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Are you facing battery drainage issues after the iOS 18 update: Use these hacks to fix itATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said in posting about his death on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. As reaction poured in from around the world, President Joe Biden mourned Carter’s death, saying the world lost an “extraordinary leader, statesman and humanitarian” and he lost a dear friend. Biden cited Carter’s compassion and moral clarity, his work to eradicate disease, forge peace, advance civil and human rights, promote free and fair elections, house the homeless and advocacy for the disadvantaged as an example for others. “To all of the young people in this nation and for anyone in search of what it means to live a life of purpose and meaning – the good life – study Jimmy Carter, a man of principle, faith, and humility,” Biden said in a statement. “He showed that we are a great nation because we are a good people – decent and honorable, courageous and compassionate, humble and strong.” Biden said he is ordering a state funeral for Carter in Washington. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” Sanz is a former Associated Press reporter.
ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said in posting about his death on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. As reaction poured in from around the world, President Joe Biden mourned Carter’s death, saying the world lost an “extraordinary leader, statesman and humanitarian” and he lost a dear friend. Biden cited Carter’s compassion and moral clarity, his work to eradicate disease, forge peace, advance civil and human rights, promote free and fair elections, house the homeless and advocacy for the disadvantaged as an example for others. “To all of the young people in this nation and for anyone in search of what it means to live a life of purpose and meaning – the good life – study Jimmy Carter, a man of principle, faith, and humility,” Biden said in a statement. “He showed that we are a great nation because we are a good people – decent and honorable, courageous and compassionate, humble and strong.” Biden said he is ordering a state funeral for Carter in Washington. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” Sanz is a former Associated Press reporter.
ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said in posting about his death on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A president from Plains A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. And then, the world Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” ‘An epic American life’ Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. A small-town start James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. 'Jimmy Who?' His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Accomplishments, and ‘malaise’ Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. 'A wonderful life' At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.Instant grades on the Eagles’ performance in a 41-7 win over the Cowboys: Quarterback: B+ Kenny Pickett showed heart, and more importantly, effectiveness in starting in place of the injured Jalen Hurts (concussion). His day got off to a slow start with a first pass missile over A.J. Brown ’s head. But Pickett settled down, despite playing with a rib injury, and helped guide the Eagles to a 20-point lead before he left with what appeared to be aggravation of his injury. Pickett completed 10 of 15 passes for 143 yards and a touchdown. He finally got going on the Eagles’ third drive and ended the possession with a 22-yard touchdown pass to a wide open DeVonta Smith. Two series later, he heaved a 49-yard toss to Smith. Pickett also scored a touchdown via Tush Push. He was denied on the first try from the 1-yard line, but got in for his second converted sneak of the first half. Pickett got drilled by Micah Parsons after throwing what was to be a splendid hookup with Brown in the end zone to open the second half. But a holding penalty negated the score and Pickett had to leave after another shot to his ribs. Tanner McKee came in and the Eagles didn’t miss a beat. He wasn’t asked to do a ton, but when called upon to drop back, he delivered. He connected with Brown for a 20-yard back shoulder touchdown late in the third quarter and later found Smith on a short crosser the receiver would take to the house. Running back: A Saquon Barkley become only the ninth running back to rush for over 2,000 yards in a season and is now only 101 yards shy of breaking Eric Dickerson’s NFL record of 2,105 rushing yards in a season. He went over 100 yards rushing for the 11th time this season. Despite some early struggles to get the ground game going, he got going in the second half with the Eagles playing from ahead and whittling down the clock. Barkley finished with 167 yards on a season-high 31 carries. Will he get a chance to eclipse Dickerson’s mark in 17 games? Next week’s season finale vs. the New York Giants may have no meaning for the Eagles in terms of playoff seeding. Barkley did set the franchise mark for yards from scrimmage, breaking the previous record of 2,146 yards set by LeSean McCoy in 2013. Kenneth Gainwell got some extra snaps with the Eagles utilizing some two-back looks. He rushed just three times for 4 yards and caught a pass for 5 yards. Tyrion Davis-Price, who was called up from the practice squad with rookie Will Shipley (concussion) sidelined, got some mop-up carries. Receiver / tight end: A- Smith and Brown got open all day against a shorthanded Dallas secondary. Smith bounced back from his costly dropped pass against the Commanders — not that anyone doubted he would. He caught six passes for 120 yards and two touchdowns. Smith got dinged (pulverized?) early on a play in which fans wanted a flag thrown. Smith left and had his right wrist taped. He missed