As a former and potentially future president, Donald Trump hailed what would become Project 2025 as a road map for “exactly what our movement will do” with another crack at the White House. As the blueprint for a hard-right turn in America became a liability during the 2024 campaign, Trump pulled an about-face. He denied knowing anything about the “ridiculous and abysmal” plans written in part by his first-term aides and allies. Now, after being elected the 47th president on Nov. 5, Trump is stocking his second administration with key players in the detailed effort he temporarily shunned. Most notably, Trump has tapped Russell Vought for an encore as director of the Office of Management and Budget; Tom Homan, his former immigration chief, as “border czar;” and immigration hardliner Stephen Miller as deputy chief of policy. Those moves have accelerated criticisms from Democrats who warn that Trump's election hands government reins to movement conservatives who spent years envisioning how to concentrate power in the West Wing and impose a starkly rightward shift across the U.S. government and society. Trump and his aides maintain that he won a mandate to overhaul Washington. But they maintain the specifics are his alone. “President Trump never had anything to do with Project 2025,” said Trump spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt in a statement. “All of President Trumps' Cabinet nominees and appointments are whole-heartedly committed to President Trump's agenda, not the agenda of outside groups.” Here is a look at what some of Trump's choices portend for his second presidency. The Office of Management and Budget director, a role Vought held under Trump previously and requires Senate confirmation, prepares a president's proposed budget and is generally responsible for implementing the administration's agenda across agencies. The job is influential but Vought made clear as author of a Project 2025 chapter on presidential authority that he wants the post to wield more direct power. “The Director must view his job as the best, most comprehensive approximation of the President’s mind,” Vought wrote. The OMB, he wrote, “is a President’s air-traffic control system” and should be “involved in all aspects of the White House policy process,” becoming “powerful enough to override implementing agencies’ bureaucracies.” Trump did not go into such details when naming Vought but implicitly endorsed aggressive action. Vought, the president-elect said, “knows exactly how to dismantle the Deep State” — Trump’s catch-all for federal bureaucracy — and would help “restore fiscal sanity.” In June, speaking on former Trump aide Steve Bannon’s “War Room” podcast, Vought relished the potential tension: “We’re not going to save our country without a little confrontation.” The strategy of further concentrating federal authority in the presidency permeates Project 2025's and Trump's campaign proposals. Vought's vision is especially striking when paired with Trump's proposals to dramatically expand the president's control over federal workers and government purse strings — ideas intertwined with the president-elect tapping mega-billionaire Elon Musk and venture capitalist Vivek Ramaswamy to lead a “Department of Government Efficiency.” Trump in his first term sought to remake the federal civil service by reclassifying tens of thousands of federal civil service workers — who have job protection through changes in administration — as political appointees, making them easier to fire and replace with loyalists. Currently, only about 4,000 of the federal government's roughly 2 million workers are political appointees. President Joe Biden rescinded Trump's changes. Trump can now reinstate them. Meanwhile, Musk's and Ramaswamy's sweeping “efficiency” mandates from Trump could turn on an old, defunct constitutional theory that the president — not Congress — is the real gatekeeper of federal spending. In his “Agenda 47,” Trump endorsed so-called “impoundment,” which holds that when lawmakers pass appropriations bills, they simply set a spending ceiling, but not a floor. The president, the theory holds, can simply decide not to spend money on anything he deems unnecessary. Vought did not venture into impoundment in his Project 2025 chapter. But, he wrote, “The President should use every possible tool to propose and impose fiscal discipline on the federal government. Anything short of that would constitute abject failure.” Trump's choice immediately sparked backlash. “Russ Vought is a far-right ideologue who has tried to break the law to give President Trump unilateral authority he does not possess to override the spending decisions of Congress (and) who has and will again fight to give Trump the ability to summarily fire tens of thousands of civil servants,” said Sen. Patty Murray of Washington, a Democrat and outgoing Senate Appropriations chairwoman. Reps. Jamie Raskin of Maryland and Melanie Stansbury of New Mexico, leading Democrats on the House Committee on Oversight and Accountability, said Vought wants to “dismantle the expert federal workforce” to the detriment of Americans who depend on everything from veterans' health care to Social Security benefits. “Pain itself is the agenda,” they said. Trump’s protests about Project 2025 always glossed over overlaps in the two agendas. Both want to reimpose Trump-era immigration limits. Project 2025 includes a litany of detailed proposals for various U.S. immigration statutes, executive branch rules and agreements with other countries — reducing the number of refugees, work visa recipients and asylum seekers, for example. Miller is one of Trump's longest-serving advisers and architect of his immigration ideas, including his promise of the largest deportation force in U.S. history. As deputy policy chief, which is not subject to Senate confirmation, Miller would remain in Trump's West Wing inner circle. “America is for Americans and Americans only,” Miller said at Trump’s Madison Square Garden rally on Oct. 27. “America First Legal,” Miller’s organization founded as an ideological counter to the American Civil Liberties Union, was listed as an advisory group to Project 2025 until Miller asked that the name be removed because of negative attention. Homan, a Project 2025 named contributor, was an acting U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement director during Trump’s first presidency, playing a key role in what became known as Trump's “family separation policy.” Previewing Trump 2.0 earlier this year, Homan said: “No one’s off the table. If you’re here illegally, you better be looking over your shoulder.” John Ratcliffe, Trump's pick to lead the CIA, was previously one of Trump's directors of national intelligence. He is a Project 2025 contributor. The document's chapter on U.S. intelligence was written by Dustin Carmack, Ratcliffe's chief of staff in the first Trump administration. Reflecting Ratcliffe's and Trump's approach, Carmack declared the intelligence establishment too cautious. Ratcliffe, like the chapter attributed to Carmack, is hawkish toward China. Throughout the Project 2025 document, Beijing is framed as a U.S. adversary that cannot be trusted. Brendan Carr, the senior Republican on the Federal Communications Commission, wrote Project 2025's FCC chapter and is now Trump's pick to chair the panel. Carr wrote that the FCC chairman “is empowered with significant authority that is not shared” with other FCC members. He called for the FCC to address “threats to individual liberty posed by corporations that are abusing dominant positions in the market,” specifically “Big Tech and its attempts to drive diverse political viewpoints from the digital town square.” He called for more stringent transparency rules for social media platforms like Facebook and YouTube and “empower consumers to choose their own content filters and fact checkers, if any.” Carr and Ratcliffe would require Senate confirmation for their posts.
