffic but we didn't anticipate the fact that there was going to be accidents on the road that were going to actually shut down the major routes. “So instead of our bus being able to go towards Perth , it then had to go through Edinburgh . “Then the Queensferry Crossing was closed as well, which then obviously created even more traffic on the other road. “So we couldn't really do a great deal else. “I know people talk about not staying over and stuff like that. “We don't tend to stay over for these games because it is a little over an hour on the bus, I don't think it’s worthy of a night in the hotel. “We do that for Ross County when we go up the Dingwall, but I can assure everybody there was nothing sinister in anything that happened." Despite the delays, United still went for their usual pre-match meal in an attempt to prepare as normally as possible. And Goodwin reckons people saying they should have just trotted off the bus straight into a big game are not being serious. He said: “The players had to have a pre-match. They'd been sat on a bus from 9.30am “I think there were certain people saying we should just go straight to the stadium and just play the game on an empty stomach and things like that, which is just ridiculous. “These things happen. “Unfortunately, we weren't ready for quarter to four and I think the game kicked off around about ten to. “We'd done everything we could to get ready for the game. “It's not just a case of running off the bus, sticking on your strip and away you go out and play. “We've got player welfare as well that we have to consider. “The players need to get warm in order to try and avoid injury . “Some of them have got strappings that they need to get from the medical team. So, all of these things add up. “I remember Rangers last season. “They stayed overnight in St. Andrews for a game at Dundee, half an hour away. “They got stuck on the bridge and it got put back an hour. “So these things can happen to every team. It's just unfortunate. “If people think that's an advantage for us, then, lads sitting on a bus for four hours it certainly is not an advantage. “The Rangers players would have been sitting in comfort in Ibrox in the players' lounge or in the dressing room or whatever. “There wouldn’t have been a team in the country that has had to prepare for the game the way that we did at the weekend. Read more on the Scottish Sun REY-LY EXCITING US pop superstar announces first Scots show in almost 10 years BALLSED UP Lorraine apologises on air for using phrase she 'didn't know' was a swear word “So for the players to go out and put on the kind of performance that they did and take a really, really good point was excellent. “I think it was a real monumental effort.” Keep up to date with ALL t h e latest news and transfers at the Scottish Sun football page
NOT FOR DISSEMINATION IN THE UNITED STATES OR FOR DISTRIBUTION TO U.S. NEWSWIRE SERVICES HALIFAX, Nova Scotia, Nov. 26, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- NOVA LEAP HEALTH CORP. (TSXV: NLH) (“Nova Leap” or “the Company”), a growing home health care organization, is pleased to announce that it has entered into an agreement to amend its existing credit agreement (the “Credit Agreement”) with BMO Bank of Montreal for new credit facilities (the “Credit Facilities”). The amended Credit Agreement will provide up to an additional $7 million of available credit to support the Company’s long-term growth strategy. All amounts are in United States dollars unless otherwise specified. The Credit Facilities consist of non-readvanceable demand acquisition lines to assist with business acquisitions, including the Nova Scotia acquisition announced on October 29, 2024, the Florida acquisition announced on October 15, 2024, and future business acquisitions approved by the lender, in addition to the Company’s existing facilities for working capital and day-to-day operating needs. The acquisition lines are available as CAD prime (prime rate plus 1.50%) and USD base rate (base rate plus 1.50%) loans, as well as fixed rate loans with rates determined at the time of booking. The Credit Facilities contain financial and other covenants and security in favour of the lender which are customary for facilities of this nature, including security over the assets of the Company and its subsidiaries, and are conditional upon obtaining coverage under Export Development Canada’s Export Guarantee Program. Management Comments “We are pleased to secure the new Credit Facilities. Our ability to complete this transaction reflects the consistent cash flow and financial results that we have produced. With our strong Adjusted EBITDA over the past six quarters, our capital structure can comfortably support increased debt, while still maintaining financial flexibility,” said Chris LeBlanc, Chief Financial Officer of Nova Leap. “The successful negotiation of the Credit Facilities provides us with greater financial flexibility to execute on our growth strategy that consists of investing in our business to drive organic growth and in pursuing strategic acquisitions,” said Chris Dobbin, President & CEO of Nova Leap. About Nova Leap Nova Leap is an acquisitive home health care services company operating in one of the fastest-growing industries in the U.S. & Canada. The Company performs a vital role within the continuum of care with an individual and family centered focus, particularly those requiring dementia care. Nova Leap achieved the #42 ranking on the 2021 Report on Business ranking of Canada’s Top Growing Companies, the #2 ranking on the 2020 Report on Business ranking of Canada’s Top Growing Companies and the #10 Ranking in the 2019 TSX Venture 50TM in the Clean Technology & Life Sciences sector. The Company is geographically diversified with operations in 10 different U.S. states within the New England, Southeastern, South Central and Midwest regions as well as in Nova Scotia, Canada. NON-IFRS MEASURES: This release contains references to certain measures that do not have a standardized meaning under IFRS as prescribed by the International Accounting Standards Board (“IASB”) and are therefore unlikely to be comparable to similar measures presented by other