the next series, but returned and caught a 22-yard touchdown on a corner route out of the slot, and two drives later, toasted cornerback Andrew Booth for a 49-yard catch down to the 1-yard line. Smith ran a great route to convert a short third down on the opening drive of the second half. Brown wasn’t targeted as much, but he was efficient when targeted. He caught three passes for 36 yards and a touchdown. Brown had two near-touchdowns — one negated by penalty and another just out bounds — in the third quarter. But he caught his seventh touchdown of the season on the back shoulder from McKee. Tight end Grant Calcaterra made an acrobatic grab with one hand for 34 yards in the second quarter. It was a momentum changer with the offense mostly struggling up until that point. Reserve tight ends C.J. Uzomah and EJ Jenkins were called upon to run-block a bunch. They held their own. Backup receivers Jahan Dotson and Johnny Wilson weren’t targeted, but got a lot of exercise. Receiver Ainias Smith didn’t play much, if at all, again. In the four previous games, he was also active but did not play a snap. Offensive line: A It was tough sledding in the run game with the Cowboys focused on stopping Barkley in the first half. He had just 41 yards on 13 carries before the break. But the ground game exploded in the second half and left tackle Jordan Mailata & Co. helped lead the way. In terms of pass protection, the Eagles’ O-line didn’t allow a single sack. Lane Johnson continued his pass-blocking dominance at right tackle. He faced another tough assignment vs. Parsons. He kept him from wrecking the game plan, but the Dallas edge rusher did eventually knock Pickett from the game. Cam Jurgens had the pulling lead block on a Barkley 11-yard rush to the left in the fourth quarter. The Eagles center made sure the Tush Push worked without Hurts. Guards Landon Dickerson and Mekhi Becton made sure Dallas’ interior D-line didn’t push the pocket. Dickerson had some key run blocks. He led the way on a Barkley 8-yard gain off the left to open the second half. A drive later, he had the kick-out block on a Barkley 9-yarder. Dickerson committed two penalties — a false start on the Eagles’ offense’s first play from scrimmage and a hold, which negated a touchdown catch by Brown. Becton left late in the second quarter with an unspecified injury and was replaced by Tyler Steen. But he would return. He bounced back from a difficult outing last week in Landover, Md. Defensive line: A- Jalen Carter and crew allowed Rico Dowdle to rush for over 100 yards — the first time a running back eclipsed the century mark vs. the Eagles this season. But the Eagles’ front kept him from breaking off long runs when it mattered. Carter, nose tackle Jordan Davis, and Milton Williams plugged the middle, as usual, but Josh Sweat, Nolan Smith, and Jalyx Hunt did well to set the edge and contain the run game. The aforementioned all had individual moments. Carter batted a Cooper Rush pass that deflected off Smith’s hands just before the half. Davis recovered a fumble in the second quarter. Williams had two run stops. Sweat set the edge and held Dowdle to no gain on a first-quarter outside run. Early in the third quarter, he teamed up with linebacker Zack Baun for a tackle for loss. Smith continued his stellar play in the second half of the season. He forced a fumble in the fourth quarter and had several pressures. Smith had a late second-quarter hurry that forced Rush to step up before an eventual incomplete pass. He took a holding penalty in the end zone when tasked with dropping into coverage on Dallas’ first touchdown. Hunt finished with six tackles — four of them solos. Bryce Huff left with an early shoulder injury, but returned before the half. Huff was playing in his first game since being placed on injured reserve following hand surgery in November and didn’t stand out much. Defensive tackle Moro Ojomo shot into the backfield and slowed Dowdle when he was dropped for a tackle for loss in the first quarter. Linebacker: A- With Nakobe Dean (abdomen) out, Baun wore the green dot and called the defensive plays. It didn’t affect his performance. Baun finished with seven tackles and added to his Pro Bowl-worthy resumé for the season. Oren Burksstarted in place of Dean (abdomen) and rotated with Jeremiah Trotter Jr. He struggled to get off blocks early vs. the run game, but he rebounded and forced a fumble midway through the second quarter. Burks finished with a team-high eight tackles. Trotter didn’t look out of place in the snaps the rookie played and had three stops. Cornerback: B+ Darius Slay and Quinyon Mitchell had some early issues, but they never let Cowboys receivers get behind them as the Eagles wore out Rush and a weak Dallas offense. Rush completed just 15 of 28 passes for 147 yards. Slay got turned around by receiver Brandin Cooks for a 16-yard gain on Dallas’ first drive. He also got beaten again by Cooks for 22 yards on a third-down conversion in which he was also flagged for holding. But he tightened up the hatches in the final three quarters. Mitchell had tight coverage on Cooks on an early deep fade route. Receiver Jalen Brooks got him for a 12-yard gain on a back-shoulder route in the first quarter. He got outdueled by receiver Jalen Tolbert on a corner fade touchdown — the Cowboys’ first touchdown of the game. He allowed another 12-yard catch on a back shoulder in the second quarter. Cooper DeJean was solid. He had five tackles and a pass breakup. Dowdle got around DeJean on an early swing pass that was ruled a rushing play. He recovered Nolan Smith’s forced fumble. Safety: A C.J. Gardner-Johnson snagged two interceptions before leaving the game with an injury. He atoned for last week’s ejection with a pick-six on his first series. On third-and-3, he read Rush’s eyes and intercepted a pass to Cooks. Gardner-Johnson went 69 yards the other way for the first touchdown of his NFL