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It is well known that San Jose, located in the heart of Silicon Valley, is a hub for innovation and technology. Consequently, it's no surprise that there is a growing demand for data science jobs in this area. Companies in San Jose are among the top employers seeking tech talent, and they offer many high-paying positions for skilled data scientists. This article highlights some of the best data science job opportunities currently available in the region, along with an overview of salary trends and the broader job market for data scientists. Best Paying Data Scientist Jobs in San Jose San Jose is a place where professionals who specialize in data science are in high demand. Some of the positions mentioned here pay better than others, and there are many chances for vertical promotions as well. Below is the list of the richest posts of the data scientists located here. Salary Range: $196,000 - $364,000 Right at the top of that list is a Product Engineering Group Director at Cadence Design Systems - a very senior leadership role whose compensation level is quite considerable, again because it requires experience and strategic stewardship in the leadership of product engineering teams in a state-of-the-art technology company. So the data science experience and leadership capability to manage teams and projects at the most senior levels are expected from someone applying for this role. Salary Range: $219,352 - $351,256 Intel is a leading company in semiconductor technology. For the position of Senior Director of Design Engineering , the company is offering a competitive salary package. This role demands extensive experience in managing engineering teams and a deep understanding of data science principles as they relate to design engineering. The salary range reflects the significant responsibilities and expertise required, making this opportunity appealing to seasoned professionals in the field. Salary Range: $172,500 - $321,600 Adobe is well-known for its innovative products, and the position of Research Scientist/Engineer 5.5 offers a competitive salary range for experienced data scientist s specializing in research. This role involves working on advanced projects in data science that can contribute to future Adobe products and technologies. A solid background in data analytics and research is essential, making this position a great fit for individuals looking to apply their expertise to cutting-edge solutions in the tech industry. Salary Range: $211,536 - $287,100 PayPal is a leading company in the digital payment industry and is currently advertising for a Data Scientist 3 position with a specified salary range. PayPal's data scientists work with big data to enhance customer experiences, improve fraud detection, and provide various financial services. The ideal candidate should have experience in machine learning , data modeling, and statistical analysis, among other skills. This position represents an exciting opportunity for data scientists to contribute to innovation in financial services and make a meaningful impact in the fintech sector. Salary range: $153,000 to $312,000 Micron is a leading provider of memory and storage solutions. The company is currently seeking a Principal Hardware Development Engineer for a firmware development role. Although this position is primarily hardware-oriented, Micron emphasizes the importance of strong data science skills to further advance next-generation technologies. In terms of compensation, the salary for this role aligns with that of a senior, technically demanding position, making it one of the highest-paying opportunities available for data scientists in San Jose. Salary Range: Between $151,700 and $293,200. Vectra Networks is hiring for a Technology Alliances Solution Engineer/Architect position. This position comes with an attractive compensation package for candidates experienced in data science, network security, and artificial intelligence . This role is challenging because it requires a combination of technical expertise and business acumen, as you will be working closely with customers on designing and deploying AI-driven network security solutions. The key competencies needed for this position include data science, machine learning, and network security. Salary Range: $170,000 to $288,500 Micron's Principal CQE Engineer position is one of the highly competitive salaried jobs in the automobile industry. This role requires a strong focus on delivering high-quality performance to customers by utilizing data science and quality engineering principles. It is an analytical position that seeks candidates with experience in the automobile sector, making it an appealing choice for data scientists who are interested in both data and engineering. Salary Range: $150,700-$284,400 The attractive salary range for the data scientist with deep software engineering skills would be the position of Staff Software Engineer in Adobe. In this job, the data scientists would utilize their ability to analyze data to enhance the functionalities of the software and usability experience by working on a set of Adobe products. This role also involves much coding and experience in the development of algorithms, along with working with large sets of data. The job market for data scientists in San Jose is highly robust, offering lucrative opportunities for professionals at all stages of their careers. On average, data scientists in the region earn about $144,780 per year. However, salaries can vary significantly based on experience, skills, and specific roles. Top earners in this field can make as much as $230,296 annually, typically requiring advanced technical expertise or leadership skills. The average salary range for data scientists in San Jose falls within the 25th and 75th percentiles, with averages of $115,400 and $159,400, respectively. Career advancement and opportunities for growth increase considerably as professionals gain experience and further their training. San Jose is a highly competitive market for data scientists. The region offers diverse opportunities across various industries, including major tech companies like Adobe, Intel, and PayPal, as well as specialized sectors such as network security and automotive engineering. As a result, some of the highest-paying data science jobs in the nation are available here. With ample opportunities for career growth and significant salary advancement, San Jose continues to be a top destination for data science professionals seeking lucrative and fulfilling roles in the tech industry. Looking ahead, the region is expected to remain a hotbed of technological innovation, with a sustained demand for data scientists. This environment presents exciting challenges and opportunities for advancement in one of the most dynamic tech hubs in the world.When you drive around the Lakes Region, you will see a considerable amount of new construction and remodeling taking place in the towns and cities. A lot of new single-family homes and condominiums have popped up, and the lumber yards have been bustling. Laconia, for example, has seen a major increase in the number of new condominium developments and subdivisions approved, with many of them well underway. I personally counted 11 new projects underway or approved, plus three more going up for approvals. In total, it represents close to 800 new housing units; if you add this total to the new proposal plan for the 217 acres at the former Laconia State School with 2,000 housing units proposed conceptually, the total could reach 2,800 housing units. That’s a lot of proposed activity for a city the size of Laconia, which brings into question what the absorption will be. The Lakes Region's charm lies in its natural beauty and its small-town atmosphere ... Qualities that are threatened if development is not thoughtfully managed. We have multiple lakes and mountains in the region that we all should strive to protect and preserve for future generations. Laconia, over the years, has attracted many developers because it’s the hub of the beautiful Lakes Region. The availability of city water and sewer, as well as higher-density zoning ordinances makes the city attractive to developers. Additionally, Laconia’s newer performance zoning regulations allow for more flexibility in development projects, and as a result, the overall density of projects can increase considerably. West End Yards in Portsmouth is an example of a higher-density neighborhood destination. Tuscan Village in Salem, with 170 acres, is proposing a total of 1,785 housing units which includes a mix of condominiums and apartments with retail, restaurants, etc. Woodmont Commons in Londonderry is another example of higher-density neighborhoods, with 1,485 housing units proposed on the 600-acre site. The land plan also includes retail stores, restaurants, office space, and amenities. So, Laconia is at the cusp of seeing higher-density developments similar to the above projects at the former state school land. More input is needed from the residents of our communities to ensure that growth comes responsibly. Since 1976 I have been involved in the marketing and sale of over 100 different developments and resort properties. Totaling 2,486 housing units and over 600 resort rooms. Roche Realty