companies. Rather, these measures are provided as additional information to complement IFRS measures by providing a further understanding of operations from management’s perspective. Accordingly, non-IFRS financial measures should not be considered in isolation or as a substitute for analysis of financial information reported under IFRS. The Company presents non-IFRS financial measures, specifically Adjusted EBITDA (as such term is hereinafter defined), as well as supplementary financial measures such as annualized revenue and annualized adjusted EBITDA. The Company believes these non-IFRS financial measures are frequently used by lenders, securities analysts, investors and other interested parties as a measure of financial performance, and it is therefore helpful to provide supplemental measures of operating performance and thus highlight trends that may not otherwise be apparent when relying solely on IFRS financial measures. Adjusted Earnings before interest, taxes, amortization and depreciation (“Adjusted EBITDA”), is calculated as income from operating activities plus amortization and depreciation and stock-based compensation expense. The most directly comparable IFRS measure is income from operating activities. FORWARD LOOKING INFORMATION: Certain information in this press release may contain forward-looking statements, such as statements regarding availability of the Credit Facilities, the closing of the acquisitions (including timing) and its expected impact on the Company, financing of the acquisitions, and plans regarding future acquisitions and business growth. This information is based on current expectations and assumptions, including assumptions described elsewhere in this release and those concerning general economic and market conditions, the satisfaction of conditions to closing the Credit Facilities and the acquisitions, availability of working capital necessary for conducting Nova Leap’s operations, availability of desirable acquisition targets and financing to fund such acquisitions, and Nova Leap’s ability to integrate its acquired businesses and maintain previously achieved service hour and revenue levels, that are subject to significant risks and uncertainties that are difficult to predict. Actual results might differ materially from results suggested in any forward-looking statements. Risks that could cause results to differ from those stated in the forward-looking statements in this release include staff and supply shortages, regulatory changes affecting the home care industry or government programs utilized by the Company, other unexpected increases in operating costs and competition from other service providers. All forward-looking statements, including any financial outlook or future-oriented financial information, contained in this press release are made as of the date of this release and included for the purpose of providing information about management's current expectations and plans relating to the future, and these statements may not be appropriate for other purposes. The Company assumes no obligation to update the forward-looking statements, or to update the reasons why actual results could differ from those reflected in the forward-looking statements unless and until required by securities laws applicable to the Company. Additional information identifying risks and uncertainties is contained in the Company's filings with the Canadian securities regulators, which filings are available at www.sedarplus.com . CAUTIONARY STATEMENT: Neither TSX Venture Exchange nor its Regulation Services Provider (as that term is defined in the policies of the TSX Venture Exchange) accepts responsibility for the adequacy or accuracy of this release.One of Trump’s most vulnerable Day One targets: newborn Americans
Unlocking the Next Big Opportunity in Tech: Why You Should Pay AttentionBy BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.
Truck Charging: Start Small, Scale SmartDavid Maialetti / Staff Photographer There's tension thick enough to be cut with a knife following the Washington Commanders jaw-dropping comeback win against the Philadelphia Eagles , and it wasn't just what happened on the field. There were rumors circulating regarding a heated argument between former Eagles star Zach Ertz and head coach Nick Sirianni , claims which had to be physically split up by no less than the Eagles' infamous head of security, "Big Dom" DiSandro. Was it really the case, or is it just overhyped? Ertz Addresses the Incident Facing reporters on Thursday, Ertz downplayed the postgame drama, insisting there's no bad blood between him and Sirianni. But he didn't deny that something went down. "I'm not really going to get into the specifics," Ertz started, clearly trying to keep things diplomatic. "Just two people that really love to compete. Nick and I had a great relationship when I was there, we still have a great relationship. I think it's definitely been blown way out of proportion." The tight end, now with the Commanders, added that he and Sirianni had already smoothed things over. "We spoke, we're good. There's no ill feelings on my part, and I don't think there's any on his part either." Was It Really Heat Of The Moment? While Ertz insists the interaction was no big deal, he acknowledged it stemmed from the heat of competition—and maybe a bit of a misunderstanding. "Just something in the heat of the moment. Probably got blown out of proportion and maybe a misunderstanding, but at the end of the day, he and I are fine," he said, emphasizing his respect for the Eagles organization. Ertz’s return to Lincoln Financial Field was already an emotional one, as it marked his first visit as a member of the Eagles' divisional rivals. After nearly a decade in Philly, where he became a fan favorite and Super Bowl champion, Sunday’s game was bound to stir up feelings. A Bittersweet Homecoming Ertz's one reception for 12 yards isn't going to be making anyone's highlight reel, but his being on the field—and certainly in postgame drama—meant he was still at center stage. Ertz spent eight memorable seasons with the Eagles before being traded to the Cardinals in 2021. Now in his first season with the Commanders, he's fully embraced