career. His sixth interception came on an errant deep throw that Mitchell could have easily caught as well. Gardner-Johnson, nevertheless, did well to track the ball from the post. Reed Blankenship ran step for step with Cowboys receiver KaVontae Turpin on a fade route into the corner of the end zone early in the fourth quarter. He contributed three tackles. Special teams: A Jake Elliott handled kickoffs full-time for the first time this season after Braden Mann’s struggles at Washington. He had five touchbacks on seven kicks. The Eagles kicker also made all his kicks — two field goals and five extra points. Mann averaged 36 net yards on three punts. DeJean averaged 7.5 yards on two punt returns. Gainwell had a 36-yard kick return in the first quarter. Coaching: A Despite being without his starting quarterback, and losing his backup in the third quarter, Nick Sirianni guided the Eagles to a walkover victory and the NFC East crown. The head coach wrangled an impressive performance from his players and assistants. No Hurts may have played into his fourth-down decision making. On the Eagles’ second series, Sirianni punted on fourth-and-1 at his own 46. Mann’s subsequent punt rolled into the end zone for 32 net yards on the change of possession. A few series later, though, Sirianni went for it on fourth-and-1 at the Dallas 30 with Pickett picking it up via the Tush Push. Offensive coordinator Kellen Moore called a great game. He never lost touch with the run even though the Cowboys were depleted in the secondary. Run-heavy play calling to open the second half resulted in a field goal and the Eagles expanding their lead to 27-7. Defensive coordinator Vic Fangio ’s unit forced four turnovers and bled the Cowboys down as the game progressed. ©2024 The Philadelphia Inquirer. Visit inquirer.com . Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC. ©2024 The Philadelphia Inquirer, LLC. Visit at inquirer.com . Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.IUB’s EEE Department celebrates IEB-BAETE Accreditation
President Jimmy Carter at the White House, in Washington, U.S. March 8, 1977. Library of Congress/Reuters Jon Hartley is a research fellow at the Foundation for Research on Equal Opportunity, a senior fellow at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, and affiliated scholar at the Mercatus Center. Former U.S. president Jimmy Carter died on Sunday at age 100. That makes the economic legacy of Mr. Carter’s decisions a timely matter to examine. One issue that policymakers around the world should reflect on in these newly inflationary times is that America’s inflation fighting of the 1980s was set in motion by Mr. Carter in the form of deregulation and hawkish monetary policy – well before the Reagan Revolution, the phenomenon associated with Mr. Carter’s successor, to whom the credit is often given. At the end of the 1970s, the U.S. economy was plagued by inflation and financial market volatility. Jimmy Carter, former U.S. president and Nobel Peace Prize winner, dies at 100 Several Federal Reserve chairs, including Arthur Burns, William Miller and Frederick Schultz (in an acting capacity), all had failed to tackle inflation head-on, with dire consequences: inflationary spirals that ravaged the financial well-being of Americans, especially those at or below the median income. In late July, 1979, Mr. Carter nominated Paul Volcker, then the hawkish president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, to head the central bank. While sitting on the Federal Open Market Committee, Mr. Volcker had made it clear he was in favour of more aggressive interest rate increases. He took action in fighting inflation with increases that past Fed chairs had been too afraid to introduce, eventually raising interest rates to a peak of 21.5 per cent in 1981. Despite contributing to a significant labour market pullback that included unemployment above 10 per cent, the hikes pushed inflation, which had peaked at 14.8 per cent in 1980, to fall below 3 per cent by 1983. The episode is still cited by economists and textbooks as one of the greatest empirical examples of how raising interest rates can reduce inflation by lowering aggregate demand. Opinion: Remembering Jimmy Carter, a presidential study in contradiction and high conduct In 1983, President Ronald Reagan reappointed Mr. Volcker to a second term, beginning a long tradition of reappointing Fed chairs (even across party lines) that would last 35 years and further enshrine central bank independence. President Carter’s initial decision had important long-term consequences. The Carter-Volcker inflation-fighting legacy is a lesson that President Joe Biden, current Fed chair Jay Powell and other Federal Reserve officials should remember as they continue their quest to vanquish the early 2020s inflation spike – after initially hesitating, in the mistaken belief that inflation would subside on its own, without central bank intervention. Former U.S. President Jimmy Carter signs a disaster relief declaration for cold-stricken Buffalo, N.Y., on Feb. 5, 1977. John Duricka/AP Lt. James "Jimmy" Carter, background, peers at instruments in main control room of the submarine USS K-1 (SSK-1) in 1952. From 1952-53, Carter served on temporary duty with the Naval Reactors Branch of U.S. Atomic Energy Commission to assist "in the design and development of nuclear propulsion plants for naval vessels." Courtesy of Naval History and Heritage Command American politician Jimmy Carter looks up while shoveling peanuts on a peanut farm, 1970s. Hulton Archive/Getty Images In a photo provided by Special Collections and Archives/Georgia State University, Dorothy Bolden, left, founder of the National Domestic Workers Union, with Jimmy Carter when he was Georgia's governor, in 1970. Bolden adapted the organizing techniques she learned as a civil rights activist to secure protections for domestic workers, a largely unregulated