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bet past tense Two people on separate yachts participating in the Sydney to Hobart Yacht Race have died after they were each struck by a sail boom on the NSW coast. The first participant died just before midnight and the second before 2am, according to a NSW police statement. Police have not released the names of the yachts involved. The yachts jostle for position before the start of the Sydney to Hobart. Credit: Rhett Wyman / SMH The first yacht was struck by a sail boom about 11.50pm. Fellow crew members performed CPR, but they could not be revived. The yacht has altered course to Jervis Bay where it is expected to arrive about 7am. About two hours later, crew members from a second yacht were also hit by a sail boom. Officers from the Marine Area Command were informed of a second fatality in the race at 2.15am after crew members unsuccessfully performed CPR. A police vessel is escorting the second yacht to Batemans Bay. The estimated arrival time is approximately 7am. More to come Save Log in , register or subscribe to save articles for later. License this article Sydney to Hobart Tragedy Daniella Miletic is digital editor at The Age. She has been the paper's social affairs editor, food and wine writer, consumer affairs and a law and justice reporter. Email or tweet Daniella with your news tips. Connect via Twitter or email . Most Viewed in National LoadingTALLINN, Estonia (AP) — Belarus has granted asylum to a former Polish judge who faced espionage charges at home following his defection in May to the Kremlin-allied country. A decree published Friday by Alexander Lukashenko, Belarus’ autocratic president, described Tomasz Szmydt as being “prosecuted for political reasons” in Poland. The country is an EU and NATO member that has lent vocal support to Ukraine in its war against Russian aggression .BIG TEN ROUNDUP

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With the Department of Government Efficiency ( DOGE ) being announced as a sort-of empowered advisory agency adjunct to the incoming Trump administration, there is debate in India about replicating it. Some of the discussion has been pointed. Much of it has been circular and redundant. It merits deeper thought. ET Year-end Special Reads Corporate Kalesh: Top family disputes of India Inc in 2024 The world of business lost these eminent people in 2024 Fast, faster, fastest: How 2024 put more speed into your shopping Making government more efficient - indeed, making any institution more efficient - is a valid aspiration. Efficiency has many parameters. These include rightsizing - as opposed to merely downsizing - and making government more responsive by use of, for instance, technology. Streamlining government structures and regulations also plays a part. All of this operates under an overarching political philosophy, defined by the government. However, models, templates and ideas from one system cannot easily be transplanted. The Indian state needs efficiency, but does GoI need DOGE? Or, at least, DOGE as interpreted by DOGE's leadership? That is an extremely relevant question. It deserves more than loose thoughts expressed by social media ideologues. DOGE's primary focus is to reduce the size of the federal government by slicing off jobs created by executive order in recent years. The logic is that what was created by executive order can be undone by executive order. Cutting positions that will require Congressional approval can happen later. 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These could include certain types of 'soft diplomacy' positions in the State Department, or in education regulation. Done intelligently, this could be very popular with Republicans, and also melt obvious fat. Done with a sledgehammer, it could end up strengthening career civil servants, and removing a layer of political flexibility and subjectivity. Typically, there will be a bit of both, even if DOGE is ultimately judged a success. The situation in India is dissimilar. In core governance roles, relatively few positions have been created or filled by political discretion. True, there is a panoply of institutions and commissions. But these are often at the periphery of government. Further, an honest assessment of the Union government could well conclude that it requires not fewer employees but more, encompassing both technocrats and generalists. The Indian state needs to recede and give more space to entrepreneurship and civil society. But several ministries, departments and agencies are actually understaffed. These are both true, and mean very different things. Could some of this efficiency be injected by bringing in external talent? Again, it would be prudent not to jump to conclusions. Harmonisation of lateral entrants and career bureaucracy is a challenge in many systems. The selection of lateral entrants, too, is critical. India has a long history of such experiments. Some have worked, others have not. The best case studies involve individuals identified for specific positions and roles due to aptitude, skill set and alignment with chosen policy goals. Take India's semiconductor mission. It has made appreciable progress. But within the global semiconductor community, there is a genuine argument as to whether India can, and needs to, make such massive capital investments. Of course, GoI's policy direction is clear. Presume GoI wants to hire an outside specialist for the semiconductor mission. Should it choose the technically best-qualified candidate, who believes the semiconductor policy is flawed? Or the less but still appropriately qualified one, who believes the government is on the right path in committing resources to building a semiconductor ecosystem? A UPSC selection panel could go by objective criteria and nominate the first candidate. An enlightened political appreciation will pick the second. x selections of the second type are more likely to enhance efficiency than 2x selections of the first type. For that, you need not elaborate job application processes, but clear-headed ministers who know whom they want - and what they want to do. Does rewriting or removing laws and minor regulations - 'process reform', as this is referred to these days - enhance efficiency? The answer is a qualified one. While updating regulations and abolishing anachronistic laws have notable modernisation and aesthetic value, it's worth ascertaining which rules and laws are actual hindrances and which are simply around but are no longer being deployed. Many countries are burdened with obsolete laws and regulations not used in practice, and offer no real-world deadweight loss. Removing them is a good thing. But it does not automatically deliver economic outcomes or systemic efficiency. Activity, as Yes Minister cautioned us, is not always achievement. Finally, there are vestigial organisations. New Delhi is no stranger to agencies, councils and commissions that serve little purpose. Perhaps they answered a felt need at their founding. Perhaps they were sinecures for a political favourite. Either way, they have outlived utility and become self-serving cost centres. The Modi government has done much to dissolve, merge and zip such bodies. Yet, the striving never ends. Post facto clean-up is no substitute for institutionalised, built-in correctives. Rather than a one-time DOGE, a regular and systemic audit of government and quasi-government bodies to measure return on investment is better. Ideally, it should be intrinsic to an organisation's inaugural charter itself. It is not too late to start. Any such rigorous audit should look at not just bodies founded in the distant past but closely at institutions and agencies set up since 2014.Democrats strike deal to get more Biden judges confirmed before Congress adjournsNone