his new team, though Sunday's win carried extra weight given his history in Philadelphia. At the end of the day, Ertz wants to focus on the positives. "Everyone knows how I feel about that place and that building, but at the same time, I love being here," he said. So was it a spat, a misunderstanding, or just some harmless postgame banter? Whatever it was, Ertz and Sirianni seem ready to move on-even if fans and media can't stop dissecting it. Also read - Patrick Mahomes Eyeing To Score Russell Wilson’s Star Target: NFL Analyst Sparks SpeculationDoctored images have been around for decades. The term "Photoshopped" is part of everyday language. But in recent years, it has seemingly been replaced by a new word: deepfake. It's almost everywhere online, but you likely won't find it in your dictionary at home. What exactly is a deepfake, and how does the technology work? RELATED STORY | Scripps News Reports: Sex, Lies, and Deepfakes A deepfake is an image or video that has been generated by artificial intelligence to look real. Most deepfakes use a type of AI called a "diffusion model." In a nutshell, a diffusion model creates content by stripping away noise. "With diffusion models, they found a very clever way of taking an image and then constructing that procedure to go from here to there," said Lucas Hansen said. He and Siddharth Hiregowdara are cofounders of CivAI, a nonprofit educating the public on the potential — and dangers — of AI. How diffusion models work It can get complicated, so imagine the AI – or diffusion model – as a detective trying to catch a suspect. Like a detective, it relies on its experience and training. It recalls a previous case -– a sneaky cat on the run. Every day it added more and more disguises. On Monday, no disguise. Tuesday, it put on a little wig. Wednesday, it added some jewelry. By Sunday, it's unrecognizable and wearing a cheeseburger mask. The detective learned these changes can tell you what it wore and on what day. AI diffusion models do something similar with noise, learning what something looks like at each step. "The job of the diffusion model is to remove noise," Hiregowdara said. "You would give the model this picture, and then it will give you a slightly de-noised version of this picture." RELATED STORY | Scripps News got deepfaked to see how AI could impact elections When it's time to solve the case and generate a suspect, we give it a clue: the prompts we give when we create an AI-generated image. "We have been given the hint that this is supposed to look like a cat. So what catlike things can we see in here? Okay, we see this curve, maybe that's an ear," Hiregowdara said. The "detective" works backward, recalling its training. It sees a noisy image. Thanks to the clue, it is looking for a suspect — a cat. It subtracts disguises (noise) until it finds the new suspect. Case closed. Now imagine the "detective" living and solving crimes for years and years. It learns and studies everything — landscapes, objects, animals, people, anything at all. So when it needs to generate a suspect or an image, it remembers its training and creates an image. Deepfakes and faceswaps Many deepfake images and videos employ some type of face swapping technology. You've probably experienced this kind of technology already — faceswapping filters like on Snapchat, Instagram or Tiktok use technology similar to diffusion models, recognizing faces and replacing things in real time. "It will find the face in the image and then cut that out kind of, then take the face and convert it to its internal representation," Hansen said. The results are refined then repeated frame by frame. The future and becoming our own detectives As deepfakes become more and more realistic and tougher to detect, understanding how the technology works at a basic level can help us prepare for any dangers or misuse. Deepfakes have already been used to spread election disinformation, create fake explicit images of a teenager, even frame a principal with AI-created racist audio. "All the netizens on social media also have a role to play," Siwei Lyu said. Lyu is a SUNY Empire Innovation Professor at the University of Buffalo's Department of Computer Science and Engineering, and the director of the Media Forensics Lab. His team has created a tool to help spot deepfakes called "DeepFake-o-meter." "We do not know how to handle, how to deal, with these kinds of problems. It's very new. And also requires technical knowledge to understand some of the subtleties there," Lyu said. "The media, the government, can play a very active role to improve user awareness and education. Especially for vulnerable groups like seniors, the kids, who will start to understand the social media world and start to become exposed to AI technologies. They can easily fall for AI magic or start using AI without knowing the limits." RELATED STORY | AI voice cloning: How programs are learning to pick up on pitch and tone Both Lyu and CivAI believe in exposure and education to help combat any potential misuse of deepfake technology. "Our overall goal is that we think AI is going t impact pretty much everyone in a lot of different ways," Hansen said. "And we think that everyone should be aware of the ways that it's going to change them because it's going to impact everyone." "More than just general education — just knowing the facts and having heard what's going to happen," he added. "We want to give people a really intuitive experience of what's going on." Hansen goes on to explain CivAI's role in educating the public. "We try and make all of our demonstrations personalized as much as possible. What we're working on is making it so people can see it themselves. So they know it's real, and they feel that it's real," Hansen said. "And they can have a deep gut level feel for tthe impact that it's going to have." "A big part of the solution is essentially just going to be education and sort of cultural changes," he added. "A lot of this synthetic content is sort of like a new virus that is attacking society right now, and people need to become immune to it in some ways. They need to be more suspicious about what's real and what's not, and I think that will help a lot as well."
