US stock market: Dow Jones, Nasdaq, and S&P 500 to become volatile under Donald Trump?It’s a smart piece of stage management to have Australia as Ireland’s opponents for the IRFU’s 150th anniversary commemoration next Saturday. Putting Andy Farrell and Joe Schmidt in direct opposition acts as a precursor to next summer’s Lions tour. More relevantly, it brings together the two most successful coaches in Irish rugby history. At the time when they set the game up, our stage managers probably also saw it as a fairly safe win for the home team too. Australia’s stock had plummeted disastrously before Schmidt’s arrival earlier this year, when they were tenth in the world rankings — an all-time low. And now? The Wallabies can leap-frog the Scots into sixth if they win in Edinburgh on Sunday afternoon. After playing some irresistible rugbyFormer President Jimmy Carter has died at the age of 100. The 39th president of the United States was a Georgia peanut farmer who sought to restore trust in government when he assumed the presidency in 1977 and then built a reputation for tireless work as a humanitarian. He earned a Nobel Peace Prize in 2002. Carter died Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care, at his home in Plains, Georgia. At age 52, Carter was sworn in as president on Jan. 20, 1977, after defeating President Gerald R. Ford in the 1976 general election. Carter left office on Jan. 20, 1981, following his 1980 general election loss to Ronald Reagan. Here's the latest: Biden to speak on Carter's death President Joe Biden will speak about Carter Sunday evening. The president will make his address from a hotel in St. Croix, from the U.S. Virgin Islands, where he is on a holiday vacation with his family. Carter’s relationship with his wife Rosalynn spanned a near-lifetime Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter had one of the great love stories and political partnerships in U.S. presidential history. The former president sometimes called his wife, who died Nov. 19. 2023, “Rosie,” which is a good way to remember how her name actually is pronounced. It is “ROSE-uh-lyn,” not, repeat NOT, “RAHZ-uh-lyn.” They were married more than 77 years but their relationship went back even further. Jimmy’s mother, “Miss Lillian,” delivered Eleanor Rosalynn Smith at the Smith home in Plains on Aug. 18, 1927. The nurse brought her eldest child back a few days later to visit, meaning the longest-married presidential couple met as preschooler and newborn. She became his trusted campaign aide and White House adviser, surprising Washington by sitting in on Cabinet meetings. Then they traveled the world together as co-founders of The Carter Center. Most of the nation saw the former president for the last time at Rosalynn Carter’s funeral. Grandson Jason Carter says Plains kept his grandparents humble Jason Carter is now the chairman of The Carter Center’s board of governors. He said his grandparents “never changed who they were” even after reaching the White House and becoming global humanitarians. He says their four years in Washington were just one period of putting their values into action and that the center his grandparents founded in Atlanta is a lasting “extension of their belief in human rights as a fundamental global force.” Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter traveled the world advocating for democracy and fighting disease, but Jason Carter said they weren’t motivated by pity, or arrogance that a former American president had all the answers — they ventured to remote places because they could “recognize these people.” They too were from “a 600-person village” and understood that even the poorest people “have the power ... the ability ... the knowledge and the expertise to change their own community.” President Biden mourns his predecessor As reaction poured in from around the world, President Joe Biden mourned Carter’s death, saying the world lost an “extraordinary leader, statesman and humanitarian” and he lost a dear friend. Biden cited Carter’s compassion and moral clarity, his work to eradicate disease, forge peace, advance civil and human rights, promote free and fair elections, house the homeless and advocacy for the disadvantaged as an example for others. Biden said he is ordering a state funeral for Carter in Washington. Pelosi says Carter’s life ‘was saintly’ in devotion to peace Former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi is remembering Carter as a man steeped “in devotion to public service and peace.” The California Democrat said in a statement Sunday that Carter was committed to “honoring the spark of divinity within every person,” something she said manifested in “teaching Sunday school in his beloved Marantha Baptist Church, brokering the landmark Camp David Accords to pave the way to peace or building homes with Habitat for Humanity.” Pelosi also said Carter led “perhaps the most impactful post-presidency in history.” Historical praise from the United Kingdom British Prime Minister Keir Starmer noted in a post on X the special contribution Carter made by brokering the Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt and through his work with the Carter Center. “Motivated by his strong faith and