part of the work force. SPECIAL COLLECTIONS AND ARCHIVES/The New York Times News Service President elect Jimmy Carter (c), flanked by his wife Rosalynn (L), his daughter Amy (2nd L) and family, celebrates his election during a rally in Atlanta on November 3, 1976. Jimmy Carter was elected 39th President of the United States on November 2, 1976, with 51% of votes against 48% for incumbent Republican president Gerald Ford. GENE FORTE/Getty Images Supporters of Democratic presidential candidate Jimmy Carter hold up signs during a rally on May 15, 1976 in New York. Jimmy Carter was elected 39th President of the United States on November 2, 1976, with 51% of votes against 48% for incumbent Republican president Gerald Ford. -/Getty Images Chief Justice Warren Burger administers the oath of office to Jimmy Carter (R) as the 39th President of the United Sates on January 20, 1977. Rosalynn Carter is looking on. -/Getty Images Former Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau, right, presents former U.S. President Jimmy Carter with a copy of 'Between Friends,' a book of pictures made along the U.S.-Canadian border, on Feb. 21, 1977. Anonymous/The Associated Press In this Tuesday, Aug. 30, 1977 file photo, President Jimmy Carter meets with civic leaders from Georgia and Florida at the White House in Washington to explain his new Panama Canal treaty. Hharvey Georges/The Associated Press In this file photo taken on September 17, 1978, Egyptian President Anwar al-Sadat (back to camera) and Israeli Premier Menachem Begin embrace each other after signing a peace agreement as U.S. President Jimmy Carter looks on, in the East Room of the White House in Washington D.C. -/AFP/Getty Images Former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, left, and Ronald Reagan shake hands before a televised debate in October 1980, in Cleveland, Ohio. The Associated Press Former U.S. president Jimmy Carter, right, with Lowell BruceLaingen, one of the American hostages released by Iran, in Wiesbaden, West Germany, Jan. 21, 1981. D. GORTON/The New York Times News Service Photo shows Bill Gates Sr., (L) former South African President Nelson Mandela and former U.S. President Jimmy Carter holding babies at the Zola clinic, in the Soweto Township outside of Johannesburg, South Africa on March 7, 2002. The babies were born to mothers who have tested positive for HIV. Carter on a trip for the Bill and Melinda Gates foundation in an effort to focus attention on HIV and AIDS prevention. On Oct. 11 2002, Carter won the Nobel Peace Prize for years of tireless effort as an international mediator. JEFF CHRISTENSEN/Getty Images Former U.S. President Jimmy Carter (L) participates in election monitoring 08 May 1994 in Panama City. Carter, 78, on Friday 11 October 2002 won the 2002 Nobel Peace Prize for years of tireless effort as an international mediator. Carter, 78, was honoured for "his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development", the Norwegian Nobel Committee said. RODRIGO ARANGUA/Getty Images Former U.S. President Jimmy Carter holds up his Nobel Peace Prize December 10, 2002 in Oslo, Norway. Carter was recognized for many years of public service and urged others to work for peace during his acceptance speech. Getty Images/Getty Images Former U.S. President Jimmy Carter and former First Lady Rosalyn Carter attach siding to the front of a Habitat for Humanity home being built June 10, 2003 in LaGrange, Georgia. More than 90 homes are being built in LaGrange; Valdosta, Georgia; and Anniston, Alabama by volunteers as part of Habitat for Humanity International's Jimmy Carter Work Project 2003. Erik S. Lesser/Getty Images Former U.S. President Jimmy Carter (L) takes notes 02 December 2004 while listening to a translater during his polling station observation visit in Maputo, Mozambique. Mozambique's long-time President Joaquim Chissano expressed surprise Thursday at the abysmal turn-out in elections to choose his successor, and blamed the poor showing on widespread illiteracy and ignorance of political systems. MARCO LONGARI/Getty Images Jimmy Carter talks with his grandson Hugo Wentzel, 10, during a picnic event on October 31, 2009 in Istanbul, Turkey. Jimmy Carter, Desmond Tutu and their fellow Elders invited their grandchildren to join them this week to remind the world of the catastrophic risk of climate change to future generations. The seven Elders and their thirteen grandchildren from Asia, Africa, Europe and America met in Istanbul with the group ranging in age from 3 to 85. Supplied/Getty Images Former U.S. President Jimmy Carter tries to comfort 6-year-old Ruhama Issah at Savelugu (Ghana) Hospital as a Carter Center technical assistant dresses Issah's extremely painful Guinea worm wound. In May 2010, with Carter Center support, Ghana reported its last case of Guinea worm disease and announced it had stopped disease transmission a year later. Louise Gubb/Carter Center Former U.S. president Jimmy Carter and former first lady Rosalynn Carter at Mr. Carter's 90th birthday celebration at Georgia Southwestern University. Branden Camp/The Associated Press Former U.S. president Jimmy Carter signs copies of his new book at a Barnes & Noble bookstore in New York City in March 26, 2018. Drew Angerer/Getty Images Former President Jimmy Carter greets visitors before teaching a Sunday school class at Maranatha Baptist Church in Plains, Ga., April 15, 2018. MELISSA GOLDEN/The New York Times News Service Former U.S. president Jimmy Carter and former first lady Rosalynn Carter work with volunteers during the first day of the Jimmy & Rosalynn Carter Work Project for Humanity, on Aug. 27, 2018, in Mishawaka, Ind. Robert Franklin/The Associated Press Mr. Carter also played a substantial role in the deregulation of many industries in the United States in the late 20th century. In 1978, he signed the Airline Deregulation Act into law, which removed federal government