I&M and Stakeholders File Large Load Settlement to Advance Grid Reliability and Support Economic Growth
The transfer portal opened up for undergraduates on Monday, December 9th. Thus far, Alabama has lost nine players to the transfer portal. There will be several others that enter the transfer portal in the coming days and weeks leading up to Alabama’s bowl game against Michigan. With multiple key contributors looking to transfer elsewhere, other players will be called on to step up against the Wolverines. Today, we take a look at several players that could see increased roles and have an opportunity to contribute to the team’s success in the ReliaQuest Bowl. 1. WR Rico Scott Scott was a four-star prospect coming out of high school. The Pennsylvania native is a big play waiting to happen. He will have the opportunity to make a number of big plays in the bowl game. With wide receivers Kendrick Law and Kobe Prentice entering the transfer portal, it would make perfect sense for Alabama to try and get Scott as many reps as possible heading into the offseason, He will be a valuable piece of Alabama’s receiving core during the 2025 season. 2. WR Emmanuel Henderson Jr. The time has finally come for Henderson Jr. After patiently waiting to become a key piece of Alabama’s offense, Henderson Jr. has the chance to really impress the coaching staff in the bowl game. Although he has played more this year than in years past, Henderson Jr. has not been featured much in Alabama’s offense. The Alabama native is a home run threat. He excels at taking the top off of defenses and winning in one-on-one situations. There were multiple instances this season where Henderson Jr. would have someone beat downfield and Mirloe would make an errant throw. It will be interesting to see how Alabama decides to use Henderson Jr. in the bowl game. He could be the third wide receiver on the field for the Crimson Tide. 3. QB Ty Simpson With there being no clarification as to whether or not Jalen Milroe will suit up in the bowl game, it seems like Simpson had to make this list. The former Elite 11 finalist has sat behind Milroe in each of the last two seasons. Fans have become enamored with Simpson’s confidence level and the way he carries himself. They are eager to see the Tennessee native see meaningful snaps at the quarterback position. Whether he starts or not remains to be seen, but I would expect Simpson to see the field in some capacity against the Wolverines. After all, he is the frontrunner to be Alabama’s starting quarterback next season under the assumption that Milroe turns pro. 4. LB Yhonzae Pierre Pierre battled through injuries throughout the regular season but should be a full-go for the bowl game. The native of Eufaula, Alabama is expected to be a key player on Kane Wommack’s defense moving forward. He plays the WOLF position alongside redshirt freshman Qua Russaw. The two will see a lot of action in the bowl game given the departure of Keanu Koht and a season-ending injury to Que Robinson. Pierre excels at rushing the passer but can be a contributor in stopping the run as well. The former five-star has the ideal blend of size and strength to be one of the next great outside linebackers to come out of Tuscaloosa. Could we see a glimpse of Pierre’s potential against the Wolverines? 5. RB Richard Young A lot of fans have been questioning why Young has not seen the field more this season. While I cannot provide a definitive answer to that question, I can honestly say that he should see a handful of meaningful snaps against Michigan. When his number has been called, Young has been very productive. The former four-star prospect gets north to south in a hurry and has a great burst. He runs with something to prove, and it shows every time he is on the field. I would fully expect Alabama’s coaching staff to get Young the ball in the bowl game. After all, the future of Alabama’s running back room remains uncertain. Junior Jam Miller could elect to return, transfer, or turn pro. I think it is very important that Young sees an uptick in the number of snaps that he plays from this point onward. This article first appeared on Touchdown Alabama Magazine and was syndicated with permission.
ESPN Gets Called Out For 'Unfair' Treatment Of Lamar Jackson12 Ways We Can Exploit Fossil Fuel Industry Vulnerabilities — Even Under TrumpHOMB Takes Additional Hurricane Reserve Out of Abundance of Caution
Ransomware attack on software supplier disrupts operations for Starbucks and other retailers
By BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.Former U.S. Rep. Anthony Weiner has filed to run for a seat on the New York City Council, launching a potential political comeback after his once-promising career was destroyed by sexting scandals and later a criminal conviction for having illicit online contact with a child. Campaign finance records list a campaign committee that was set up on Friday for Weiner called Weiner 25, in addition to listing him as a candidate for a council seat in lower Manhattan.