Fall is the best time to think about cooking soup. Here’s 5 recipes you’ll want to tryThe Atlanta Falcons drafting of Michael Penix Jr. just six weeks after signing Kirk Cousins to a $180 million contract doesn't seem like that much of a head-scratcher anymore. Penix, the eighth overall pick in this year's draft, was supposed to serve as Cousins' understudy for a year or two, a plan that was scuttled when Cousins quickly lost the zip and accuracy on his passes and his grip on the starting job. It was hard to argue with making the change after Cousins had nine picks and one touchdown pass in his last five starts — but it was a daring move nonetheless with the Falcons trailing first-place Tampa Bay by a single game with three weeks left. Penix made the move pay off with a solid first NFL start in the Falcons' 34-7 rout of the New York Giants on Sunday that bolstered Atlanta's playoff hopes , and the Falcons (8-7) moved back into first place in the NFC South with the Buccaneers' loss at Dallas on Sunday night. The left-hander was not at all overwhelmed by the moment, completing 18 of 27 passes for 202 yards — numbers that would’ve been better if not for at least three dropped passes, one of which Kyle Pitts bobbled right into the hands of a New York defender for Penix’s lone interception. “He went out and played almost flawless football,” coach Raheem Morris said. Cousins will almost certainly be looking for his fourth team in 2025. If the Falcons cut ties as expected, they'll have paid Cousins $90 million for 14 games. Cousins' career earnings are about $321 million and his record is 84-77-2, including a 1-3 mark in the playoffs and 7-7 this season. In the spirit of expedited judgments, let's take a gander at how other quarterbacks have fared with their new teams in 2024. The Pittsburgh Steelers landed the biggest bargain of the season in Wilson, whom they signed for the veteran's minimum of $1.21 million, leaving his former team, the Denver Broncos, on the hook for the remaining $37.79 million of his 2024 salary. Wilson's calf injury in camp forced the Steelers to start Justin Fields, who went 4-2 before Mike Tomlin made the risky switch to Wilson, who's gone 6-3 with 15 TD throws and four interceptions. With the Steelers (10-5) playoff-bound, Wilson will make his first postseason appearance since 2020. The only question is whether it'll be at home as AFC North champ or on the road as a wild-card. They're tied with the Ravens atop the division but currently own the tiebreaker. This was expected to be a rebuilding year in Minnesota after the Vikings lost Cousins in free agency. They signed Darnold, the third overall pick in 2018, to a $10 million, one-year contract and drafted national champion J.J. McCarthy with the 10th overall pick. McCarthy tore the meniscus in his right knee during the preseason opener and has undergone two surgeries, opening the way for Darnold's breakthrough season. Darnold brought a 21-35 career record with him to Minneapolis and all he's done is go 13-2 while setting career highs with 32 touchdown passes, 3,776 passing yards and a 67.2% completion percentage. The Vikings are tied with the Lions atop the packed NFC North and the division crown could come down to Minnesota's season finale at Detroit on Jan. 5. The Las Vegas Raiders signed Minshew to a two-year, $25 million contract and he beat out incumbent Aidan O'Connell for the starting gig. But he only went 2-7 and sustained a season-ending broken collarbone in a Week 12 loss to the Broncos, opening the door for O'Connell (1-4) to return. The Raiders' 19-14 win over Jacksonville on Sunday snapped a 10-game skid but might have taken them out of the Shedeur Sanders sweepstakes. They are 3-12, a game behind the Giants (2-13), who jettisoned QB Daniel Jones less than two years after signing him to a four-year, $160 million contract and have gone with Drew Lock and Tommy DeVito instead. The Chicago Bears had high hopes after drafting Williams with the No. 1 overall pick, but it might turn out that the second QB taken — Washington's Jayden Daniels — is better than the first as was the case last year when C.J. Stroud outperformed Carolina's Bryce Young. Williams has a terrific TD-to-INT ratio of 19-5, but the Bears are 4-11 and have lost nine in a row. Their last win came way back on Oct. 13 against Jacksonville. The 2023 Heisman Trophy winner out of LSU has led the Washington Commanders (10-5) to the cusp of their first playoff appearance since 2020. His bolstered his Rookie of the Year credentials with a five-TD performance Sunday in leading the Commanders to a 36-33 win over the Philadelphia Eagles. For the year, Daniels has 22 TD throws and eight interceptions. The former Auburn and Oregon star hasn't looked much like a rookie after starting an NCAA QB record 61 times in college. The Broncos (9-6) could snap an eight-year playoff drought with a win Sunday at Cincinnati thanks to Nix's steady play , Sean Payton's exhaustive guidance and Denver's traditionally stingy defense. Nix was drafted 12th overall after the Broncos released Wilson despite a a whopping $85 million dead money charge on top of the $37.79 million they're paying Wilson to play for Pittsburgh this year. With 22 TDs and 11 interceptions, Nix has almost matched Russell's win total (11-19) in his two seasons in Denver. AP Sports Writer Paul Newberry in Atlanta contributed to this report. Behind the Call analyzes the biggest topics in the NFL during the season. AP NFL: https://apnews.com/hub/nflCalifornia urges Buttigeg to grant last-minute cash for LA-SF bullet train as DOGE looms
Newsmakers for December 1