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TALLINN, Estonia (AP) — Belarus has granted asylum to a former Polish judge who faced espionage charges at home following his defection in May to the Kremlin-allied country. A decree published Friday by Alexander Lukashenko, Belarus’ autocratic president, described Tomasz Szmydt as being “prosecuted for political reasons” in Poland. The country is an EU and NATO member that has lent vocal support to Ukraine in . Szmydt’s defection to Belarus in May trained the focus on Poland as a key target for Russian intelligence activity and ignited a bitter political row over the circumstances of his rapid ascent through the ranks of the Polish justice system. Poland’s prosecutors and special services launched an investigation the same month after Belarus media reported that Szmydt arrived in the country and asked for protection. Warsaw responded days later by , a step toward an international arrest warrant on spying allegations that would restrict his ability to travel internationally. Polish officials have been working to determine how harmful Szmydt’s knowledge of any classified information might be to the interests of Warsaw and its Western allies. Poland’s Prime Minister has publicly called him a traitor. Szmydt fled to Belarus after resigning from his post as a judge at the Warsaw Administrative Court, saying in a public statement that he was doing so in protest against Poland’s “harmful and unjust” policy toward Belarus and Russia. A short time later, he appeared at a press conference in Belarus, praising Lukashenko’s regime and presenting himself as a victim of repression. A Polish court later that month lifted Szmydt’s immunity, allowing him to be tried in absentia for spying allegations that he has denied. Szmydt was notorious in Poland for having engaged in a 2019 online smear campaign against other judges that was sponsored by the . Three years later, he appeared to switch sides, appearing in a TV documentary to expose what he said was unethical behavior by judges close to the ruling party. Szmydt’s defection came as a shock in Poland, which has a history of distrust of Russia. Belarus has been one of the Kremlin’s few close allies since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, and Lukashenko has relied on Moscow’s subsidies and support. In return, he has allowed Moscow to use Belarusian territory to send troops and weapons into the neighboring state, and to deploy tactical nuclear weapons on Belarusian soil. Authorities in Minsk have been ratcheting up repressive measures ahead of a presidential election in January in which the strongman leader is seeking a seventh term, including by who have shown solidarity with Kyiv. Authorities responded to massive protests following the widely disputed with a wide-ranging crackdown in which about 65,000 people were arrested. Major opposition figures were either imprisoned or fled the country, and human rights activists say Belarus is holding about 1,300 political prisoners.

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Happy holidays from Bad Bunny , who announced Thursday he will release a new album Jan. 5. “Debí Tirar Más Fotos,” which translates to “I should have taken more photos,” is his sixth studio album and follows in his tradition of releasing new music on unexpected dates. His debut album, 2018’s “X 100PRE," arrived around Christmas and 2020's “El Último Tour del Mundo” near Thanksgiving. The January release date is just before “Día de Reyes,” or Three Kings Day, and is a Sunday — unlike the industry's standard Friday release date. The Puerto Rican musician announced the news on Instagram in a short video featuring filmmaker Jacobo Morales. He also released a new single, “PIToRRO DE COCO.” A day before, Bad Bunny teased a 17-track list on social media, with each song titled “BOMBA,” perhaps in reference to the Puerto Rican musical style and dance. “Debí Tirar Más Fotos” follows 2023's “Nadie Sabe Lo Que Va a Pasar Mañana” (“Nobody Knows What Will Happen Tomorrow”), which was met with mixed reviews. On that album, Bad Bunny's reggaeton offerings were limited, returning instead to the Latin trap of “X 100PRE” in songs like “MONACO” and “GRACIAS POR NADA.” The announcement caps a busy year for El Conejo Malo. Bad Bunny made headlines after he threw his support behind Vice President Kamala Harris shortly after a comedian at Donald Trump’s Madison Square Garden rally made crude jokes about Latinos and called Puerto Rico a “floating island of garbage.” He also canvassed North America on his “Most Wanted Tour,” which made The Associated Press' list of the best concerts of the year.