control over the industry, paving the way for low-cost carriers such as Southwest Airlines. Later that same year, he also signed into law the Energy Act, legislation that would deregulate oil and gas prices and later increase the supply of energy, lowering prices further. It also ended a period in which natural gas was blocked from entering interstate markets from producing states. Deregulating many other industries would follow, even after the Carter administration. This practice has its critics, who say it erodes the rights of workers, but it has unquestionably resulted in further reducing prices and thus improving consumer welfare, especially for those below the median income, as inflation is historically higher for the poor. While Mr. Reagan often gets the credit for deregulation and fighting inflation – he was in office during most of Mr. Volcker’s term at the Fed – some of the seeds of the Reagan Revolution were planted by a kind peanut farmer from Georgia named Jimmy Carter.DT Kenneth Grant to leave Michigan for NFL Draft
Royal Caribbean has been on a mission to make the painful parts of cruising easier. It has done that in lots of little ways, like making it slightly easier to both log on to ship WiFi and switch your internet service between devices. That's just a sort of incremental improvement, but making something happen near automatically that used to take a few clicks does count as an improvement. Add in lots of small improvements, and the overall cruise experience will get markedly better. Royal Caribbean also offers "Express" check-in lanes at some terminals. These allow passengers who have completed all of their pre-boarding items properly to board the ship faster. Related: Royal Caribbean makes key decision on Labadee, Haiti port Not everyone qualifies and it's only being used on select sailings, but if you get Express, you do get onboard faster. Once onboard, the improvements will keep coming. Royal Caribbean recently made it so people who buy dining packages can book their reservations before they get on the ship. That solves two problems. First, anyone with a dining package no longer has to stand in line on embarkation day (the day the ship sails) to make multiple lunch and dinner reservations. Second, because those people aren't in line taking 15-20 minutes to make all those bookings, people who want a reservation or two face much shorter lines. But, the cruise line's biggest improvement has to be the new elevator system being used on Icon of the Seas and Utopia of the Seas. These elevators don't have buttons. Instead, passengers input their desired floor on keypads near the elevator, and they are given a letter that corresponds to which elevator they should take, Sign up for the Come Cruise With Me newsletter to save money on your next (or your first) cruise. Image source: Daniel Kline/TheStreet Royal Caribbean's elevators are just the beginning While elevators seem like a small thing, the new system is actually a major improvement to the onboard experience. Passengers no longer have to jockey for position to board an elevator during crowded times. In addition, the new system generally makes no more than two stops. That prevents you from being in a full elevator that stops on every floor where the person in the back is always the one who needs to get out. It also eliminates the experience of having a kid push every button the second their parent isn't looking. Fixing the elevator experience was something Royal Caribbean prioritized with the launch of Icon of the Seas. At a media event on that ship, the cruise line's CEO talked a little bit about the process of launching the new elevators. More Royal Caribbean: "We were obsessively focused...We know a lot about the flow of people. We know a lot about how to create a delightful experience that also moves people around," he said, We were really nervous about them.:" Despite those early jitters, Bayley has been pleased with the elevator, which will be part of Star of the Seas, the next Icon-class ship, and seemingly all Royal Caribbean ships going forward. "We've been delighted with the elevator lobbies," he added. Be the first to see the best deals on cruises, special sailings, and more. Sign up for the Come Cruise With Me newsletter. Royal Caribbean wants to fix cabin entry Currently, Royal Caribbean passengers use their SeaPass card (a plastic room key) to enter their cabins. Select ships also allow people to buy special bracelets that can serve as door keys. SeaPass cards, however, are easily lost or forgotten. Many people wear them on lanyards, or carry them in a purse or wallet. It's easy to forget yours by the pool, leave it at a bar, or forget it in a machine in the casino on ships that use that system to log play. Star of the Seas will be testing a new facial recognition technology that will make it possible to use your face as your room key. "Star of the Seas will be the first cruise ship to embrace facial recognition as a way to make it easier to get to your cabin," wrote Matt Hochberg on The Royal Caribbean Blog . ALSO READ: Top travel agents share how to get the best price on your cruise This will be a pilot with a small number of cabins, at least at first. Royal Caribbean filed a patent on this technology in Nov. In the filing, the cruise line said it planned to use facial recognition to unlock cabins but also could be used for other functions onboard as well. Anyone who has gotten back to their cabin and realizes their key is either inside or lost somewhere on the ship will appreciate this option. That's especially true during times when Guest Services, the place where you go to get a new key, is busy. Currently, many US cruise ports use facial recognition when ships arrive instead of making people show their physical passports. Are you taking a cruise or thinking about taking one? Visit our Come Cruise With Me website to have all your questions answered.