values, President Carter redefined the post-presidency with a remarkable commitment to social justice and human rights at home and abroad,” Starmer said. Commemoration in New York City To commemorate Carter’s death, officials with the Empire State Building said in a post on social media that the iconic New York City landmark would be lit in red, white and blue on Sunday night, “to honor the life and legacy” of the late former president. The Obamas recall Carter's Sunday services In a statement issued Sunday, former President Barack Obama and first lady Michelle Obama said Carter’s beloved Maranatha Baptist Church “will be a little quieter on Sunday,s” but added that the late former president “will never be far away -- buried alongside Rosalynn next to a willow tree down the road, his memory calling all of us to heed our better angels.” Noting the “hundreds of tourists from around the world crammed into the pews” to see the former president teach Sunday school, as he did “for most of his adult life,” the Obamas listed Carter’s accomplishments as president. But they made special note of the Sunday school lessons, saying they were catalysts for people making a pilgrimage to the church. “Many people in that church on Sunday morning were there, at least in part, because of something more fundamental: President Carter’s decency.” A somber announcement The longest-lived American president died Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” The Carter Center said in posting about his death on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. A Southerner and a man of faith In his 1975 book “Why Not The Best,” Carter said of himself: “I am a Southerner and an American, I am a farmer, an engineer, a father and husband, a Christian, a politician and former governor, a planner, a businessman, a nuclear physicist, a naval officer, a canoeist, and among other things a lover of Bob Dylan’s songs and Dylan Thomas’s poetry.” A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. After he left office and returned home to his tiny hometown of Plains in southwest Georgia, Carter regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world. Former Vice President Gore remembers Carter for life "of purpose” Former Vice President Al Gore praised Jimmy Carter for living “a life full of purpose, commitment and kindness” and for being a “lifelong role model for the entire environmental movement.” Carter, who left the White House in 1981 after a landslide defeat to Ronald Reagan. concentrated on conflict resolution, defending democracy and fighting disease in the developing world. Gore, who lost the 2000 presidential election to George W. Bush, remains a leading advocate for action to fight climate change. Both won Nobel Peace Prizes. Gore said that “it is a testament to his unyielding determination to help build a more just and peaceful world” that Carter is often “remembered equally for the work he did as President as he is for his leadership over the 42 years after he left office.” During Gore’s time in the White House, President Bill Clinton had an uneasy relationship with Carter. But Gore said he is “grateful” for “many years of friendship and collaboration” with Carter. The Clintons react to Jimmy Carter's death Former President Bill Clinton and his wife, former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, remember Carter as a man who lived to serve others. “Hillary and I mourn the passing of President Jimmy Carter and give thanks for his long, good life. Guided by his faith, President Carter lived to serve others — until the very end." The statement recalled Carter's many achievements and priorities, including efforts “to protect our natural resources in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, make energy conservation a national priority, return the Panama Canal to Panama, and secure peace between Egypt and Israel at Camp David." After he left office, the Clinton statement said, Carter continued efforts in "supporting honest elections, advancing peace, combating disease, and promoting democracy; to his and Rosalynn’s devotion and hard work at Habitat for Humanity — he worked tirelessly for a better, fairer world,” the statement said.
(The Center Square) – House Oversight Chair Rep. James Comer, R-Ky., has opened an investigation into the Federal Emergency Management Agency over reports that it discriminated against supporters of Donald Trump. Comer said whistleblower reports suggest anti-Trump discrimination is rampant and has been going on for years. “[O]n the condition of anonymity, a FEMA official stated that the practice avoiding ‘white or conservative-dominated’ areas is an ‘open secret at the agency that has been going on for years,’” Comer said in a letter to FEMA. The investigation comes after FEMA fired one of its hurricane response supervisors after news went viral that she told her workers to avoid “Trump houses.” However, that employee has publicly said she was only following orders and acting according to the culture at FEMA. Comer and more than two dozen Republican lawmakers sent a letter to FEMA Administrator Deanne Criswell demanding documentation, from internal policies to spending figures to incident reports. Lawmakers have pointed toward