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Top 10 Picks of the Day – Sunday 1 DecemberMMA legend Chris Weidman asked to be paid show money after Eryk Anders pulled out, but the UFC declined | Sporting News
The connections are clear between the Tampa Bay Buccaneers and Carolina Panthers, longtime NFC South rivals. The teams get together for a meeting on Sunday in Charlotte and showed recent signs they can play with any team. "It's an NFC South battle," Buccaneers coach Todd Bowles said. "All of them are going to be hard, none of them (are) going to be easy. ... They're playing pretty good football. They missed some games here and there, but they're playing very good football. It's going to be a tough battle." Few introductions are needed on Sunday, as first-year Panthers coach Dave Canales came to Carolina after serving as Buccaneers offensive coordinator a season ago. Canales' prized pupil last season, Tampa Bay quarterback Baker Mayfield was with the Panthers for part of the 2022 campaign. "There's some familiarity," Canales said of his connection to the Buccaneers. "Knowing coach Bowles, he's got a really sophisticated system and he attacks each team with a specific game plan. There's some principles that carry over. I know that he's going to have some things up his sleeve." The Buccaneers (5-6) playing a division opponent for the first time since an Oct. 27 loss to the Atlanta Falcons. The goal will be notching back-to-back wins for the first time since the first two weeks of the season. Four different ball-carriers, including Mayfield, found the end zone on the ground during a 30-7 drubbing of the New York Giants last Sunday. Mayfield also completed 24 of 30 passes for 294 yards. "For me, the biggest thing was blocking and tackling," Bowles said of what his team did well last weekend. "We cleaned up the fundamental and technique part of it." Star wideout Mike Evans was back in action for Tampa Bay following a three-game absence due to a hamstring injury. He finished with five receptions for 68 yards against the Giants and now gets a crack at a Carolina team allowing a league-high 30.9 points per game this season. However, the Panthers have tightened up their play as of late, winning two games in a row before hanging with the two-time defending champion Kansas City Chiefs in a 30-27 setback last Sunday. The outing against Kansas City may have been the most efficient performance of Panthers quarterback Bryce Young's two-year career. Young completed 21 of 35 passes for 263 yards and one score without throwing a pick. "It's not all Bryce, it's the whole unit," Canales said. "It's a collective effort, but he certainly needs to be the voice and driver of that." Wide receiver Jalen Coker (quadriceps), tight end Ja'Tavion Sanders (neck) and safety Lonnie Johnson (personal) were all missing from practice on Wednesday for Carolina. Defensive end LaBryan Ray is dealing with a hand issue and was among those limited. Safety Jordan Whitehead (pectoral) was one of four Buccaneers to miss practice on Wednesday. Evans practiced in full. Carolina and Tampa Bay might as well get used to each other, as the two teams will collide again in Week 17. --Field Level Media
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Add to the list of directors who ban cell phones on their sets. The recently sat down with for a larger conversation about creating movies, in which he discussed technology and his relationship to it on set and off. “I feel that human beings are ruled by algorithms right now,” he said. “We behave like AI circuits. The ways we see the world are narrow-minded binaries. We’re disconnecting from each other, and society is crumbling in some ways. It’s frightening.” Like most people, Villeneuve admitted that he finds the concept of cell phones “addictive” because someone can have access to any information at any point. “It’s compulsive,” he added. “It’s like a drug. I’m very tempted to disconnect myself. It would be fresh air.” The noted that, like Christopher Nolan, he also bans cell phones from his sets because it distracts from the project at hand. “Cinema is an act of presence. When a painter paints, he has to be absolutely focused on the color he’s putting on the canvas,” he said. “It’s the same with the dancer when he does a gesture. With a filmmaker, you have to do that with a crew, and everybody has to focus and be entirely in the present, listening to each other, being in relationship with each other. So cell phones are banned on my set too, since day one. It’s forbidden. When you say cut, you don’t want someone going to his phone to look at his Facebook account.” While there were previously claims that Nolan didn’t allow chairs on his sets, Villeneuve shared that he and his cinematographer did, in fact, refuse to sit while on the set of the Timothée Chalamet-starring franchise. But it was for a different reason. “When I did , I had a back problem because I was sitting a lot,” he told the publication. “So for the movies ... [we] decided to stand, to have minimal footprints so we could be flexible and go fast, to keep the blood flowing, to be awakened.” THR Newsletters Sign up for THR news straight to your inbox every day More from The Hollywood Reporter
Cornerback Ahkello Witherspoon intercepted a pass in the end zone with 37 seconds left to preserve the Los Angeles Rams' 13-9 win Saturday over the Arizona Cardinals in Inglewood, Calif. Witherspoon made a diving catch after the ball bounced high off the helmet of Arizona tight end Trey McBride on the pass attempt by Kyler Murray. The Rams (10-6), who lead the NFC West by one game, have won five straight games, while the Cardinals (7-9) have lost five of their last six games. Los Angeles could clinch a playoff berth on Sunday depending on the outcome of other games, and will have a chance to clinch the division next weekend against second-place Seattle (9-7). Matthew Stafford threw for 189 yards while completing 17 of 32 pass attempts without a touchdown or interception. Puka Nacua finished with 10 receptions for 129 yards. Murray was 33 of 48 for 321 yards with a touchdown and two interceptions. McBride made 12 catches for 123 yards to surpass 1,000 yards for the first time in his three NFL seasons. Despite leading the Cardinals in