Group has been involved in over 10,000 real estate transactions throughout New Hampshire. I’ve also experienced the cycles that came with growth and economic expansion. It’s been rewarding to see the various communities unfold that I’ve been involved in. The Grouse Point Club, South Down Shores, Long Bay on Winnipesaukee, Samoset Condominiums, and so many other developments. Plus, nine marinas and the conversion of four into condominiums as well as a large number of cottage colony and motel conversions into a condominium form of ownership. Every time I drive by each of these projects, I feel a sense of accomplishment but, most importantly, a contribution to the overall appeal of our Lakes Region. The evolution of balancing development and growth while preserving the very essence that makes it special. I’ve learned a lot over close to five decades of real estate experience in the Lakes Region and the many cycles that followed each decade. For example, the 1980s were dynamic and a lot of fun for many real estate professionals in the Lakes Region. The decade let off with a recession, high unemployment and business failures at their highest levels since 1932. The decade became known for its outrageous greed, with lots of free and easy capital and higher doses of leverage. Leverage can magnify gains as well as losses. It resulted in the creation of one of the best buying opportunities I’ve seen in real estate or one of the worst real estate depressions in history. Imagine paying 18% interest on a 30-year variable rate mortgage with a five cap over the life of the loan. It’s almost unthinkable, but that was the reality for homebuyers throughout the Lakes Region in October 1981. In the early 1980s, the Federal Reserve was waging a war with inflation. In an effort to tame double-digit inflation, the central bank drove interest rates higher to epic levels topping out at 18.4%. Because of the tough economic conditions in the early ‘80s, Ronald Reagan and Congress passed the Economic Recovery Act in 1981. As a result, real estate became a favorite tax shelter, and many syndications, real estate, trusts, and developments proliferated throughout the country. At the same time, the Federal Reserve lowered the interest rates to stimulate real estate activity. Deregulation of the savings and loan industry allowed thrifts to lend out money in a more aggressive manner, and at the same time, commercial banks were feeling the effects of competition and increased their allocations to real estate, including leverage financing of residential development and commercial projects. By the end of the decade, real estate amounted to approximately 35% of commercial bank assets. The influx of money translated into incredible development activity surrounding Lake Winnipesaukee. In my 48-year real estate career, I have never seen so many new developments and condominium projects start up throughout the Lakes Region. I went back and counted a total of 45 new condominium developments, which were started in the 1980s. They were popping up like dandelions in the spring. Because of the huge demand for workers, contractors were coming up from Texas, Florida, and Mexico. It was literally an unparalleled housing boom. Sufficient to the coin phrase, “The go-go ‘80s.” New Hampshire’s success throughout the 1980s seemed invincible. In 1986, New Hampshire housing stats increased to a high of 22,000 units. In the Lakes Region, we were selling condominium homes to clients benefiting from the Reagan administration‘s defense buildup and the remarkable rise of the Boston-based computer industry. The real estate market, however, was built on frail earth. The pipeline of high-tech jobs slowed dramatically, and there were two other national events that caused the real estate boom to flatten and take a nosedive. The first event was the Tax Reform Act of 1986. The second event was black Monday, the stock market crash of Oct. 19, 1987. What happened next was a real estate bust just as epic as the boom that preceded it; jobs vanished, banks failed, and unsold condos littered the market. With increased real estate loan defaults, a large number of northeastern banks failed (111 banks from 1990-92.) I think five of New Hampshire‘s largest banks closed during this time. Growing up as a kid in Manchester, I always remembered the huge neon Amoskeag Bank sign at the corner of Elm and Hanover streets. It was right across the street from my father‘s law office. To see that sign go down was a shock to everyone in New Hampshire. It was not fun, meandering through the foreclosure process that followed. Instead of real estate ads, the papers were littered with foreclosure notices and real estate auction ads. The speed and tenacity of the auction process ultimately led to a quick de-acceleration of real estate values. Which literally took a decade to rebalance. So where are we now? During the past 10 years, we haven’t seen the huge new construction build-up we experienced in the 1980s, and we haven’t seen the same leverage either. Basically, what we are doing today is reselling all of the products that were built in the 1980s, plus some new projects. We have a stable market with limited inventory for certain types of properties. Yes, prices have increased substantially since the 1980s, that’s a natural phenomenon; we’ve been blessed with an extremely low-interest rate environment during the last decade. Yes, the Federal Reserve has slowly increased interest rates in order to harness a strong economy and dampened inflation worries. Boston right now is providing us with a strong headwind, and we’ve been fortunate that their strong market has been a great incubator for second home sales surrounding Lake Winnipesaukee. Have we learned from our mistakes during the 1980? Only time will tell. ••• This article was written by Frank Roche, president of Roche Realty Group with offices in Meredith and Laconia, and can be reached at 603-279-7046. Visit rocherealty.com to learn more about the Lakes Region and its real estate market.WASHINGTON — The man tapped to be Donald Trump’s top legislative liaison will face challenges on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue as he manages a mercurial boss and tough math in both chambers of Congress. If the president-elect’s late-night and pre-sunrise social media blasts about legislation and lawmakers don’t prove challenging enough for former congressional aide James Braid and his incoming White House legislative affairs staff, the tight margins in what will be the Republican-run House and Senate will likely only further complicate matters. But Republican sources say Braid’s history in conservative circles should help the Trump team clear any potential hurdles, predicting several legislative wins next year. Braid is a former policy director for the hard-line conservative House Freedom Caucus and was a staffer for former South Carolina GOP Rep. Mark Sanford and for North Carolina Republican Ted Budd, when he served in the House. He most recently was a senior aide to Ohio Sen. JD Vance, the incoming vice president. “James is a very serious staffer. He works so hard and puts a lot of blood, sweat and tears into whatever he’s working on,” a former Senate GOP aide who has worked directly with Braid said this week. “I could see James and Trump getting along very well. Both are very ‘America First.’ They’re both very boisterous and full of energy — and they’re both hardcore and get-down-to-business guys.” A veteran of the first Trump administration as a legislative affairs aide in the White House Office of Management and Budget, Braid will be able to “tap into his vast well of knowledge about the appropriations process,” according to the former Senate GOP aide. “He’s a strategic thinker and has a lot of political savvy, and is someone who has a history of working with coalitions to get things done,” the former aide added. ‘One of the toughest jobs’ Several Republican sources this week said Trump and his incoming team were eager to, as one said, “put points on the board early.” That means Braid will be busy even before Day 1, as sources noted that House and Senate Republicans and their aides already have begun to look toward the new Congress and advancing Trump’s agenda. G. William Hoagland, a former senior Senate Republican staffer, said in an email that Braid will have “one of the toughest jobs in the White House.” “I would expect there could be some real shouting matches, or at least difficult discussions, with Trump as to why [Braid] cannot get certain House members to fall in line, unlike 2017, when Republicans had nearly a 40-seat majority,” added Hoagland, now with the Bipartisan Policy Center. “I don’t envy his job at all and he will be inundated with outside advisers — Elon Musk, etc. — not to mention new Cabinet officers and [OMB Director pick] Russ Vought.” Vought, who also served as acting OMB director toward the end of Trump’s initial term, could push Braid particularly hard from the White House side of Pennsylvania Avenue. Vought was also a key driver of the conservative Heritage Foundation-led “Project 2025” initiative which calls for deep cuts to federal programs and spending as well as a major overhaul of the federal apparatus — all of which would need Congress’ blessing. “Based on the conversations that I’ve had