more anonymous sources backing up the fired employee’s claims. “Additionally, another whistleblower contacted the Committee during the hearing," the letter said. "This individual informed the Committee that a FEMA contractor warned a disabled veteran’s family in Georgia to remove Trump campaign materials from their home because FEMA supervisors viewed Trump supporters as domestic terrorists. At a hearing this week, U.S. Rep. Greg Steube, R-Fla., pointed to 35 of his constituents who shared similar stories with him. Lawmakers grilled Criswell over the discrimination reports at the hearing as well as FEMA’s recent focus on Diversity Equity and Inclusion efforts, something FEMA named as its number one goal in its latest strategic report. Lawmakers also raised concerns about the agency spending hundreds of millions of dollars on helping migrants. Defenders of FEMA have said the migrant funds do not take directly from disaster relief, while critics insist it shows missplaced priorities for the emergency relief agency. “In the fiscal year of 2023, FEMA spent nearly a billion dollars, $789 million, to shelter illegals in the United States,” Rep. Marjorie Taylor Green, R-Ga., said at the hearing, as The Center Square previously reported . “This past year it was $641 million, and this money is largely distributed through NGOs...and this was to house illegal aliens," she added. "Not Americans, who by the way all that money, that comes from Americans bank accounts when they write their checks to pay their taxes." At the hearing this week, Criswell also said she will request the Inspector General investigate the question of political discrimination at FEMA. She also said she does not think this fired employee is indicative of a broader problem in the agency but is looking into it. Criswell said FEMA workers went back to the homes that were skipped over by the fired employee and promised to ensure it doesn't happen again. “The Committee is in the process of investigating these claims,” the Oversight letter said. “If they are true, they would corroborate concerns that political discrimination extends beyond [the fired FEMA employee]. Furthermore, they suggest an apparent culture, whether sanctioned or not, within FEMA to politically discriminate against disaster survivors, specifically those who support President-elect Donald Trump.”Kangaroos eye revenge, Lions seek first back-to-back titles in AFLW grand final rematch - ABC News
Starting January 2025, the U.S. Outbound Investment Security Program (OISP) will require U.S. investors to report or avoid certain technology investments in China, Hong Kong, and Macau. U.S. citizens, permanent residents, and U.S.-registered entities must comply with the OISP, and prevent their foreign branches and subsidiaries from engaging in prohibited transactions. The OISP targets specific investment types, including acquisitions, loans, joint ventures, and certain fund interests, especially if they involve critical technologies. U.S. investors must submit notifications for relevant transactions within 30 days of completion, detailing transaction parties, rationale, and post-transaction plans. Violations can lead to civil and criminal penalties, including fines and potential transaction nullification. Because the OISP program is new, as is the Treasury office responsible for implementing and enforcing the regulations, we expect iterative and changing guidance and interpretations as the program matures and evolves. Accordingly, it is important for investors and targets of investment to seek current and refreshed advice for any proposed transactions they may wish to undertake. On Oct. 28, 2024, the U.S. Department of the Treasury issued a final rule implementing President Biden’s Executive Order 14105 , “Addressing United States Investments in Certain National Security Technologies and Products in Countries of Concern.” Effective Jan. 2, 2025, the Outbound Investment Security Program (OISP) imposes new notification requirements and prohibitions on U.S. persons making certain types of investments in “countries of concern” (currently defined to include China, Hong Kong, and Macau). The OISP covers investments in three categories of technologies: semiconductors and microelectronics; quantum information technologies; and artificial intelligence. Treasury’s Office of Investment Security will administer the OISP. While the United States has long regulated inbound foreign investment through the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) process, the OISP is the first time the United States has established a broad framework to regulate U.S. investment in other countries. Eleanor M. Ross also contributed to this article. Continue reading the full GT Alert.
