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By BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.No. 7 Tennessee extends its season-opening winning streak to 7 games in 78-35 win over UT MartinGeneration Beta is coming: Babies born in 2025 will experience a world like no other
Gray insists dramatic late equaliser can give his struggling Hibs team the confidence to climb Premiership table Click here to visit the Scotland home page for the latest news and sport By STEPHEN HALLIDAY Published: 23:30, 26 November 2024 | Updated: 23:34, 26 November 2024 e-mail View comments David Gray hailed the character of his Hibs side after Rocky Bushiri salvaged a late point in a thriller that ended with three goals in stoppage time. And Gray insisted the 3-3 draw with Aberdeen can be a launchpad to lift his side away from the bottom of the league. Joe Newell had given Hibs a first half lead only for Jamie McGrath and Nicky Devlin to turn the match on its head. But Nicky Cadden made it 2-2 in the second minute of stoppage time before Ester Sokler scored what looked like a winner for the Dons in the 95th minute. Bushiri then levelled a minute later in dramatic scenes at Easter Road. ‘It’s quite hard to explain exactly how I’m feeling,’ said Gray. ‘The players can take immense credit. ‘Their attitude and character was tested greatly and they responded well. We deserved to win on chances created. Hibs boss David Gray believes the result can give his team the confidence to move up the table Rocky Bushiri is on hand to force home the equalising goal on an astonishing evening The Hibs goalscorer is mobbed by delirious team-mates after his late heroics ‘We shot ourselves in the foot again at times. I’m not going to paper over the cracks and say it’s okay because we got a late equaliser. ‘It’s never been through a lack of effort. Confidence levels have been low but this can go a long way to helping that. ‘We need to look at the areas where we have let ourselves down again but the character the players have shown was good. ‘If we can keep putting on performances like that, it will turn around quickly. ‘It’s my responsibility to change it when this team is bottom of the league. The fans were 100 per cent behind the team tonight and they have to understand the positive impact that can have.’ Aberdeen manager Jimmy Thelin felt his players were punished for a lack of concentration after going 3-2 in front in the 95th minute. Aberdeen boss Thelin was left to reflect on dropping five league points in four days ‘It was an emotional game, a roller coaster,’ said the Swede. ‘We scored a great goal through Ester Sokler to make it 3-2 and there were a lot of emotions in the celebrations with the fans. ‘But the game isn’t over until it’s over. We knew what Hibs would do from the restart but collectively we didn’t deal with it. ‘Angry is the wrong word to use but we were all disappointed in the dressing room at conceding the equaliser that way. ‘We have to learn from it and there were positive things for us tonight, the spirit we showed after being 1-0 down at half-time and scoring three goals away from home.’ Share or comment on this article: Gray insists dramatic late equaliser can give his struggling Hibs team the confidence to climb Premiership table e-mail Add comment
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London Drugs spreads Christmas joy with Stocking Stuffers for SeniorsJimmy Carter: Many evolutions for a centenarian ‘citizen of the world’Mike Hardman trying to help Utica Comets build on recent winsMicrosoft Dynamics ERP Consulting Service Market Forecasted for Strong Growth from 2024 to 2032 12-29-2024 06:48 PM CET | Business, Economy, Finances, Banking & Insurance Press release from: Prudent Markets Microsoft Dynamics ERP Consulting Service Market The Microsoft Dynamics ERP Consulting Service Market 2024-2023 report provides a comprehensive analysis of Types (Online Service, Offline Service), Application (Large Enterprises, SMEs), Analysis of Industry Trends, Growth, and Opportunities, R&D landscape, Data security and privacy concerns Risk Analysis, Pipeline Products, Assumptions, Research Timelines, Secondary Research and Primary Research, Key Insights from Industry Experts, Regional Outlook and Forecast, 2024-2032. 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Segmentation of Microsoft Dynamics ERP Consulting Service Market- By Type Online Service, Offline Service By Application Large Enterprises, SMEs Geographic Segmentation -North America (USA, Canada, Mexico) -Europe (Germany, UK, France, Russia, Italy, Rest of Europe) -Asia-Pacific (China, Japan, South Korea, India, Southeast Asia, Rest of Asia-Pacific) -South America (Brazil, Argentina, Columbia, Rest of South America) -The Middle East and Africa (Saudi Arabia, UAE, Egypt, Nigeria, South Africa, Rest of MEA) Prudent Markets provides attractive discounts that fit your needs. Customization of the reports as per your requirement is also offered. Get in touch with our sales team, who will guarantee you a report that suits your needs. 