ANI Pharmaceuticals, Inc. (NASDAQ:ANIP) Sees Large Growth in Short InterestJimmy Carter, the self-effacing peanut farmer, humanitarian and former navy lieutenant who helped Canada avert a nuclear catastrophe before ascending to the highest political office in the United States, died Sunday at his home in Georgia. He was 100, making him the longest-lived U.S. president in American history. Concern for Carter’s health had become a recurring theme in recent years. He was successfully treated for brain cancer in 2015, then suffered a number of falls, including one in 2019 that resulted in a broken hip. Alarm spiked in February 2023, however, when the Carter Center — the philanthropic organization he and his wife Rosalynn founded in 1982 — announced he would enter hospice care at his modest, three-bedroom house in Plains, Ga. Rosalynn Carter, a mental health advocate whose role as presidential spouse helped to define the modern first lady, predeceased her husband in November 2023 — a death at 96 that triggered a remembrance to rival his. “Rosalynn was my equal partner in everything I ever accomplished,” the former president said in a statement after she died. “As long as Rosalynn was in the world, I always knew somebody loved and supported me.” Conventional wisdom saw his single White House term as middling. But Carter’s altruistic work ethic, faith-filled benevolence and famous disdain for the financial trappings of high office only endeared him to generations after he left politics in 1981. “The trite phrase has been, ‘Jimmy Carter has been the best former president in the history of the United States,’” said Gordon Giffin, a former U.S. ambassador to Canada who sits on the Carter Center’s board of trustees. “That grated on him, because it distinguished his service as president from his service — and I literally mean service — as a former president.” His relentless advocacy for human rights, a term Carter popularized long before it became part of the political lexicon, included helping to build homes for the poor across the U.S. and in 14 other countries, including Canada, well into his 90s. He devoted the resources of the Carter Center to tackling Guinea worm, a parasite that afflicted an estimated 3.5 million people in the developing world in the early 1980s and is today all but eradicated, with just 13 cases reported in 2022. And he was a tireless champion of ending armed conflict and promoting democratic elections in the wake of the Cold War, with his centre monitoring 113 such votes in 39 different countries — and offering conflict-resolution expertise when democracy receded. Carter was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002, nearly a quarter-century after his seminal work on the Camp David Accords helped pave the way for a peace treaty between Israel and Egypt in 1979, the first of its kind. “His presidency got sidelined in the historic evaluation too quickly, and now people are revisiting it,” Giffin said. “I think his standing in history as president will grow.” A lifelong Democrat who never officially visited Canada as president, Carter was nonetheless a pioneer of sorts when it came to Canada-U.S. relations and a close friend to the two Canadian prime ministers he served alongside. One of them, former Progressive Conservative leader Joe Clark, once called Carter a “pretty good Canadian” — a testament to the former commander-in-chief’s authenticity and centre-left politics, which always resonated north of the Canada-U.S. border. The pair were reunited in 2017 at a panel discussion in Atlanta hosted by the Canadian American Business Council, and seemed to delight in teasing the host when she described Clark as a “conservative” and Carter as a “progressive.” “I’m a Progressive Conservative — that’s very important,” Clark corrected her. Piped up Carter: “I’m a conservative progressive.” In 2012, the Carters visited Kingston, Ont., to receive an honorary degree from Queen’s University. Instead of a fancy hotel, they stayed with Arthur Milnes, a former speech writer, journalist and political scholar who’d long since become a close friend. “He became my hero, believe it or not, probably when I was about 12,” said Milnes, whose parents had come of age during the Cold War and lived in perpetual fear of the ever-present nuclear threat until Carter took over the White House in 1977. “My mother never discussed politics, with one exception — and that was when Jimmy Carter was in the White House. She’d say, ‘Art, Jimmy Carter is a good and decent man,’” Milnes recalled. “They always said, both of them, that for the first time since the 1950s, they felt safe, knowing that it was this special man from rural Georgia, Jimmy Carter, who had his finger on the proverbial button.” While Richard Nixon and Pierre Trudeau appeared to share a mutual antipathy during their shared time in office, Carter got along famously with the prime minister. Indeed, it was at the express request of the Trudeau family that Carter attended the former prime minister’s funeral in 2000, Giffin said. “The message I got back was the family would appreciate it if Jimmy Carter could come,” said Giffin, who was the U.S. envoy in Ottawa at the time. “So he did come. He was at the Trudeau funeral. And to me, that said a lot about not only the relationship he had with Trudeau, but the relationship he had in the Canada-U.S. dynamic.” It was at that funeral in Montreal that Carter — “much to my frustration,” Giffin allowed — spent more than two hours in a holding room with Cuban leader Fidel Castro, a meeting that resulted in Carter visiting Cuba in 2002, the first former president to do so. But it was long before Carter ever entered politics that he established a permanent bond with Canada — one forged in the radioactive aftermath of what might otherwise have become the country’s worst nuclear calamity. In 1952, Carter was a 28-year-old