with the Trump team and some folks who are probably going in [the administration], a big part of what that will be, at least at the start, will be going after the ‘woke’ and weaponized pieces of appropriations,” the former Senate GOP aide said. “And also dealing with Ukraine aid, if that conflict isn’t already over by March,” when a potential pre-recess stopgap spending measure could be due to expire. (Lawmakers are expected this month to extend government funding through the early spring.) Braid did not respond to a message seeking an interview. Nor did Vance’s Senate office. Working the margins Republicans expect to move out on fast-track budget legislation under Congress’ special reconciliation rules, but crafting legislation that both moderate and conservative members can support has been tricky in the past. Finding a way to get that done will be crucial, GOP sources said, because any reconciliation legislation likely would not garner a single Democratic vote in either chamber. “It may be that James’ biggest issue for his future in that position is to quickly establish a good working relationship with the House leadership team including both the speaker’s and minority leader’s offices,” Hoagland said. “This is critical, given the margins.” With the last House race being called by The Associated Press early Wednesday, House Republicans will hold just a paper-thin majority next year — 220-215, assuming full attendance. That margin is, at least temporarily, on track to shrink in the early months of next year. Former Florida Rep. Matt Gaetz, who resigned from Congress last month shortly before withdrawing from consideration to be Trump’s attorney general, has said he will not return next year despite winning a fifth term in November. Two other members are expected to depart to join the new administration — New York Rep. Elise Stefanik, the House GOP conference chair who is Trump’s pick to be U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, and Florida Rep. Michael Waltz, the incoming national security adviser. While special elections are organized and held for those seats, Braid will have his work cut out for him maneuvering members of a House GOP conference that the former senior aide quipped “can go at each other often.” But in doing so, the former aide noted, Braid will have a political reality on his side during the sometimes-testy talks about the contents of legislation. “Remember, all those House members are up for reelection in two years,” he said. “So going against Trump won’t be very wise if they don’t want a primary opponent. I’d expect them to, eventually, fall in line.” Aaron Cutler, a former House GOP leadership aide, said in an email this week that “with tight margins in both chambers, Braid’s task will be to maximize every opportunity for legislative success,” adding: “By focusing on shared priorities and leveraging the president’s strong connection with the Republican base, they’ll have an opportunity to secure wins even in a closely divided Congress.” Beyond the fast-track reconciliation bills, however, Trump and Braid would need to secure at least some Democratic votes for other priorities. Some members of the opposition party already this week were giving Republicans some subtle advice. “Our divisions still run very deep, but our task in this chamber cannot and will not change,” Senate Democratic leader Charles E. Schumer, fresh off being elected by his conference to continue in his role, said Tuesday. “We are sent here to make life better for the American people.” ©2024 CQ-Roll Call, Inc., All Rights Reserved. Visit cqrollcall.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.
This report is from today's CNBC Daily Open, our international markets newsletter. CNBC Daily Open brings investors up to speed on everything they need to know, no matter where they are. Like what you see? You can subscribe here . Philadelphia news 24/7: Watch NBC10 free wherever you are Impeachment motion filed against South Korea's president South Korea's parliament has formally introduced a motion to impeach President Yoon Suk Yeol over his shock announcement — and subsequent reversal — of martial law, but his People's Power Party has vowed to oppose the move. The opposition Democratic Party holds a majority in the country's 300 seat parliament, but needs eight PPP lawmakers to cross the aisle for achieving the two-thirds supermajority needed for the impeachment. French government topples after no confidence vote France's government has been toppled in a vote of no confidence on Wednesday. A total of 331 lawmakers from both the leftwing New Popular Front alliance and the far-right National Rally supported a no-confidence motion in the country's lower house, far exceeding the 288 votes needed to pass the motion. This means Prime Minister Michel Barnier will be forced to tender his resignation. U.S. markets hit fresh records All three major U.S. indexes closed at record highs Wednesday, with tech shares leading the charge following strong reports from Salesforce and Marvell Technology. The Dow Jones Industrial Average gained 0.69% and closed above the 45,000 mark for the first time, at 45,014.04. The S&P 500 rose 0.61% and the Nasdaq Composite added 1.3% to end at 6,086.49 and 19,735.12 respectively. Powell not worried about Fed losing independence U.S. Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell said Wednesday he isn't worried President-elect Donald Trump will try to politicize the central bank once he takes office in January. His comments come amid reports that Trump may try to undermine Powell's authority. However, Powell said there are safeguards in congressional legislation that will help preserve the Fed from political influences. [PRO] UBS and others think it's time to short the dollar The U.S. dollar has surged since September, but some financial institutions are suggesting investors should bet against further strength in the greenback. Investment bank UBS, for instance, has warned investors not to chase the dollar's recent gains. It was the summer of 2016. Protests were being held at Ewha Womans University, one of Seoul's most prestigious universities and the country's top women's college, over the school administration's plan to introduce a new degree program. Their protests would set off a series of events leading to the impeachment and removal of then South Korean President Park Geun-hye in March 2017. Eight years later, another South Korean president is on the verge of impeachment. But unlike 2016, the backlash from the South Korean public and lawmakers was swift this time. Articles of impeachment have been introduced by opposition parties against President Yoon Seok Yeol barely 48 hours after his martial law flip-flop and subsequent reversal of martial law. Just hours following the announcement, South Koreans saw scenes of parliamentary staffers attempting to bar armed troops from the country's parliament using fire extinguishers; protesters clashing with police; and even a livestreamed video of opposition party leader Lee Jae-myung climbing over a parliament fence to reach the National Assembly. Given the political chaos, is South Korea still investible? Jonathan Garner, chief Asia and EM equity strategist at Morgan Stanley, told CNBC that even if one keeps aside the turmoil in the government, South Korea's economy is "not that well positioned in a global economic slowdown," and that the semiconductor and auto sectors, which are key industries in the country, are facing a potential downturn worldwide. However, others were more upbeat. "New reports are now suggesting that Yoon will be impeached or resign fairly quickly, which might help investors further draw a line under the affair," said Thomas Mathews, head of markets for Asia Pacific at Capital Economics. Mathews also added that impeachments are not unfamiliar to South Korea – and that equities fared quite well during Park's impeachment in 2016, despite numerous protest rallies in Seoul and other parts of the country.NoneGRAHAM GRANT: The Ghost of Christmas Future and a vision of Holyrood that would have left you cowering under the bedcovers... Click here to visit the Scotland home page for the latest news and sport By GRAHAM GRANT SCOTTISH HOME AFFAIRS EDITOR FOR THE SCOTTISH DAILY MAIL Published: 21:05, 23 December 2024 | Updated: 21:06, 23 December 2024 e-mail View comments Back in 1996, Scotland was on the verge of major constitutional change in the form of a devolved parliament. We didn’t know it for a certainty, of course, but Labour under Tony Blair ’s leadership had pledged to legislate for it in his first year in office. The Tory Government was mired in sleaze and heading for the abyss, so it was a reasonable bet that a referendum might be on the horizon. Cast your mind back to that faraway time and imagine the Ghost of Christmas Future materialising in your bedroom on December 24, 1996. You’ll have to imagine appropriate sound effects as the spectre conjures a vision of what was to come in the event that Scots voted ‘yes’ to devolution, as they eventually did, in September 1997. We’re a long way from Charles Dickens here, admittedly, but stick with it as the ghoul goes on to show you what we’ve all lived through since those heady days. To start, you see Donald Dewar making grand promises about sharing power