This article is part of HuffPost’s biweekly politics newsletter. Click here to subscribe . A hallmark of Donald Trump ’s first presidency was the way major policy developments would sometimes get almost no attention, because they were competing with the flurry of higher-profile, sometimes mind-blowing controversies swirling around him and his team. Evidently Trump’s second presidency is going to unfold in the same way. For the past week, the political world has focused mostly on the controversies over Trump’s planned appointments for top positions in his administration. And that’s understandable, given his plan to put the nation’s health in the hands of a noted vaccine skeptic and to hand the national intelligence apparatus over to someone who likes to repeat talking points from Russian propaganda . But that conversation has left virtually no space for discussion about policy changes — including one that should raise a lot of questions about exactly whose interests Trump will represent in government and exactly who has influence over him. The policy in question is a federal tax credit for buyers of new electric vehicles. It exists thanks to the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act, President Joe Biden’s signature legislative accomplishment, and is part of that law’s effort to reduce reliance on fossil fuels by promoting EV use. Last week Reuters reported that Trump’s transition team was recommending he ask Congress to kill the tax credit. And while Trump has not said anything publicly, auto industry leaders and investors saw the report as a trial balloon and indicator of what the president-elect is likely to do. It was not exactly a shocking development. Trump has been speaking out against Democratic support of EVs ― or what he has called, deceptively, an “ electric vehicle mandate ” ― for years. Especially when speaking in states like Michigan, cradle of America’s auto industry, he has portrayed the EV effort as elite Democrats imposing a tree-hugging agenda that will ruin the U.S. auto industry and, in the process, wipe out jobs for U.S. workers. Still, Trump never said explicitly whether he’d actually seek to eliminate the tax credit. And there were reasons to think he might not pursue the idea after the election. One is that a number of House Republicans support the EV incentives. Many come from places like Georgia, Ohio, Indiana and Nevada ― states that Trump won and where the EV effort has led to a boom in factory construction. The recent EV push has “created good jobs in many parts of the country — including many districts represented by members of our conference,” the House members wrote in a summer letter to House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) Then there are the feelings of the auto industry itself. Both Ford and General Motors, the two legacy car companies still based in Detroit, have supported the tax credit because they think a global shift towards EVs is inevitable. The real question now, they argue, is not whether there will be many more EVs in the future, but who will produce and sell them. The U.S. carmakers are particularly worried about losing ground to Chinese companies. Thanks to two decades of financial support from their own government, Chinese carmakers can now produce EVs more cheaply and, as a result, are poised to dominate the worldwide market. The new federal tax credit, worth up to $7,500 per vehicle but only valid for EVs produced here in the U.S., is giving Ford and GM a chance to compete on a more even playing field among U.S. consumers. Good jobs in the districts of House Republicans, a chance to help American industry compete with China ― those sure sound like ideas that might resonate with Trump. But those aren’t the only appeals Trump is hearing. He’s also hearing from some of his biggest, and richest, allies. And they have a very different view. Hamm, Musk And EVs One of the co-leaders of the transition team on EV policy, according to Reuters, is Harold Hamm , a billionaire oil tycoon who was a prodigious Trump fundraiser during the campaign (and donated plenty of his own money, too). Hamm opposes support for EVs, whose growth over the long term would reduce demand for gasoline ― i.e., the financial lifeblood of his enterprises. Elon Musk, another Trump megadonor, also has the president-elect’s ear. And although Musk is the CEO of Tesla, the nation’s top electric carmaker, Musk has said his company doesn’t need the subsidies because it’s not trying to retool from making gas-powered cars and isn’t at the same disadvantage internationally as the legacy Detroit automakers. “I think it would be devastating for our competitors and for Tesla slightly,” Musk told investors over the summer. But he said that in the “long term, it probably helps” Tesla if Trump does away with the tax credit, since that could allow Tesla to more thoroughly dominate the U.S. market. Corey Cantor , a senior auto industry analyst at BloombergNEF, told HuffPost he thinks Tesla sales benefit from the tax credits more than Musk lets on. But he agrees Tesla has “far more flexibility” and would suffer less. One reason for that is that Musk has fought unionization at his auto plants and, according to outside analysts, pays his workers less than competitors . A major goal of the Biden EV push was to support unionized companies in the U.S. and, in the process, guarantee better pay for manufacturing workers. It’s impossible to know just how much Trump’s opposition to the EV tax credit reflects the influence of Hamm and Musk, given his own longstanding skepticism of measures to prevent climate change. But Trump has a lengthy , well-chronicled history of heeding or helping donors who want policy favors, or offering them positions in his administration. And that’s to say of nothing of how Trump and his family profited personally when, for example, lobbyists and foreign dignitaries would stay at Trump’s Washington hotel. One w atchdog group determined through public disclosures that his daughter, Ivanka, and her husband, Jared Kushner, made as much as $640 million in outside income during Trump’s first term. Now Trump is on his way back to the White House, with a transition team led by and stocked with billionaires . Musk, along with fellow billionaire Vivek Ramaswamy, are leading a so-called Department of Government Efficiency (“DOGE”) task force that, though not an official government entity, will identify targets for big cuts in government spending. The Political Game Lobbyists and analysts familiar with the transition told The New York Times they thought Ford and GM (and Stellantis, the other Detroit company, which is now part of a foreign conglomerate) still had a chance to save the tax credit, if they’re strategic enough. As these sources explained it to the Times, part of Trump’s motivation for killing the tax credit was his grudge against the Detroit companies because of their past support for auto emissions policies he opposed. To get on Trump’s good side, the companies needed to make amends ― or, as the Times put it, “bow to Mr. Trump.” Trump has always been unabashedly transactional . The variable is which kind of currency will get him to respond. Campaign contributions? Family enrichment? Personal abasement? Some combination of the above? The future of EVs, like so many other issues in policy for the next four years, may depend on who figures out the answer. Related From Our Partner
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