U.S. navy lieutenant, a submariner with a budding expertise in nuclear power, when he and his crew were dispatched to help control a partial meltdown at the experimental Chalk River Laboratories northwest of Ottawa. In his 2016 book “A Full Life: Reflections at Ninety,” Carter described working in teams of three, first practising on a mock-up of the reactor, then on the real thing, in short 90-second bursts to avoid absorbing more than the maximum allowable dose of radiation. “The limit on radiation absorption in the early 1950s was approximately 1,000 times higher than it is 60 years later,” he wrote. “There were a lot of jokes about the effects of radioactivity, mostly about the prospect of being sterilized, and we had to monitor our urine until all our bodies returned to the normal range.” That, Carter would later acknowledge in interviews, took him about six months. Carter and Clark were both in office during the so-called “Canadian Caper,” a top-secret operation to spirit a group of U.S. diplomats out of Iran following the fall of the U.S. embassy in Tehran in 1979. The elaborate ploy, which involved passing the group off as a Canadian science-fiction film crew, was documented in the Oscar-winning 2012 Ben Affleck film “Argo.” Carter didn’t think much of the film. “The movie that was made, ‘Argo,’ was very distorted. They hardly mentioned the Canadian role in this very heroic, courageous event,” he said during the CABC event. He described the true events of that escapade as “one of the greatest examples of a personal application of national friendship I have ever known.” To the end, Carter was an innately humble and understated man, said Giffin — a rare commodity in any world leader, much less in one from the United States. “People underestimate who Jimmy Carter is because he leads with his humanity,” he said. “I read an account the other day that said the Secret Service vehicles that are parked outside his house are worth more than the house. How many former presidents have done that?” This report by The Canadian Press was first published Dec, 29, 2024.
DFSK, in partnership with QSJ Motors Philippines Inc., has entered the local automotive scene and unveiled its bold vision for the future of mobility. During the event, the Chinese automaker also showcased its battery electric and plug-in hybrid model lineup, marking the brand’s official entry into the Philippine market. DFSK is a wholly-owned subsidiary of SERES Group. Established in 2003, the company has grown into a global powerhouse with over 3 million users worldwide. The company claims its commitment to innovation and quality has undeniably brought them success, with over 400,000 sales recorded in 2017 alone. DFSK commercial and passenger vehicles have been exported to more than 70 countries and regions, including Europe, South America, Africa, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia. In 2018, QSJ Motors Phils Inc. started its partnership with DFSK, trading its light trucks, commercial trucks, and multi-purpose vehicles in the Philippines. Kenneth Jiang, Business Manager of QSJ Motors Philippines Inc., highlighted the strategic partnership between QSJ and DFSK and shared, “Our partnership with DFSK is not just about bringing a new brand of vehicles into the Philippine market, but about redefining the way Filipinos view mobility. Together, we aim to introduce innovative, sustainable, and accessible transportation options that will meet the growing demand for eco-friendly vehicles without compromising on quality, safety, or performance.” DFSK introduced three models representing the brand’s commitment to sustainable mobility in the country. The all-electric model Candy Mini EV grabbed the most attention during the event as a compact, fun, and eco-friendly electric vehicle, perfect for urban driving. Next was the E5 PHEV mid-size and seven-seater SUV, highlighting its plug-in hybrid technology. The EC75 all-electric Commercial Van setup for logistics and delivery businesses completes the lineup. Themed “Redefining Rides,” the partnership between DFSK and QSJ Motors Philippines Inc., has set the stage for a new era of mobility in the Philippines, focusing on intelligent, sustainable, and accessible transportation. E5 PHEV The lone PHEV in the lineup, the seven-seater E5, offers an impressive pure electric range of up to 100km. With a gasoline engine as a range extender, its combined range is up to 1,150km on paper. The vehicle also has advanced regenerative braking, comprehensive safety features, and a spacious interior. Available in two variants, the price starts at P1.580 million. Key Features: Range 100 km pure electric range, 1,150 km combined range Battery Capacity 17.52 kWh Charging Time 4 hours Powertrain 1.5L engine paired with a permanent magnetic synchronous motor (81 + 130 kW peak power) Torque Maximum of 135,300 Nm Luxurious interior with seat ventilation/heating, panoramic sunroof, 12.3-inch dual-screen infotainment system with a 12-speaker surround sound system Six airbags, Advanced Driver Assistance Systems (ADAS), including hill start assist, traction control, and hill descent control Candy Mini EV DFSK positions the Candy Mini EV as the perfect solution for city dwellers seeking a stylish and practical electric vehicle. This compact Mini EV is easy to maneuver through tight spaces and boasts an eye-catching design. The Candy Mini EV offers zero emission and a cost-effective alternative to traditional vehicles. Ideal for short trips and daily errands, this mini EV is priced at P658,000. Key Features: Pure Electric Range 220 km Battery Capacity 16.8 kWh Power 30 kW peak power Charging Time 4.5 hours Seating Capacity Four-seater with comfortable fabric seats Safety Equipped with airbags, Isofix, ABS, EBD, and electric power steering Smart Technology Advanced infotainment systems, cruise control system, parking radar, and HD