Facebook X Email Print Save Story The first issue of the magazine Giant Robot I ever came across featured the Hong Kong actor Tony Leung Chiu-wai on the cover—this was enough to stand out on a crowded newsstand in the mid-nineteen-nineties. But what caught my attention were the teasers for a random assortment of other stories, about gangs, surfing, shaved ice, orgies. A small tagline in the top right corner read “A magazine for you.” But who was I? I was a teen-ager and desperate to know. I suspected Giant Robot could help me figure it out. For anyone under the age of forty, this level of impressionability might sound a bit silly. But this was a time when there were few things as intoxicating as a bountiful magazine rack, with countless interests, ideologies, identities to try on for size. These days styles and reference points float freely; back then the idea that one could bridge silos, admitting an affection for, say, both punk rock and Hello Kitty, felt jarring. There was something about Giant Robot’s affection for Asian culture—and its allergy to dwelling on what that meant—that drew in many young people, like me, who were searching for a context. It was a magazine that was very serious about some things, and not at all serious about others. Eric Nakamura started Giant Robot in 1994, having recently left his job at Larry Flynt Publications, a Los Angeles media empire that published magazines ranging from VideoGames (where Nakamura had found work right out of college, as an editor) to Rap Pages and Hustler . His experiences at Flynt suggested that making a magazine wasn’t too hard. He put together a sixty-four-page zine, stapled and xeroxed, about the things that fascinated him and his friends: sumo wrestling, the Japanese noise band Boredoms, kung-fu movies, dating. He invited Martin Wong, a kindred spirit he’d seen around at punk shows, to write and to help distribute the two hundred and forty copies of the zine’s initial run. “We were just writing about stuff we liked,” Wong, who was working as an editor at a textbook company at the time, said. “We weren’t trying to define anything or change anything.” For the second issue, Wong wrote about his experience dressing up as Hello Kitty for a Sanrio festival in Southern California, and the surprisingly vitriolic things passersby said to him (“I hate you,” “Get a life”). Wong soon became Giant Robot’s co-editor, and by the fourth issue they had graduated from D.I.Y. folding and stapling to a standard-size, nationally distributed magazine with a full-color cover, albeit one that was still sustained by volunteer labor. In 1996, Giant Robot became a quarterly, and by the late nineteen-nineties they were publishing up to six times a year, with a circulation that peaked in the early two-thousands at around twenty-seven thousand. What attracted people in from the mid-nineties through 2011, when Giant Robot published its final issue, was its mixture of arrogance—the sense that it was made by people with a strident sense of taste—but also curiosity. This run is the subject of “ Giant Robot: Thirty Years of Defining Asian American Pop Culture ,” a lavishly designed hardcover book, just published by Drawn & Quarterly, that collects some of the magazine’s most important articles, as well as memories from contributors and readers. “Giant Robot”—edited by Nakamura, along with Francine Yulo, Tracy Hurren, Megan Tan, and Tom Devlin—reprints a representative cross-section of pieces, arranging them thematically rather than chronologically. Claudine Ko, one of Giant Robot’s most lively contributors in the late nineties and early two-thousands and now an editor for the Times’s T Brand Studio, offers a remarkably comprehensive introduction to the magazine, especially its early days. In Ko’s telling, there was no grand vision, just a constant need to fill pages. In 1996, Wong proposed a piece about Manzanar, the site of one of the concentration camps where people of Japanese descent were imprisoned during the Second World War, which his family often drove past on their ski trips to the nearby Sierra Nevada mountains. Wong and Nakamura—whose father had been incarcerated at the Poston camp, in Arizona—packed their skateboards and decided to take a road trip. The result was “Return to Manzanar,” a solemn yet rebellious piece of writing. Wong notes the names etched into the reservoir walls by “vandal Manzanar internees” and talks with Sue Embrey, who was imprisoned there as a teen-ager, about whether she believes the site is haunted. His piece tries to restore some nuance to the lives of those who were trapped there. It was, he writes, a place where people “gardened, painted pictures, published newspapers, composed poetry, made babies, and played volleyball and baseball,” making the most out of a horrific situation. Wong and Nakamura skate through the park, doing tricks off a monument, wondering what the people driving by thought “at the sight of skateboarders in the middle of hell.” As Nakamura explains to Ko in the book, “It’s taking ownership of an otherwise fucked-up place.” A meandering interview style was characteristic of nineties zines, teaching you as much about the interviewers and their whims as whomever they were talking to. There’s a particularly candid and wide-ranging conversation between Nakamura and Tony Leung Chiu-wai. The actor seems to forget that he’s baring his soul about his lowest moments to what was then just an obscure American zine. “At one time, I wanted to commit suicide because I couldn’t get myself out of my character,” he says, recounting an early moment in his career. “You have to pretend you are others at work, then you get so confused within you.” As the conversation continues, you can almost