with the people – and doing things differently from the Commons. The father of devolution died in October 2000, aged 63, but even then it was clear that most of those bold commitments were unlikely to be fulfilled. A visit from the Ghost of Christmas Future in 1996 might have persuaded you that devolution wasn’t such a good idea after all, says Graham Grant In September 1999, you would discern the glint of metal from the spectre’s swirling mists as the 129 new MSPs were handed commemorative medals designed and produced by the Royal Mint at a cost of more than £7,000 – setting the tone for the sense of entitlement to come. An enormous, grotesque building rears up in front of you – the parliament’s home at the end of the Royal Mile. Its original projected cost was £50million but the ghost tells you that it soared to more than £400million – and you have to assume from its deadly serious expression and intonation that it’s not joking. Cowering under your bedsheets, you watch as the ghost hits fast forward on the Labour years – skipping through some unremarkable scenes of Jack (now Lord) McConnell’s plodding managerialism. Now a familiar face materialises – that of a triumphant Alex Salmond in 2007 as his party emerges as the winner of the Holyrood election, by the narrowest of margins. What follows is a montage of key moments from the next seven years as the new regime dedicates itself to the only mission the SNP has ever cared about – wrenching Scotland out of the United Kingdom. The years between 2007 and 2011 unspool in a blur of confusing images and before you know it, we’re in 2011 – and the SNP achieves what was supposedly more or less an electoral impossibility by winning a majority of seats at Holyrood. The ghost’s booming baritone imparts that within a few years, thanks to a reckless gamble by the Prime Minister of the day, a referendum would take place on independence. By now, you’re probably watching the spectre’s tableaux through your fingers, desperate to know what happened – but equally apprehensive about the result. Filling in the context, the ghost shows you the rallies, marches, and the toxic division which ensued as families fell out, perhaps never to be reconciled, while social media degenerated into perpetual mudslinging – with the occasional death threat thrown in for good measure. Mr Salmond reappears in the back of a car, a picture of despondency after the Yes camp’s failure, one that it refused to acknowledge for the next decade. Many of its members never will. A face that wouldn’t mean much to you back in the 1990s swims into view, and for much of the rest of the apparition’s spine-chilling presentation Nicola Sturgeon is the star of the show. The sense of promise sours as the years go by – and rapturous fans begin to realise that their new leader is all talk and no action. Bute House press conferences are hastily convened to announce another referendum – but nothing ever comes of them. A procession of Nationalist powerbrokers attempts to rewrite history by rubbishing their own claim that the independence vote was a ‘once in a generation’ opportunity. It is painfully obvious from the spirit’s vision that much time is wasted on re-fighting a battle that was lost years before, as newspaper headlines spell out the consequences of constitutional distraction – from spiralling drug deaths to failing public services. There’s an inexplicable scene of a ferry with painted-on windows and what looks to be a fake funnel, but the ghost is anxious to move on. Mr Salmond appears again, this time in the dock of a court facing multiple allegations of sexual offences, of which he’s cleared. But the party is plunged into civil war and psychodrama that continue to the present day – even after the former First Minister’s death in October. Ms Sturgeon is seen behind a podium, imploring people to wash their hands, but the image doesn’t linger – as there is much yet to tell. The ghost summarises the debacle over transgender legislation which was blocked by the UK Government after another period of tribalism during which critics were marginalised, sidelined or demonised. In March 2023, Ms Sturgeon resigns and within days her husband Peter Murrell, then the SNP’s chief executive, is arrested as part of a police fraud probe into the SNP’s finances – and is later charged with embezzlement. There are images of a forensic tent outside a smart suburban home, and a camper van, but by this time the ghost is growing impatient and offers only a cursory but troubling explanation. You are introduced to Ms Sturgeon’s successor, whose name means nothing to you back in the 1990s, but the ghost offers only one scene – a man tumbling to the floor from a knee scooter, which it says aptly sums up his doomed premiership. Then there’s a man you’re told is Health Secretary who tried to rip off the taxpayer with an £11,000 bill for something called an iPad. His successor and some of his colleagues used ministerial limos to transport themselves and their family members to football matches, and even a cinema, despite offering no credible reason for taking an official car. There are far too many controversies for the spirit to outline in detail, but a bleak picture is painted of a country languishing in the doldrums as it labours under punitive taxes which do nothing to reverse the downward spiral of the NHS and a once-proud education system. It’s more than possible that by now you’re hiding under the covers and begging the ghoul to retreat into the shadows, leaving you in peace. But it goes on to show you the assortment of placemen and lobby-fodder MSPs who have failed at every turn to hold the SNP to account. There’s only one conclusion – devolution would be hijacked by obsessives, making a mockery of the boasts that Holyrood would offer a bright new future. The spirit is wrapping up, thankfully, and you reflect that maybe voting yes to devolution isn’t such a good idea – and that the status quo, for all its faults, might be good enough after all. The Royal Mint Labour SNP Alex Salmond Share or comment on this article: GRAHAM GRANT: The Ghost of Christmas Future and a vision of Holyrood that would have left you cowering under the bedcovers... e-mail Add commentAnalysis: In a staring match over DEI, the universities blink
African Union Sports Council’s (AUSC) regional organising committee chairperson, Stanley Mutoya, on Tuesday declared the country capable of hosting the eleventh edition of the Re ... If you are an active subscriber and the article is not showing, please log out and back in. Free access to articles from 12:00.NEW YORK — Luigi Mangione, the man accused of fatally gunning down health insurance executive Brian Thompson on a Manhattan street, pleaded not guilty on Monday to New York state murder charges that brand him a terrorist. Mangione, 26, was escorted into Judge Gregory Carro's 13th-floor courtroom in the New York state criminal courthouse in lower Manhattan with a court officer on each arm, and a procession of a half dozen officers following him. He was in handcuffs and shackles, and wore a burgundy sweater over a white-collared shirt. Mangione leaned into a microphone and said "not guilty" when Carro asked how he pleaded to the 11-count indictment charging him with murder as an act of terrorism and weapons offenses. If convicted, he faces a maximum sentence of life in prison without the possibility of parole. Thompson, the CEO of UnitedHealth Group's UNH.N insurance unit UnitedHealthcare, was shot dead on Dec. 4 outside a hotel in midtown Manhattan where the company was gathering for an investor conference. The brazen killing and ensuing five-day manhunt captivated Americans. While public officials have condemned the killing, some Americans who decry the steep costs of healthcare and insurance companies' power to deny paying for some medical treatments have feted Mangione as a folk hero. Mangione was arrested at a McDonald's restaurant in Altoona, Pennsylvania, on Dec. 9. After deciding last week not to fight extradition, he was transferred to New York, where he was led off a helicopter in lower Manhattan by a large phalanx of police officers and New York City Mayor Eric Adams. That spectacle and other statements by public officials suggest Mangione may not be able to get a fair trial, his lawyer Karen Friedman Agnifilo said at Monday's hearing. "They are treating him like he is some sort of political fodder, some sort of spectacle," Agnifilo said. "He is not a symbol, he is someone who is afforded a right to a fair trial." Several dozen people gathered outside the courthouse in freezing temperatures to express support for Mangione and anger at healthcare companies. One person held a sign with the words "DENY, DEFEND, DEPOSE," a phrase that echoes tactics some accuse insurers of using to avoid paying out claims. Authorities say the words "deny," "delay," and "depose" were found written on shell casings at the crime scene. Kara Hay, a 42-year-old schoolteacher, said she believed it was wrong for Mangione to be charged with terrorism. "Shooting one CEO does not make him a terrorist, and I do not feel terrorized," said Hay, who held a sign reading "innocent until proven guilty." After the 30-minute hearing, officers once again shackled Mangione and led him out of the courtroom. He is being held at the