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NEW YORK , Nov. 21, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- S&P Global Market Intelligence has released a report today highlighting the convergence in public and private credit markets. The newly published Public and Private Markets Outlook: Converging on Credit is part of S&P Global Market Intelligence's Big Picture 2025 Outlook Report Series. In this new report, S&P Global Market Intelligence's capital markets analysts highlight how public and private credit markets have become increasingly intertwined in 2024, and why we expect this trend to continue in 2025. Public debt markets have grown, but not at the expense of the $1.5 trillion private markets, which continue their rapid expansion. " It may be no coincidence that the fall in Credit Default Swap (CDS) credit events aligns with the growth in provision of private credit. Many companies now have recourse to lines of credit from private sources to an extent not seen in previous cycles. This trend is likely to continue in 2025 but may raise questions about the transparency and measurement of credit risk in private credit funds, where the exposure is ultimately shifted," said Gavan Nolan , Executive Director at S&P Global Market Intelligence. Key highlights from the report include: To request a copy of Public and Private Markets Outlook: Converging on Credit , please contact press.mi@spglobal.com . S&P Global Market Intelligence's opinions, quotes, and credit-related and other analyses are statements of opinion as of the date they are expressed and not statements of fact or recommendation to purchase, hold, or sell any securities or to make any investment decisions, and do not address the suitability of any security. About S&P Global Market Intelligence At S&P Global Market Intelligence, we understand the importance of accurate, deep and insightful information. Our team of experts delivers unrivaled insights and leading data and technology solutions, partnering with customers to expand their perspective, operate with confidence, and make decisions with conviction. S&P Global Market Intelligence is a division of S&P Global (NYSE: SPGI). S&P Global is the world's foremost provider of credit ratings, benchmarks, analytics and workflow solutions in the global capital, commodity and automotive markets. With every one of our offerings, we help many of the world's leading organizations navigate the economic landscape so they can plan for tomorrow, today. For more information, visit www.spglobal.com/marketintelligence . Media Contact Amanda Oey S&P Global Market Intelligence +1 212-438-1904 amanda.oey@spglobal.com or press.mi@spglobal.com View original content to download multimedia: https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/sp-global-market-intelligences-new-outlook-report-shows-the-convergence-of-public-and-private-credit-markets-and-expects-the-trend-to-continue-into-2025-302313385.html SOURCE S&P Global Market IntelligenceLOS ANGELES — Top-ranked South Carolina felt something it hasn't known in over 2 1/2 years. The sting of defeat after being thoroughly dominated in a 77-62 loss to No. 5 UCLA on Sunday. Gone was the overall 43-game winning streak. Done was the run of 33 consecutive road victories. And the No. 1 ranking it's held for 23 consecutive polls will disappear Monday. "This is what we usually do to teams," coach Dawn Staley said. "We were on the receiving end of it." South Carolina hadn't lost since April 2023, when Caitlin Clark and Iowa beat the Gamecocks in the national semifinals of the NCAA Tournament. The Bruins (5-0) shot 47% from the floor and 3-point range, hit 11 of 14 free throws and had five players in double figures. "They actually executed our game plan to a T," Staley said. People are also reading... The Gamecocks (5-1) were held to 36% shooting, had just two players in double figures and neither was leading scorer Chloe Kitts, who was held to 2 points on 1 of 7 shooting. They never led, got beat on the boards, 41-34, and were outscored 26-18 in the paint and 8-1 in fast break points. They only made eight trips to the free throw line. "Our kids fought," Staley said, "but we ran into a buzzsaw." South Carolina did manage to limit 6-foot-7 UCLA star Lauren Betts, who had 11 points and 14 rebounds, despite no longer having a dominant center of their own. The Bruins responded by getting the ball to others and eight of their 10 players scored. "We did an excellent job on Betts and we got killed by everyone else," Staley said. Tessa Johnson was the only other Gamecock in double figures with 14. "We needed a lot more than Tessa today," Staley said. The Gamecocks never got their offense in gear, starting the game 0 for 9 before trailing 20-10 at the end of the first quarter. They were down 43-22 at halftime. "Our shot selection is something we're dealing with on a daily basis," Staley said. The Gamecocks outscored UCLA 40-34 in the second half, but the Bruins' big early lead easily held up. "Beautiful basketball by UCLA," Staley said. "You can't help but to love up on it cause it was fluid on both sides of the ball." Given that it's only late November, the Gamecocks have plenty of time to figure things out. "We had some really good contributions from people that don't play a whole lot and we could probably give a little bit more minutes to," Staley said. "Taking a loss will help us focus on anybody that we play." Be the first to know