sense Nakamura’s astonishment that Leung is still on the line, as the actor answers increasingly random questions about how he perfected his hair style and whether he’d ever had a nose ring. When Nakamura and Wong interview the actress Maggie Cheung, they somehow end up talking about her teen years, when she identified with the British mod subculture. They ask her point-blank, “Are you weird?” “I don’t know,” she replies. “I’m just me.” In Ko’s interview with the filmmaker Wong Kar Wai, she remarks that Wong makes Asian people “look cool” compared with their portrayal in American films. He simply says, “Asian people are cool.” Reading Giant Robot , you got the sense that anything was worth reviewing—snacks, books, movies, seven-inch singles, Asian canned coffee drinks—and everyone was worth interviewing, if only so that you could learn a little more about the world around you. One of the odder interviews the magazine published resulted from a letter Nakamura received from an unlikely reader: Wayne Lo, a mass shooter who, in 1992, killed two people and injured four others at Bard College at Simon’s Rock, where he was a student. The two exchanged letters, and Nakamura eventually visited him in prison. His questions about Lo’s memories of the shooting, and the day-to-day routine in prison, are curious and blunt. (“What’s the prison like?” “Are you friends with any guards?”) Lo seems placid and bemused—until the end, when Nakamura asks him about the T-shirt that he famously wore on the night of the crime, which advertised the New York hardcore band Sick of It All. Lo admits that he merely dabbled in punk, and that the shirt was just a coincidence. “I like glam metal,” he tells Nakamura. “Music died when grunge emerged.” Although the book is a vital document, it’s hard to convey the power of a single issue of a magazine. The issues marked a small sliver of time, the bound-and-stapled finality of a set of adventures and editorial decisions. (Many of the early issues are still available for relatively cheap on Giant Robot’s Web site, as well as on eBay.) For me as a reader, the articles were just part of the draw; I pored over the ads, the Top Ten lists, the letters, making sense of the wild juxtapositions from page to page. For years, I’ve had a postcard of the cover of the tenth issue hanging next to my desk. The cover star is Jenny Shimizu, the supermodel and queer icon of the nineties. There are articles about graffiti and L.A. dance music. Yet the centerpiece of the issue is a series of pieces about the Yellow Power movement, full of interviews with activists, community leaders, and artists from the sixties and seventies. Nakamura and Wong maintained a punk detachment from mainstream establishments. The Yellow Power stories open with a preëmptive note to anyone who applies the standards of academic rigor to their work: “We don’t care.” In a 1999 interview with the animator Hayao Miyazaki, Nakamura jokes about the “ New York Times maggots” trying to poach all his questions. Nakamura and Wong continued to grow their own small corner of the world. As the readership grew, Nakamura branched out and opened Giant Robot stores in San Francisco, Los Angeles, and New York, which stocked toys, books, and stationery. The first one is still open on Sawtelle Boulevard, in Los Angeles, across the street from GR2, Nakamura’s art gallery. Even though Giant Robot created a robust online community known as the Robot Lounge, few magazines of its size and scale were prepared for the Internet. Suddenly, arcane knowledge was everywhere. You didn’t need to find an obscure magazine to read about the Cambodian American dominance of Southern California’s doughnut industry or learn the taxonomy of Asian American male haircuts (“fade,” “hedgehog,” “butt cut,” “Republican”). In fact, you could even learn about these pop-culture things in college classes. Around 2011, the debts had piled up, and Nakamura was losing some of the energy to continue publishing. “Being on the cusp of young and old is a difficult place to navigate,” he recalls in “Giant Robot.” “What was GR ? A magazine for younger people or a magazine that aged with its audience? Or was it both?” One of the myths of bygone, fringe subcultures is that they welcomed all, fellow-travellers and the curious alike. But community is as much about exclusion as inclusion, and I remember how acidic even the most modest, self-published zines could be about one another. We weren’t united by some D.I.Y. ethos; you had to show yourself to be more than a sycophant or copycat. I was both these things, and my zines were entry-level approximations of the slightly more prominent ones that I read. I wasn’t as ethical as Bamboo Girl or as romantic as Secret Asian Man . I had no faith in my sense of the esoteric. I carefully gate-kept my influences among my immediate peers in order to seem original. Eventually, Giant Robot offered a lukewarm review of one of my more coherent efforts, which probably made me feel more validated than the editors intended. I looked up to Nakamura and Wong, in that very specific way a twenty-year-old might look up to someone who is twenty-five. I felt that they had discovered some trick to adult life, orienting their days