Metropolitan Detention Center, a federal lockup in Brooklyn. Carro set Mangione's next court appearance for Feb. 21. Dual state, federal cases Monday's arraignment was the second court appearance in New York for Mangione, who also faces a four-count federal criminal complaint charging him with stalking and killing Thompson. He has not yet been asked to enter a plea in that case. U.S. Magistrate Judge Katharine Parker ordered Mangione detained at a Dec. 19 hearing in Manhattan federal court. The federal charges would make him eligible for the death penalty, should the U.S. Attorney's Office in Manhattan decide to pursue it. The separate federal and state cases will proceed in parallel. The state case is currently expected to go to trial first, federal prosecutors said. At the hearing, Friedman Agnifilo said it was difficult to defend her client in dual state and federal cases. "He is being treated like a human ping-pong ball between these two jurisdictions," Friedman Agnifilo said. She also said the Manhattan District Attorney's office, which brought the charges, has not handed over any evidence to the defense to help prepare for trial, a process known as discovery. A prosecutor responded that the office would begin handing over evidence soon. According to the federal criminal complaint, the police who arrested Mangione found a notebook that contained several handwritten pages that "express hostility towards the health insurance industry and wealthy executives in particular." A notebook entry dated Oct. 22 allegedly described an intent to "wack" the chief executive of an insurance company at its investor conference.
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NoneDiane Moss lost her home in the Santa Monica Mountains after power lines ignited the apocalyptic Woolsey Fire in 2018. Since then, she’s pressed for a safer electric grid in California. “It’s so easy to forget the risk that we live in — until it happens to you,” said Moss, a longtime clean energy advocate. “All of us in California have to think about how we better prepare to survive disaster, which is only going to be more of a problem as the climate changes.” In recent years, California’s power companies have been doing just that: insulating power lines and burying lines underground, trimming trees, deploying drones and using risk-detection technology. As wildfires across the U.S. intensify , California is on the leading edge of efforts to prevent more deadly and destructive fires ignited by downed power lines and malfunctioning equipment. Customers have shouldered a hefty price for wildfire safety measures. From 2019 through 2023, the California Public Utilities Commission authorized the three largest utilities to collect $27 billion in wildfire prevention and insurance costs from ratepayers, according to a report to the Legislature. And the costs are projected to keep rising: The three companies — Pacific Gas & Electric, Southern California Edison and San Diego Gas & Electric — continue to seek billions more from customers for wildfire prevention spending. Rates are expected to continue outpacing inflation through 2027 . Fire safety projects are a big part of the reason that Californians pay the highest electric rates in the nation, outside of Hawaii. Other reasons include rooftop solar incentives, new transmission systems and upgrades for electric vehicles. High electric bills have helped fuel a statewide affordability crisis alongside soaring housing prices, expensive groceries and costly gasoline. Small businesses are feeling the burden, along with the state’s poorest residents: One in three low-income households served by the three utilities fell behind in paying their power bills this year. California’s three investor-owned utilities are regulated monopolies, so when they spend money on costs related to wildfires, they recover it through customers’ bills. The price of electricity has ignited debate about how much California families should bear for the cost of wildfire prevention, whether utilities are balancing risk and affordability and whether the money is being spent wisely. Loretta Lynch, a former head of the state utilities commission, said lack of oversight is a problem, with the commission “rubber-stamping outrageous costs” and allowing the companies to “address wildfires in the most expensive, least effective way possible.” One of the biggest controversies is whether the utilities should be spending so much on burying power lines, an extremely costly and slow process. Last year, a state audit concluded that the utilities commission and the state’s advocates office must do more to verify whether utilities were completing the work they sought payment for. The three companies say the billions of dollars in spending is necessary as climate change worsens wildfires across the state . Utility equipment has caused less than 10% of the state’s fires but nearly half of its most destructive fires, according to the utilities commission . PG&E, which a few years ago came out of bankruptcy triggered by its liability for several deadly, destructive fires, has adopted the stance that “catastrophic wildfires shall stop.” The company, which serves the most high-risk areas in California, is the state’s largest spender on wildfire prevention. PG&E plans to bury 10,000 miles of power lines in its highest-risk areas — work that is highly contentious because it is costly and slow. The company has buried 800 miles since 2021 , with each mile costing between $3 and $4 million. Last year, the commission approved a $3.7 billion plan for PG&E to bury 1,230 miles of lines through 2026. Sumeet Singh, PG&E’s chief operating officer, told CalMatters that the utility is concerned about rates, too. He said the company is “very committed to stabilizing our customer rates as we go forward without compromising safety. I think that’s clear, that it’s a non-negotiable....There’s a pretty robust process, and oversight, that we are under.” Kevin Geraghty, chief operating officer of SDG&E, called the wildfire spending process “the most highly-scrutinized, regulatory utility process I have ever been involved in, in my life.” Gov. Gavin Newsom issued an executive order in October aimed at tackling the high costs of electricity, asking state agencies to evaluate their oversight of wildfire projects and ensure that the utilities are focused on “cost-effective” measures. He is seeking proposals for changes in rules or laws by Jan. 1. The spark for the increased spending came seven years ago, after California suffered one of its worst droughts and a series of devastating wildfires in 2017 and 2018, many ignited by utility equipment. Sixteen fires were caused by PG&E equipment during a rash of October 2017 fires that decimated Napa, Sonoma and other Northern California counties. That December, the Thomas Fire , sparked by Southern California Edison equipment, engulfed parts of Ventura and Santa Barbara counties. But the devastation of 2017 was only a prelude to an even graver year. On Nov. 8, 2018, the Camp Fire leveled the town of Paradise, killing 85 people, making it the deadliest wildfire in state history. The Camp Fire was caused by the failure of an old metal hook attached to a PG&E transmission tower. An intense wind event pushed the fire at a rate of roughly 80 football fields per minute at its peak. The company in 2020 pleaded guilty to 84 counts of involuntary manslaughter for its role in the disaster. The same day as the destruction in Paradise, another fire ignited some 470 miles south. In the Simi Hills of Ventura County, Southern California Edison wires in two separate locations made contact with others, triggering “arc” flashes that rained hot metal fragments and sparks onto the dry brush below. These triggered two blazes, which soon merged to form the Woolsey Fire. Santa Ana winds spread the conflagration across parched terrain, with swaths of the nationally protected Santa Monica Mountains reduced to ash. Moss, the clean energy advocate, evacuated her home with her son that day. Her husband, clinging to hope, stayed until the blaze threatened to swallow him whole. Their neighborhood near Malibu, with its heavily wooded surroundings, was no match for the inferno. “My husband stayed until the last minute, when it just — it looked like it could cost him his life,” Moss said. “Everybody else left, and just about all of us lost.” Three people died. Moss’ home was gone, reduced to a hollowed out structure and charred rubble, along with about 100,000 acres of parkland and wilderness , more than any other fire in recorded history for that area. In 2019, downed PG&E lines ignited Sonoma County’s Kincade Fire . Then two years later, the Dixie Fire , also caused by PG&E equipment, became the second largest wildfire in California history, burning 963,000 acres north of Chico. The 2021 Dixie Fire, which claimed one life and destroyed 1,311 structures, was the last catastrophic wildfire in California confirmed to be caused by utility equipment. The number of fires triggered by the companies’ equipment fluctuates from year to year, driven by the huge variability in California’s weather. But data from 2014 through 2023 indicate there were substantially fewer fires last year than in other recent years. SDG&E equipment caused 16 fires after its high of 32 fires in 