catches and yards, his touchdown catch on Saturday was his first of the season. Arizona running back James Conner, who gained 4 yards on four carries, did not play in the second half because of a knee injury. Los Angeles took a 13-9 lead with 6:33 left on a 25-yard field goal by Joshua Karty, and Arizona had two chances to take the lead. First, Murray engineered a drive that went to the Los Angeles 40. On fourth-and-10, his throw to the end zone was intercepted by Kamren Kinchens, who returned the ball to the Arizona 11 with 3:02 left. The Rams punted after a three-and-out, and the Cardinals took possession at their 36 with 2:01 remaining. The Cardinals drove to the Los Angeles 5 before Murray's pass went high to McBride, hit his helmet, and Witherspoon made the pick. Neither team scored until 3:23 remained in the second quarter. The Rams drove 60 yards on nine plays and cashed in with a 1-yard touchdown by Kyren Williams. Los Angeles got a 53-yard field goal from Karty to make it 10-0 with 27 seconds left before halftime. Arizona scored on the first possession of the second half when Murray threw a 2-yard touchdown pass to McBride, cutting the lead to 10-6. The point-after attempt was blocked, eliminating the chance to tie the game late with a field goal. A 28-yard field goal by Chad Ryland cut the lead to 10-9 with 14 minutes left in the game. --Field Level MediaPLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.
Brightcom Group, shares of which have been suspended from regular trading for nearly seven months now, has shared a detailed plan of how will the company's shares re-list on the stock exchanges. However, there is no timeline yet on when the shares will re-list. Share Market View All Nifty Gainers View All Company Value Change %Change In a separate exchange filing other than its Sunday weekly update, Brightcom Group said that it has worked towards fulfilling all compliance requirements stipulated by the exchanges. It has updated the shareholding pattern for all pending quarters, financial results for all pending quarters have also been declared along with the annual report for financial year 2023. The Annual General Meeting was also conducted for financial year 2023 in November this year. Penalties levied by the NSE and BSE for delays in compliance have also been paid in full, according to the exchange filing. So what next? The exchanges will verify all submitted documents and filings to ensure compliance. The exchanges will also conduct a site visit to confirm the company's operational and regulatory readiness, although a timeline for this has not been shared either. Post the verification, the exchange will issue a circular notifying the date at which the shares will resume trading. Actual re-listing will follow a special exchange procedure. The re-listing process: The re-listing will happen through a Special Pre-Opening Session (SPOS ) as per the exchange rules. The Pre-Open session will take place between 9 AM to 10 AM and will be divided into three stages. Only limit orders will be allowed during the pre-open session. A limit order is an order to buy or sell the stock with a restriction on the buy price limit and a sell price limit or better than the limit. Order entry will take place between 9 AM to 9:45 AM where investors can place, modify or cancel their limit orders. Order matching will take place between 9:45 AM to 9:55 AM, where the limit orders will be matched by the exchanges to determine the opening price. Price discovery and trade confirmations will take place during this period. Transition to regular markets will take place between 9:55 AM and 10 AM where the discovered opening price will become the reference price for the regular market. Regular trading will begin at 10 AM. Price band will be set within the range of 85% lower to 50% higher than the base price, which is the last traded price of the security prior to its re-listing. Brightcom Group shares currently trade in the 'Z' group or Trade-for-Trade category, where trading takes place only on the first trading day of the week with a 5% circuit limit.Oracle, HP lead market cap stock movers on Wednesday
Seven out of 10 adults said Luigi Mangione was not solely responsible for Brian Thompson's murder. A new poll conducted among Americans has revealed that roughly 7 in 10 adults believe that Luigi Mangione is not to be blamed for the murder of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson -- health insurance profits and coverage denials are. The NORC poll was conducted between December 12 and 16 among a total of 1,001 adults. The poll's margin of error is plus or minus 4.2 percentage points. About 8 in 10 adults said Magione has a "great deal" or a "moderate amount" of responsibility for the December 4 shooting of Brian Thompson. About 7 in 10 adults said that denials for health care coverage by insurance companies or the profits made by health insurance companies also bear at least a "moderate" amount of responsibility. About 7 in 10 said they heard and read "a lot" or "some" about Thompson's death. About 3 in 10 Americans said they have had a problem getting coverage from their health insurer in the last year. Luigi Mangione has been accused of murdering 50-year-old Brian Thompson, the CEO of UnitedHealthcare. On December 4, Mangione allegedly fired at Thompson in front of a hotel in New York. Mangione then fled NYC and was only arrested after five days in Pennsylvania. He was transferred from Pennsylvania to New York where he awaits his trial. Luigi Mangione has been lionized on social media and many prominent voices endorsed his murder projecting it as justice to those who died after being denied their insurance claims. A lot of funds for him have been pouring in while Luigi Mangione's merchandise has taken off. An earlier poll conducted by Emerson College revealed similar sentiments as 41 per cent said Luigi Mangione's alleged murder was acceptable. 24 per cent of US voters aged 19-29 said Mangione killing Thompson was somewhat acceptable, and 17 per cent said it was completely acceptable. Luigi Mangione had a serious spinal problem enough to have made him angry over the insurance industry but he was never a customer of UnitedHealthcare. He allegedly took up arms against Thompson as a vigilante.