around hanging out and making things. I was drawn to their sheer force of will. When I was a sophomore in college, I interviewed Nakamura once over the phone when he was promoting a sweet, slacker buddy film he’d shot with his cousin, called “Sunsets.” He said something that I’d probably been told thousands of times before, only this time I heard it. Try something big, he said; after all, it’s not like he was a trained filmmaker. If it works out or not, he continued, the experience will nonetheless change you. A few months later, some friends at U.C. Davis invited me to speak on a panel about Asian Americans and zine culture alongside Nakamura and Wong, simply because they knew I’d be excited to finally meet them. Nakamura and Wong had brought along their friend David Choe, who’d done some illustrations for them. This was one of those situations where there were just as many people on the panel as in the audience, but it didn’t matter; in fact, it only made the gathering feel all the more special, as though we were in on some secret hidden in plain sight. After dinner at a Japanese restaurant—I ordered the same thing as Nakamura, because I had never heard of chirashi —I suggested that they come hang out in Berkeley on their drive back to Los Angeles. We drove down the highway in a caravan, reaching the East Bay just as the sun set. For a while, I would remember this as one of the best nights of my life, though it’s not because anything epic happened. So much of that period of life, in your late teens and early twenties, involves cycling through rough drafts on your way to whomever you end up becoming. At one point, they asked me what I did for fun, and I rehashed all the Berkeley spots I’d read about from their magazine. But they wanted to know what I did. Where were my spots? I realized that they weren’t in the business of producing clones of themselves. We were supposed to make our own things, take on our own impossible projects, find our own villains. I remember taking turns thrashing about on a skateboard in a deserted pool hall in Richmond. I studied the records that Nakamura and Wong flipped through at a store in Berkeley, memorizing some titles to investigate later. We also ended up going to see some bands play at a bar, and, since I was underage, one of them slipped me his expired driver’s license. I remember Choe smiling and assuring me that all Asians look the same. Nowadays, many people probably know the Giant Robot name because of the store or the gallery, or the art biennials that Nakamura curates for the Japanese American National Museum. Wong and his wife, Wendy Lau, who was the magazine’s designer, spend most of their free time supporting their sixteen-year-old daughter and her all-female punk band, the Linda Lindas, who just finished touring with Green Day and the Smashing Pumpkins. But Giant Robot’s ambitions were always much more modest, simply creating spaces to hang out, in real life or on the page. There was a time in my life when it felt as though zines were an epidemic, all of us wanting to share some small part of ourselves in a way that felt both fleeting and permanent. We were all so desperate to figure out if we had something significant to say, firing off sentences in every direction, mimicking those who seemed to have it all figured out. Was Giant Robot a vision of what it meant to be Asian American? I was of an age where I wanted definitive answers on such things. But this was a question that the magazine deferred. The editors were too voracious for new encounters, too busy planning the next issue. They offered just one vision of a life among many, not an agenda to be followed. At the heart of youthful admiration, the kind I felt, is a kind of envy—a small sadness that you didn’t think of something first. You are lucky if you ever feel this way, because now you have to do something else—something you will claim as your own. ♦ New Yorker Favorites The killer who got into Harvard . How Steve Martin learned what’s funny . Growing up as the son of the Cowardly Lion . The light of the world’s first nuclear bomb . A thief who stole only silver . Amelia Earhart’s last flight . Fiction by Milan Kundera: “ The Unbearable Lightness of Being .” Sign up for our daily newsletter to receive the best stories from The New Yorker .Josh Hammer: Trump’s Foreign Policy ‘Was Nothing Short of Genius’Ben Homeyer. South Carolina’s economy is built on its small businesses. Small businesses are owned and run by our friends and neighbors, and they employ many members of our community. They support local charities, sponsor our kids’ sports teams, and make our communities stronger. We need our small businesses, and they need us. That’s why we need to support them on Small Business Saturday. Black Friday may have expanded into a month-long sales event, but Small Business Saturday is still just the Saturday after Thanksgiving. When you shop at chain stores, you’re buying from big corporations. However, when you shop or eat at a local business, there’s a good chance you’re dealing directly with the owner—someone who genuinely cares about making you happy and turning you into a customer who’ll come back throughout the holidays and all year long. Chain stores and chain