2015, Southern California Edison had 90 fires, compared to a 2021 high of 173, and PG&E reported 374 fires after a high of 510 in 2020. PG&E also reported that fires in its highest-risk areas trended down every month of 2023 compared to the same months in previous years. But that progress reversed this year, with 62 fires reported by August in high-risk areas, compared to 65 in all of 2023. (PG&E would not provide 2024 fire data to CalMatters.) Caroline Thomas Jacobs, inaugural director of the state Office of Energy Infrastructure Safety, established in 2021 to oversee utility safety, said progress can be hard to measure. Nevertheless, she said she has seen a cultural shift at electric companies in recent years, with a more focused approach in high-risk areas and an environment that empowers workers to prioritize safety. “It just takes the wrong ignition ... under the right conditions, to have a catastrophic fire,” Thomas Jacobs said. “But are we in a better place? The numbers seem to indicate we’re moving in the right direction.” PG&E has installed more than 1,500 weather stations and 600 AI-enabled cameras to detect severe weather and ignitions, Singh said. Enhanced safety systems now cut power to lines within a tenth of a second. The utility also has cleared vegetation, ordered power shutoffs during high-risk times, insulated lines and buried some lines underground. “Where do we see the greatest risk?” Singh said the company asks itself, and “what is the most cost-effective way to be able to reduce that risk for every dollar that’s spent?” Southern California Edison said since its investments began in 2019, the risk of catastrophic wildfire in its system has dropped between 85 and 90%. The company plans to bury 600 miles of lines in high-risk areas but it is relying much more on less-expensive insulating technology, which already has been used on more than 6,000 miles of lines. SDG&E began prioritizing wildfire prevention, including underground and insulated lines, a decade ahead of the other two utilities, after its lines sparked three major fires in 2007. The company has avoided a catastrophic fire since 2007, despite operating in one of the nation’s most fire-prone regions. “We continue to double down, and do and do more tomorrow than we did yesterday,” said Brian D’Agostino, the utility’s vice president of wildfire and climate science. “We don’t take a single day without a fire for granted.” Critics say the scramble to address the wildfire crisis has left the state vulnerable to overspending by utilities. About two months before the Camp and Woolsey fires, outgoing Gov. Jerry Brown in 2018 signed a $1 billion plan to thin forests and clear out the tinderbox of California’s dead and dying trees. That measure came too late to prevent the devastation. But it opened the door to increased spending by utilities beyond limits set in the highly deliberative process known as their general rate cases, which determine what Californians pay. Newsom and the Legislature in 2019 created a $21 billion wildfire fund paid for by Wall Street investors and California ratepayers to help PG&E exit bankruptcy and protect utilities from being financially threatened by the wildfires they cause. The utilities cannot access the state’s $21 billion fund unless their wildfire plans are approved by the energy safety office. One problem, critics say, is that the safety plans are approved by one government entity while the spending to carry them out is approved by another. “We now have this very odd system,” said Lynch, who served on the utilities commission from 2000 through 2004. “The Office of Energy Infrastructure Safety reviews the plans, puts out guidelines, but then the (commission) still has to ratify the plans, so that the utilities can take money from their ratepayers.” On a temperate, clear morning in the Sierra Nevada foothills east of Placerville in October, a PG&E construction crew donned yellow jackets and safety helmets and went about the work of burying power lines along a narrow, wooded road. Overhead lines snaked through thick trees in this area — prime fire risk territory. The workers buried the lines in a trench that had been dug using a heavy piece of equipment designed to cut hard concrete and soil. Once those power lines are buried and activated, their risk of fires are all but eliminated. Burying lines in high-risk areas improves reliability amid rising wildfire risks and extreme weather, PG&E’s Singh said. Though it’s pricier up front, it eliminates the yearly expense of trimming trees and vegetation, which makes it a better, long-run value for customers, he said. “Underground is a no-brainer when you look at it from that lens,” Singh said. But the high cost and the time it takes to do the work has left some skeptical. The company has buried 800 miles of wires underground since 2021, and plans to bury more than 1,600 by the end of 2026. It aims to get the cost per mile down to $2.8 million by the end of 2026 from $3 million at the end of 2023. Michael Campbell, assistant deputy director of energy for the public advocates office, a state entity that represents utility customers, said PG&E should consider other means of preventing wildfire, like insulated wires, otherwise known as “covered conductors.” This can be deployed more quickly and at a lower cost, he said, and is effective when combined with operational techniques like fast trip settings and power safety shutoffs. “In some areas, (burying power lines) really is the correct approach to minimize risk. But it’s also very slow and very expensive, and so there’s a need to address safety in as many miles as quickly as possible, to reduce overall risk,” Campbell said. The utilities commission has taken a proof-of-concept approach: The commission scaled back PG&E’s plan to bury 2,000 miles through 2026 to 1,230. The commission approved installing covered conductors, or insulated power lines, over 778 miles. Lynch is skeptical of utilities and their big projects because they can profit from them, and Mark Toney, executive director of The Utility Reform Network, says too much spending is going unchecked. The sense of urgency following fires paved the way for the multi-billion surge in spending. The commission authorized PG&E, for instance, to spend $4.66 billion on wildfire costs from 2020 through 2022, but the company ultimately spent $11.7 billion and is seeking payment through utility bills, according to The Utility Reform Network. Audits of nearly $2.5 billion in 2019 and 2020 wildfire spending found some costs from PG&E , Southern California Edison and SDG&E may already have been covered by previously approved rates, or more documentation was needed to confirm they had not been covered. The utilities challenged many of the findings, saying they didn’t plan to claim some of the costs, and disputed the auditor’s conclusions as well as some of their calculations. In interviews with CalMatters, representatives for all three utilities said the process in place to oversee wildfire spending at the utilities commission was robust and thorough. Geraghty, of SDG&E, said the process is transparent, with public comment periods and hearings. Regarding critics who say wildfire prevention should be cheaper and faster, “every one of them had that voice, had that say, had that transparency through this entire process,” he said. Some expenses, such as operating costs, have an immediate impact on how much people pay in their bills. But other costs, such as long-term investments in insulating or burying power lines, are stretched out over years, meaning they add to bills for decades to come . Over time, these capital costs are growing due to factors like depreciation and the returns utilities are allowed to generate. This creates a compounding effect, meaning wildfire-related capital costs will take up an increasing share of what California customers are charged in the future. The burden of the rising bills is hitting many Californians hard. Roshonda Wilson, of Oakland, couldn’t afford to pay her power bill even though she said she watches television only after sunset, refrains from running unnecessary appliances and is hyper-aware of every energy-consuming action in her household. At one point PG&E turned her power off this year. “I couldn’t catch up,” she said. On the other hand, Moss — who has weathered not just the trauma of losing her home near Malibu but also the difficult process of rebuilding — says the expensive wildfire prevention work is critical to prevent more tragedies. “Even though (burying power lines) is costly and time-consuming, the cost and time of not doing it is starting to seem more devastating to a broader swath of people,” Moss said. Nevertheless, the rate hikes have alarmed climate activists who fear rising power bills in California may trigger a backlash against the state’s effort to switch to renewable energy, and influence other states, too. “The state, we fear, will start to lose the political will to keep pushing on,” said Mohit Chhabra, a senior scientist with the Natural Resources Defense Council. “The problem with that is not that California will be a few years late — we can handle that. But the impact on all the other states who are looking at California.” Natasha Uzcátegui-Liggett and Miguel Gutierrez Jr. contributed to this report.