US ramps up efforts to locate missing journalist Austin Tice in Syria
Notable quotes by Jimmy CarterUAAGI Chief Marketing Executive Lyn Buena says Lynk & Co is targeting a growing middle class Interview by Kap Maceda Aguila WHEN IT was formally launched in the Philippines last April at the Manila International Auto Show (MIAS), Lynk & Co (distributed by United Asia Automotive Group, Inc. or UAAGI) wanted to change the average car buyer’s notion that China-headquartered car marques are known for delivering value for money and hardly anything else — certainly not the characteristics associated with more premium brands. Lynk & Co leverages its affinity with the Volvo and Geely brands, being a joint venture of both. For one thing, Lynk & Co vehicles “are designed and built using advanced architectural platforms such as CMA, SEA, and BMA. These platforms allow for model scalability and adaptability in light of new energy solutions, such as translation of Lynk & Co’s designs to accommodate new electric vehicle technologies,” according to a company release. “(It is a) premium, global vehicle (brand) that ticks all the right boxes in terms of design aesthetic, safety, and modern connectivity,” UAAGI Group Managing Director and Lynk & Co Philippines Brand Head Froilan Dytianquin had said during the Lynk & Co preview ahead of the MIAS launch. Meanwhile, UAAGI Chairman Rommel Sytin said that the brand “not only elevates UAAGI’s entire auto brand portfolio, but also allows us to cater to a wider audience of Filipino motorists and their discerning tastes and preferences.” We caught up with UAAGI Chief Marketing Executive Lyn Manalansang-Buena on the sidelines of the inauguration of Lynk & Co’s fourth operational dealership — this one located along Quezon Avenue. Paramount Cars, Inc. President Jessica Lee-Sy had noted in her speech that the country today boasts 21 Chinese car brands, with more poised to enter the market. We asked Mrs. Manalansang-Buena how Lynk & Co intends to stand out in this crush of competitors, and more. Here are excerpts from our interview: VELOCITY: How do you see the industry shaping up, and how does Lynk & Co position itself differently from the other Chinese brands that are out there? What particular segment of the buying market are you eyeing? LYN MANALANSANG-BUENA : I agree it’s a crowded marketplace now, but at the end of the day, I think it has a lot to do with the product that you offer. We’re very fortunate because Lynk & Co, in cooperation with its mother company Geely, has produced very premium cars. Because of a rising middle class, a lot of people are going to want cars that are more rewarding — not just a basic tool that can get you from point A to point B. That’s exactly what Lynk & Co offers, something that will make you feel good about your purchase — (providing) an environment that you’re happy with. It’s something that I feel is a significant proposition for a new breed of middle-class workers in the Philippines. There’s a lot of discovery about brands that are not as known but offer good technology, premium environment, and safety. I think that’s a very strong proposition in terms of our lineup in Lynk & Co. What’s the timeline for growing the network? We have two dealerships that will open by the first half of next year, and our plan is to have eight open showrooms by the end of 2025, conservatively. We have partners north and south of NCR. That’s the plan: To have more presence in very specific areas where we feel the market is ready for a brand like Lynk & Co. You’re planning to release electrified options as well. Are seeing you an uptick in demand from your customers and the industry in general for electrified powertrains? Because of the distinct profile of the Lynk & Co audience, I think they’re one of the first adopters. They’re among the first to embrace new things, new technologies — so long as it makes sense, because they’re also very discerning. As long as we can make sense of that, the infrastructure is ready, the technology and after-sales are supported which is what we have in UAAGI — because UAAGI is very well known for its exceptional after-sales services across our four brands — I think yes, we are doing those steps. We are being cautiously optimistic, but we’re reading the market very well because it evolves fast. We want to make very calculated, smart moves whenever we choose a product to introduce.