reverse camera EC75 All-electric Delivery Van For businesses looking to reduce their carbon footprint, the EC75 Commercial Van is a game changer. Designed for efficiency and utility, this two-seater fully-electric van provides ample seven cubic meter cargo space and advanced technology to streamline operations. Focusing on durability and performance, the EC75 has innovative features for any business. This model is priced at P1.450 million. Key Features: Cargo Capacity Seven cubic meters Electric Range 310 km Battery Capacity 50.38 kWh Charging Time 45 minutes (fast charging) Power 70 kW motor and 230 N-m of torque Build Durable monocoque body designed for heavy-duty use Safety Two airbags and advanced braking systems Smart Features Wireless charging, real-time tracking and fleet management systems Commitment to Sustainability DFSK, in partnership with QSJ Motors Philippines, Inc., is committed to leading the charge towards a greener future. By expanding their electric vehicle lineup, they are meeting the growing demand for sustainable transportation and contributing to global efforts to combat climate change. Their new energy vehicles are designed with the environment in mind, ensuring every drive is a step toward a cleaner planet. Image credits: Randy S. Peregrino , DFSK Randy is our contributing writer for motoring and journey sections. His passion for cars goes beyond appreciation and knowledge as he takes pleasure in fixing stuff all by himself - as long as he has the right tools.Unlike scores of people who scrambled for the blockbuster drugs Ozempic and Wegovy to lose weight in recent years, Danielle Griffin had no trouble getting them. The 38-year-old information technology worker from New Mexico had a prescription. Her pharmacy had the drugs in stock. And her health insurance covered all but $25 to $50 of the monthly cost. For Griffin, the hardest part of using the new drugs wasn’t access. It was finding out that the much-hyped medications didn’t really work for her. “I have been on Wegovy for a year and a half and have only lost 13 pounds,” said Griffin, who watches her diet, drinks plenty of water and exercises regularly. “I’ve done everything right with no success. It’s discouraging.” In clinical trials, most participants taking Wegovy or Mounjaro to treat obesity lost an average of 15% to 22% of their body weight — up to 50 pounds or more in many cases. But roughly 10% to 15% of patients in those trials were “nonresponders” who lost less than 5% of their body weight. Now that millions of people have used the drugs, several obesity experts told The Associated Press that perhaps 20% of patients — as many as 1 in 5 — may not respond well to the medications. It's a little-known consequence of the obesity drug boom, according to doctors who caution eager patients not to expect one-size-fits-all results. “It's all about explaining that different people have different responses,” said Dr. Fatima Cody Stanford, an obesity expert at Massachusetts General Hospital The drugs are known as GLP-1 receptor agonists because they mimic a hormone in the body known as glucagon-like peptide 1. Genetics, hormones and variability in how the brain regulates energy can all influence weight — and a person's response to the drugs, Stanford said. Medical conditions such as sleep apnea can prevent weight loss, as can certain common medications, such as antidepressants, steroids and contraceptives. “This is a disease that stems from the brain,” said Stanford. “The dysfunction may not be the same” from patient to patient. Despite such cautions, patients are often upset when they start getting the weekly injections but the numbers on the scale barely budge. “It can be devastating,” said Dr. Katherine Saunders, an obesity expert at Weill Cornell Medicine and co-founder of the obesity treatment company FlyteHealth. “With such high expectations, there’s so much room for disappointment.” That was the case for Griffin, who has battled obesity since childhood and hoped to shed 70 pounds using Wegovy. The drug helped reduce her appetite and lowered her risk of diabetes, but she saw little change in weight. “It’s an emotional roller coaster,” she said. “You want it to work like it does for everybody else.” The medications are typically prescribed along with eating behavior and lifestyle changes. It’s usually clear within weeks whether someone will respond to the drugs, said Dr. Jody Dushay, an endocrine specialist at Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center. Weight loss typically begins right away and continues as the dosage increases. For some patients, that just doesn't happen. For others, side effects such as nausea, vomiting and diarrhea force them to halt the medications, Dushay said. In such situations, patients who were counting on the new drugs to pare pounds may think they’re out of options. “I tell them: It's not game over,” Dushay said. Trying a different version of the new class of drugs may help. Griffin, who didn't respond well to Wegovy, has started using Zepbound, which targets an additional hormone pathway in the body. After three months of using the drug, she has lost 7 pounds. “I'm hoping it's slow and steady,” she said. Other people respond well to older drugs, the experts said. Changing diet, exercise, sleep and stress habits can also have profound effects. Figuring out what works typically requires a doctor trained to treat obesity, Saunders noted. “Obesity is such a complex disease that really needs to be treated very comprehensively,” she said. “If what we’re prescribing doesn’t work, we always have a backup plan.” The Associated Press Health and Science Department receives support from the Howard Hughes Medical Institute’s Science and Educational Media Group. The AP is solely responsible for all content.Exploring the traditional wall architecture
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