Dec. 26—Well, that certainly was ugly. The Kansas City Chiefs didn't just drop a lump of coal in the Pittsburgh Steelers' stocking, they backed up a dump truck of it. And the drubbing is being talked about among those in Kansas City media in the appropriate manner. "The Chiefs destroyed the Steelers, 29-10, in a Christmas Day game that looked just a tad different than the holiday outing a year earlier," writes Sam McDowell for the Kansas City Star. "A week — err, four days — after head coach Andy Reid referred to a win as the Chiefs' best performance of the season, they one-upped themselves. McDowell said the Chiefs' offense looked like a version of its old self. "Mahomes cooked a top-10 pass defense. It's the first time this season he's thrown for at least 300 yards and three touchdowns in the same game. "The Chiefs actually allowed the Steelers 181 yards of offense in the first half, but they gave up only seven points." Over at KCTV-5 News, Gabe Swartz said it was "clearly the best win of the Chiefs' season in terms of ... they only gave up 10 points without Chris Jones. I think that was shocking to most people." And Tod Palmer of KSHB-41 pointed out that "for the first time in nearly 15 months, the Chiefs' offense scored two touchdowns in the opening quarter." Great. Palmer also brought up the fact that Chiefs tight end Travis Kelce's eight catches (for 84 yards) moved him "alone into 14th place in all-time receptions passing Steelers legend Hines Ward (1,000 catches in 14 NFL seasons)." "It showed the toughness of the team, and I think we got better as the games went on," Patrick Mahomes said after the game. "The guys, they're mentally tough and they're physically tough. We played some really good football teams, some hard-fought battles, and the guys came away with three wins. Getting that No. 1 seed is important. It's like winning a playoff game, so I was happy to get that done." And fans certainly were singing the praises of their team. Some were even so happy with the game, they're rewatching it already. And, if it wasn't bad enough how badly the Steelers were defeated, we have this to enjoy. Chris Pastrick is a TribLive digital producer. An Allegheny County native, he began working for the Valley News Dispatch in 1993 and joined the Trib in 1997. He can be reached at cpastrick@triblive.com . (c)2024 The Tribune-Review (Greensburg, Pa.) Visit The Tribune-Review (Greensburg, Pa.) at www.triblive.com Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.Israel publicly confirms it killed ex-Hamas leader Haniyeh in TehranARRAY Technologies taps CFO
At SHI Stadium at Rutgers University, advertisements for Eric LeGrand Whiskey flashed across the Jumbotron and on digital billboards during football games this season as bartenders used it to whip up old-fashioned cocktails in premium seating areas. Last year, Rutgers University Athletics partnered with the whiskey, its first partnership with a spirits brand. Now during home games, it’s everywhere. Fans have started tailgating with it, said Bill Tankiewicz, 48, a Rutgers football fan who works in finance and lives in South Plainfield, New Jersey. “We take the bottle and have shots of it before the game,” he said, laughing. “Tailgating is the best part of football anyway, and this makes it more fun.” No one is more tickled by it than Eric LeGrand, the former Rutgers football player who was paralyzed during a game in 2010 and went on to create a namesake bourbon. LeGrand reached out to the Rutgers athletic department to see if it wanted to work together. “This is my home away from home,” he said. Notre Dame, Ohio State, Tennessee Land Deals In the past couple of years, alcohol brands have begun directly sponsoring college athletic departments. A number of teams competing in the College Football Playoff, which kicked off last week, have recently partnered with spirit companies. Last year, Teeling Whiskey announced its four-year sponsorship of Notre Dame. In August, Buckeye Vodka became a sponsor of Ohio State Athletics, and Ole Smoky Distillery became the “exclusive moonshine of the Vols” at the University of Tennessee. These new partnerships come at a time when universities need more money than ever to shoulder the growing costs of running large football programs — including potentially compensating their players directly as a result of a class-action lawsuit against the NCAA. As these needs become more urgent, colleges are tapping into revenue streams they may have steered clear of in the past. Alcohol “was always this taboo thing,” said Chris Bigelow, a food service consultant in Naples, Florida. Universities, after all, mostly work with underage populations who cannot drink. Most college stadiums wouldn’t sell alcohol during games — but that began to shift about a decade ago. “We started seeing universities say, ‘This is ridiculous, obviously there is a big market here,’” he said. The early adopters started to see fewer alcohol-related incidents. West Virginia, for example, reported a 35% decrease in game day arrests after it started selling alcohol in its stadium. “People wouldn’t sit in the parking lot all day and get drunk,” Bigelow said, adding, “Once they started and the results were positive, a lot of schools followed.” Now, selling alcohol in stadiums is the norm. According to an Associated Press survey conducted last year, 80% of schools in the five major college athletic conferences serve alcohol in public areas of their stadiums. The rest either sell alcohol in only luxury areas or still prohibit booze sales. College athletic programs need more revenue as they spend millions on coaching salaries and facilities. “College sports wasn’t this huge business, but now it is,” said Nicole Auerbach, a college football insider for NBC Sports and a former reporter for The Athletic. The settlement of the class-action lawsuit against the NCAA could set the stage for schools to pay out players through revenue sharing as early as next year. All of this means that college athletic programs are looking for additional ways to make money. “Anything that is new that has never been done before, people are batting around these ideas,” Auerbach said. Athletes Can’t Cash in on Booze Despite a 2021 name, image and likeness (NIL) ruling by the NCAA that allows athletes to make money from their fame, college athletes are still barred from accepting deals with brands in certain categories, including gambling and alcohol. The irony “has been pointed out for sure in conversations I’ve had,” Auerbach said, “but I’m not sure people care that much, since it’s still overall a positive and new thing that athletes can do NIL deals at all.” Even as they wade into alcohol partnerships, college athletic programs have different levels of comfort about what roles their boozy sponsors should play on and off campus. Some colleges, like Rutgers University, are comfortable with spotlighting alcohol brands on campus. “It makes Rutgers feel good to give back to Eric, and supporting something that ultimately supports him,” said Lisa Tirrell, who oversees merchandise and ticket sales for Rutgers Athletics. “We want to push as many bottles of whiskey for sale.” At Ohio State University’s Ohio Stadium, the logo for Buckeye Vodka flashes on dozens of screens. Specialty cocktails using the family-owned vodka brand are served at bars in select seating areas, and there is even a special Buckeye Vodka bar located in the club level: “We had it designed specially,” said Jim Finke, a co-founder of Buckeye Vodka. Buckeye Vodka is also served and advertised at sports bars across the state that show Ohio State games. “When I approach a liquor store to build a display, I’ve been getting a lot more yeses once I mention our contract with Ohio State,” said Zachary Heeney, regional sales manager at Buckeye Vodka. Fans Like to Drink Notre Dame, by contrast, is more hesitant to promote alcohol on its campus. Alcohol is served only in premium seating levels of its stadium. “We have to prioritize responsible drinking,” said Pete Bevacqua, Notre Dame’s director of athletics. “We are very cautious about that, and what we do on campus is very different from what we do with our fans around the world.” Teeling Whiskey therefore limits its activities to off campus. Far from campus, in Ireland, where its distillery is, it makes limited-edition bottles and merchandise for Notre Dame fans. Closer to home, the brand also throws watch parties and tailgating sessions around the United States when Notre Dame plays away games. “We call it Teelgating,” said Stephen Teeling, director of sales and marketing at Teeling Whiskey. “The university has a massive fan base.” The company can tap into an audience of 50 million people who feel connected to Notre Dame. “These are fans who like to drink,” he added. 