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Tineco Recognized as Global Leader in Emerging Floor Washer CategoryBy Sinéad Carew and Medha Singh (Reuters) -MSCI’s global equities index edged lower and the dollar slipped with Treasury yields on Wednesday as investors digested the latest economic data and the potential impact of policies from the incoming U.S. administration, including tariff threats. Oil prices settled close to flat after a large, surprise build in U.S. gasoline stockpiles and worries about the outlook for U.S. interest rates in 2025 countered easing supply concerns from a ceasefire deal between Israel and Hezbollah. Equities lost some ground after data showed U.S. consumer spending increased solidly in October, suggesting the economy kept a strong growth pace but that progress dampening inflation has stalled recently. In the 12 months through October core inflation, which the Federal Reserve tracks monetary policy, increased 2.8% after climbing 2.7% in September. “This was no earth-shattering news for the markets. We all expected that inflation would pop up a little bit, but inflation is not getting out of hand. And that’s the key,” said Peter Cardillo, chief market economist at Spartan Capital Securities. “This paves the way for a 25 basis point cut in December and then probably a pause.” After the data, traders were betting on a 70% probability for a Fed rate cut in December compared with a roughly 59% probability on Tuesday, according to CME Group’s FedWatch tool. On Wall Street, at 02:50 p.m. the Dow Jones Industrial Average fell 112.78 points, or 0.25%, to 44,747.53, the S&P 500 fell 20.60 points, or 0.34%, to 6,001.10 and the Nasdaq Composite fell 108.10 points, or 0.56%, to 19,068.01. MSCI’s gauge of stocks across the globe fell 0.56 points, or 0.07%, to 858.52, while Europe’s STOXX 600 index closed down 0.19% earlier in the day. Investor reactions to the data took into account President-elect Donald Trump’s late Monday threat to immediately put a 25% tariff on all products from Mexico and Canada when he takes office in January, and impose an additional 10% tariff on goods from China. The threat already drew warnings of retaliation. “Today’s data shouldn’t change views of the likely path for disinflation, however bumpy. But a lot of observers, probably including some at the Fed, are looking for reasons to get more hawkish on the outlook given the potential for inflationary policy change like new tariffs,” said David Alcaly, lead macroeconomic strategist at Lazard Asset Management in an email. Wednesday’s market moves were likely magnified by lower liquidity as investors turned their focus to Thursday’s U.S. Thanksgiving holiday, according to Alex Atanasiu, portfolio manager at Glenmede Investment Management. Thursday’s market close will be followed by a shorter trading day on Friday. In Treasuries, the yield on benchmark U.S. 10-year notes fell 5.8 basis points to 4.244%, from 4.302% late on Tuesday while 30-year bond yield fell 5.3 basis points to 4.427%. The 2-year note yield, which typically moves in step with interest rate expectations, fell 3.9 basis points to 4.215%, from 4.254% late on Tuesday. In currencies, the dollar index, which measures the greenback against a basket of currencies including the yen and the euro, fell 0.75% to 106.04. Against the Japanese yen, the dollar weakened 1.38% to 150.98 with the yen touching its strongest level versus the greenback in almost five weeks. The euro was up 0.75% at $1.0565 while sterling strengthened 0.85% to $1.2675. After falling on Tuesday, the Mexican peso strengthened 0.23% versus the dollar at 20.628 while the Canadian dollar strengthened 0.2% versus the greenback. The largest cryptocurrency, bitcoin, attempted to find its feet after a four-day retreat from a record high of $99,830. It was last up 5.36% to $96,567.00. Oil prices had flitted between red and green having fallen on Tuesday following confirmation of the Israel-Hezbollah ceasefire after selling off more sharply on Monday in anticipation of such an agreement. U.S. crude settled down 0.07% at $68.72 a barrel, while Brent ended at $72.83 per barrel, up 0.03% on the day. In precious metals, spot gold rose 0.1% to $2,634.62 an ounce. U.S. gold futures rose 0.56% to $2,635.90 an ounce. (Reporting by Sinéad Carew, Stephen Culp, Medha Singh and Kevin Buckland; Additional reporting by Tom Westbrook; Editing by Marguerita Choy and Mark Potter) Disclaimer: This report is auto generated from the Reuters news service. 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Asia-Pacific markets are set to open lower on the second last day of the year, tracking Wall Street's declines on Friday. Asia-Pacific markets were set to open lower on the penultimate trading day of this year, after Wall Street declined on Friday. Australia's S&P/ASX 200 traded 0.3% lower in its first hour of trade. Japan's Nikkei 225 futures pointed to a weaker open for the market, with the futures contract in Chicago at 40,210 compared to the index's previous close of 40,281.16. This week, traders await China's manufacturing PMI on Tuesday, while markets will be closed on Wednesday for New Year's Day holiday. U.S. stocks fell Friday, led by technology names, but major indexes still rose for the week. The blue-chip Dow Jones Industrial Average shed 333.59 points, or 0.77%, to 42,992.21, falling for the first time in six sessions. The S&P 500 fell 1.11% to 5,970.84. The Nasdaq Composite slid 1.49% to 19,722.03, as Tesla dropped about 5% and Nvidia fell 2%. —CNBC's Yun Li and Pia Singh contributed to this report.