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Weave Communications stock hits 52-week high at $14.52Dec 11 (Reuters) - Alphabet (GOOGL.O) , opens new tab led a Big Tech rally on Wednesday, with its stock hitting a record high after U.S. President-elect Donald Trump picked Federal Trade Commissioner Andrew Ferguson to lead the consumer protection and antitrust agency. Trump tapped Ferguson on Tuesday to replace Lina Khan, whose term as FTC chair has expired. The agency became a political flashpoint under Khan, who promoted antitrust enforcement as a check on corporate power. Several Big Tech firms such as Google-parent Alphabet, Microsoft (MSFT.O) , opens new tab and Apple (AAPL.O) , opens new tab faced heightened regulatory pressure from the FTC during her tenure. Ferguson was a "known dissenter" under Khan "and many people feel under his leadership the antitrust case against Alphabet will come to an end", said Jay Woods, chief global strategist at Freedom Capital Markets. Trump and his team have been broadly critical of Big Tech companies, although some of his most prominent backers were tech executives, and it is unclear how they will approach regulatory and M&A policy for that sector. Alphabet's shares rose about 5.5% to hit a record high of $195.45. Tesla (TSLA.O) , opens new tab jumped 4.6%, also to a record high, extending its rally since the Nov. 5 presidential election on bets the EV-maker will benefit from CEO Elon Musk's close relationship with Trump. Other tech shares also rallied. Microsoft gained 1.2% and Amazon.com (AMZN.O) , opens new tab and Meta Platforms (META.O) , opens new tab added 2% each. The latest inflation report raised expectations of an interest-rate cut by the U.S. Federal Reserve later this month, lifting technology stocks . Shares of Alphabet have gained over 10% in the last two days following announcements from the company about its AI agents and quantum-chip breakthrough. Google released the second generation of its Gemini artificial-intelligence model earlier on Wednesday and teased a lineup of new ways to use AI beyond chatbots, including through a pair of eyeglasses. It unveiled a new-generation chip on Monday , which it said helped overcome a key challenge in quantum computing. "What we're seeing here is Google positioning itself at the bleeding edge of a transformative technology," said Michael Ashley Schulman, chief investment officer at Running Point Capital. "While Google sometimes has been viewed as 'behind' in AI, the recent quantum breakthrough shows us that the company knows how to construct processors," said Jamie Meyers, senior analyst at Laffer Tengler Investments. Sign up here. Reporting by Harshita Mary Varghese in Bengaluru; Editing by Pooja Desai Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles. , opens new tabThis was the year of Taylor Swift . The same could have been said of 2023 – and, arguably, pretty much every year in the past decade – yet 2024 brought a new dimension to her dominance. The 34-year-old American singer-songwriter became inescapable: a relentless one-woman carousel of shiny costumes, bright smiles and singalong choruses, plastered across the news, ubiquitous on social media, streaming on all platforms and live on stage in a city near you. Her Eras tour comprised 149 shows spanning five continents, including a record-breaking eight-night residency at Wembley Stadium. It outdid such veteran superstars as U2, Coldplay , Ed Sheeran and Madonna, and even left Elton John and the Rolling Stones in the dust, to become the first US$2 billion ($3.5b) tour. This summer, Britain went more than a little Taylor mad. Fans dressed up in outfits inspired by her songs, and cutouts of Swift’s face peered from high-street windows. Famous admirers were spotted at Wembley – Hugh Grant, Paul McCartney, Tom Cruise and the Prince of Wales among them. (Swift also held a controversial meet and greet with the Prime Minister, Keir Starmer, amid the horrible fallout of a slaughter of innocents at a Taylor Swift-themed dance class in Southport.)
PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.Oppenheimer & Co. 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AP Sports SummaryBrief at 5:05 p.m. ESTA MASKED thug has been filmed brandishing two huge "zombie knives" at passersby outside a school. The yob, dressed in a dark tracksuit and balaclava , was spotted walking around residential streets holding a pair of black, machete-like weapons . Advertisement 4 A masked thug was spotted brandishing two 'zombie knives' in Nottingham Credit: Twitter/@CrimeLdn 4 He was confronted by two heroic bystanders Credit: Twitter/@CrimeLdn A clip taken by a pedestrian posted on X showed the knifeman being confronted by a pair of brave bystanders on the street. The heroic Brits yelled at him to "put it away", saying: "Look at you. "Think you're a f****** hard man with a knife? "Get gone." Advertisement READ MORE UK NEWS FIND HIM Urgent hunt for man who 'pulled out gun' in terrifying mosque ambush HERE COMES BERT Map reveals where Storm Bert will hit with 70mph gales, blizzards & floods The thug seemed to lunge at the pair with his weapons before saying something in reply, but it was muffled by his mask. He then turned to walk away, placing both knives in one hand so he could make an obscene gesture with the other. The person holding the camera shouted after him: "I'd f*** off and all. "P**** Advertisement Most read in The Sun WAITING GAME Rangers-Dundee Utd kick off DELAYED amid Storm Bert chaos as new time revealed COLD SNAP Full List of Storm Bert chaos with TEN games off and THREE Prem matches delayed SNOW JOKE Shock moment SPFL team coach gets stuck in snow amid Storm Bert travel chaos Live Blog WEATHER BOMB Road chaos ensues amid treacherous conditions as Scots urged not to travel "F*** off." The video has been heavily circulated on social media, with the man attracting universal scorn from commenters. ‘Loner’ pie heir who knifed only pal to death in frenzied Xmas Eve attack as screams of horror heard is GUILTY of murder One person claimed on Facebook that the incident had taken place outside their grandchildren's school and that pupils had been sent home for the day. Another wrote: "He intimidated nobody. Advertisement "Nottingham folk don’t fear b*******." And a third added: "How are these [knives] getting into the country?" The Sun has contacted Nottinghamshire Police for comment. 4 The incident allegedly took place outside a school Credit: Twitter/@CrimeLdn Advertisement 4 Pupils were reportedly sent home for the day Credit: Twitter/@CrimeLdn
Mumbai: The mandate of the people of Maharashtra has shown who is carrying forward the ideals of late Bal Thackeray, said Shiv Sena Lok Sabha MP and Chief Minister Eknath Shinde’s son Shrikant Shinde as early trends of the assembly polls showed the Mahayuti winning emphatically. He also said the results endorsed the work of the chief minister and underlined the fact that Shiv Sena is “not a private limited company”. Incidentally, the Mahayuti as well as the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi had not declared the chief ministerial face during campaigning. The Bal Thackeray-founded Shiv Sena split in June 2022 after Eknath Shinde rebelled against then CM Uddhav Thackeray and brought down the Maha Vikas Aghadi government. Since then, the two factions have been engaged in an acrimonious battle for supremacy as well as the legacy of Bal Thackeray, a Hindutva icon and one of the state’s most charismatic leaders. As at 1:30pm, data made available on the EC website showed the BJP leading on 127 seats, the Shiv Sena on 56 and the Ajit Pawar-led NCP on 40, all part of the ruling Mahayuti. Speaking to reporters, Shrikant Shinde said the credit for the mandate goes to CM Shinde and his deputies Devendra Fadnavis of the BJP and Ajit Pawar. Welfare schemes implemented by the Mahayuti government has led to a spectacular victory, along with the CM’s accessibility and the way his official residence Varsha was open to citizens at all times of the day, the Kalyan Lok Sabha MP said. “The Ladki Bahin Yojana did the magic. Sisters stood strongly behind their brothers. People have shown who is taking Balasaheb’s ideals forward,” Shinde said. The Shiv Sena was always a party of workers and people and not of a few individuals and voters have endorsed the feeling with this mandate, he asserted. “Shiv Sena is not a private limited company,” he said in a swipe at Uddhav Thackeray. The CM worked for 18-20 hours everyday and ensured welfare schemes were reaching every citizen, he said. “The Mahayuti’s hard work since coming to power in June 2022 is the key to this win. The people of Maharashtra have endorsed Chief Minister Shinde’s work. The false narratives of the opposition were shown the door The rival Uddhav Thackeray-led Shiv Sena was leading in just 19 seats.Cadiz Inc. Declares Quarterly Dividend for Q4 2024 on Series A Cumulative Perpetual Preferred Stock
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