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Hours after a "breakthrough" was reported between the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and the federal government to defuse the current political escalation amid PTI’s civil disobedience threat, Federal Minister for Information and Broadcasting Attaullah Tarar has made it clear that no formal discussions with the former ruling party have started. “No meeting took place between Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and National Assembly Speaker Ayaz Sadiq at the latter's residence," the minister said, speaking on Geo News programme Aaj Shahzeb Khanzada Kay Saath on Wednesday. The minister's clarification comes following the "icebreaker" meeting between the NA speaker and top PTI leaders including Asad Qaiser, Omar Ayub and Sunni Ittehad Council (SIC) Chairman Sahibzada Hamid Raza at the Speaker House in Islamabad earlier today. Following the key meeting, embattled PTI and the government expressed willingness to sit together on the negotiation table without any preconditions ahead of the former’s civil disobedience movement, the insiders said. The meeting was held following a telephonic contact between Qaiser and Sadiq, the sources added. In his television interview today, Tarar noted that Asad Qaiser was not present at the NA Speaker’s residence when PM Shehbaz visited to offer condolences on the passing of the Speaker’s sister. He further explained that while informal exchanges occur occasionally, official discussions have not begun between the two sides, adding that neither have communication channels been restored with the Imran Khan-led party nor have committees commenced negotiations. The PML-N politician stressed the need for the PTI first to express remorse and apologise for incidents on May 9 and November 26, accusing them of fabricating a false narrative to damage the state’s reputation. He questioned who would trust the PTI and who would guarantee their credibility. “They’re looking to dodge their political failures. How can anyone trust the PTI or their guarantees?” he questioned. Mentioning the PTI's "do-or-die" march that was launched on November 24, Tarar also pointed out that the party was told they could not assemble at D-Chowk in Islamabad, adding that all evidence of the opposition party's actions is available with the government. Tarar also criticised the former ruling party for using provincial resources to attack the federal government, adding that they had backtracked on their stance during the 26th Constitutional Amendment discussions.Trump offers a public show of support for Pete Hegseth, his embattled nominee to lead the PentagonNone
Red Wings hire former Sharks head coach McLellan after firing LalondeSAN DIEGO, Dec. 26, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Robbins LLP reminds investors that a class action was filed on behalf of persons and entities that purchased or otherwise acquired Zeta Global Holdings Corp. (NYSE: ZETA) securities between February 27, 2024 and November 13, 2024. Zeta is a marketing technology company. For more information, submit a form , email attorney Aaron Dumas, Jr., or give us a call at (800) 350-6003. The Allegations: Robbins LLP is Investigating Allegations that Zeta Global Holdings Corp. (ZETA) Failed to Disclose it was Artificially Inflating Financial Results According to the complaint, on November 13, 2024, market research group Culper Research published a report entitled "Zeta Global Holdings Corp (ZETA): Shams, Scams, and Spam.” The report alleged that the “integrity of the Company’s data collection and reported financials” is severely undermined by two factors. First, the report alleged that “Zeta has formed ‘two-way’ contracts with third party consent farms wherein the Company simultaneously acts as both a supplier and a buyer of consumer data,” allowing the Company to “flatter reported revenue growth” and indicating possible “round-tripping” of revenue. Second, the report alleged that Zeta’s collects the majority of its customer data from a network of “sham websites that hoodwink millions of consumers each month into handing their data over to Zeta under false pretenses.” For example, the report alleged the Company and its subsidiaries operate a number of fake job boards which are designed to trick individuals into submitting personal data under the pretense of job applications. The report further alleged that the Company’s “most valuable data” comes from these predatory websites, dubbed consent farms, which are “responsible for almost the entirety of the Company’s growth.” On this news, the Company’s stock price fell $10.46, or 37.07%, to close at $17.76 per share on November 13, 2024. Plaintiff alleges that during the class period, defendants failed to disclose that: (1) Zeta used two-way contracts to artificially inflate financial results; (2) Zeta engaged in round trip transactions to artificially inflate financial results; (3) Zeta utilized predatory consent farms to collect user data; and (4) that these consent farms have driven almost the entirety of Zeta’s growth. What Now : You may be eligible to participate in the class action against Zeta Global Holdings Corp. Shareholders who want to serve as lead plaintiff for the class must submit their application to the court by January 21, 2025. A lead plaintiff is a representative party who acts on behalf of other class members in directing the litigation. You do not have to participate in the case to be eligible for a recovery. If you choose to take no action, you can remain an absent class member. For more information, click here . All representation is on a contingency fee basis. Shareholders pay no fees or expenses. About Robbins LLP : Some law firms issuing releases about this matter do not actually litigate securities class actions; Robbins LLP does. A recognized leader in shareholder rights litigation, the attorneys and staff of Robbins LLP have been dedicated to helping shareholders recover losses, improve corporate governance structures, and hold company executives accountable for their wrongdoing since 2002. Since our inception, we have obtained over $1 billion for shareholders. To be notified if a class action against Zeta Global Holdings Corp. settles or to receive free alerts when corporate executives engage in wrongdoing, sign up for Stock Watch today. Attorney Advertising. Past results do not guarantee a similar outcome. A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/a9e62a12-06db-424e-a9a1-12ca4ed447d5
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