restaurants are fine, but if you’ve seen one, you’ve seen them all. Small businesses, on the other hand, are different. Their shelves are usually thoughtfully curated and reflect the owner’s unique style. With one-of-a-kind items, limited stock, and a focus on supporting local artisans, these stores provide a personalized shopping experience that larger retailers and online platforms simply can’t match. Locally owned restaurants can offer customers a unique experience that goes beyond just a meal. These independent eateries provide distinctive menus and decor that connect with the heart of the local community. Small Business Saturday began in 2010 as a way to promote local businesses as they recovered from the Great Recession. Since then, it has grown from a simple promotion into a holiday tradition. Last Thanksgiving weekend, people spent an estimated $17 billion at independent shops and restaurants on Small Business Saturday. That’s great, because small businesses are facing an uncertain economic future. Inflation continues to drive up the cost of everything from raw materials to wrapping supplies, and owners are still waiting to see whether Congress will preserve the 20 percent small business tax deduction that’s scheduled to expire in the coming year. Many homeowners and small businesses are still recovering from Hurricane Helene. Without our support, some Main Street shops and restaurants might not survive, and we can’t afford to lose them. Small businesses make our communities strong and help keep our economy healthy. When we support local businesses, 67 cents of every dollar stays in the community. That’s why I believe we need to make it a point this Thanksgiving weekend to shop and dine locally on Small Business Saturday. When we help small businesses, we help our community. Ben Homeyer is the South Carolina director of the National Federation of Independent Business.
— Oct. 1, 1924: James Earl Carter Jr. is born in Plains, Georgia, son of James Sr. and Lillian Gordy Carter. — June 1946: Carter graduates from the U.S. Naval Academy. — July 1946: Carter marries Rosalynn Smith, in Plains. They have four children, John William (“Jack”), born 1947; James Earl 3rd (“Chip”), 1950; Donnel Jeffrey (Jeff), 1952; and Amy Lynn, 1967. — 1946-1953: Carter serves in a Navy nuclear submarine program, attaining rank of lieutenant commander. — Summer 1953: Carter resigns from the Navy, returns to Plains after father’s death. — 1953-1971: Carter helps run the family peanut farm and warehouse business. — 1963-1966: Carter serves in the Georgia state Senate. — 1966: Carter tries unsuccessfully for the Democratic gubernatorial nomination. — November 1970: Carter is elected governor of Georgia. Serves 1971-75. — Dec. 12, 1974: Carter announces a presidential bid. Atlanta newspaper answers with headline: “Jimmy Who?” — January 1976: Carter leads the Democratic field in Iowa, a huge campaign boost that also helps to establish Iowa’s first-in-the-nation caucus. — July 1976: Carter accepts the Democratic nomination and announces Sen. Walter Mondale of Minnesota as running mate. — November 1976: Carter defeats President Gerald R. Ford, winning 51% of the vote and 297 electoral votes to Ford’s 240. — January 1977: Carter is sworn in as the 39th president of the United States. On his first full day in office, he pardons most Vietnam-era draft evaders. —September 1977: U.S. and Panama sign treaties to return the Panama Canal back to Panama in 1999. Senate narrowly ratifies them in 1978. — September 1978: Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin and Carter sign Camp David accords, which lead to a peace deal between Egypt and Israel the following year. — June 15-18, 1979: Carter attends a summit with Soviet President Leonid Brezhnev in Vienna that leads to the signing of the SALT II treaty. — November 1979: Iranian militants storm the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, taking 52 hostages. All survive and are freed minutes after Carter leaves office in January 1981. — April 1980: The Mariel boatlift begins, sending tens of thousands of Cubans to the U.S. Many are criminals and psychiatric patients set free by Cuban leader Fidel Castro, creating a major foreign policy crisis. — April 1980: An attempt by the U.S. to free hostages fails when a helicopter crashes into a transport plane in Iran, killing eight servicemen. — Nov. 4, 1980: Carter is denied a second term by Ronald Reagan, who wins 51.6% of the popular vote to 41.7% for Carter and 6.7% to independent John Anderson. — 1982: Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter co-found The Carter Center in Atlanta, whose mission is to resolve conflicts, protect human rights and prevent disease around the world. — September 1984: The Carters spend a week building Habitat for Humanity houses, launching what becomes the annual Carter Work Project. — October 1986: A dedication is held for The Carter Presidential Center in Atlanta. The center includes the Carter Presidential Library and Museum and Carter Center offices. — 1989: Carter leads the Carter Center’s first election monitoring mission, declaring Panamanian Gen. Manuel Noriega’s election fraudulent. — May 1992: Carter meets with Mikhail and Raisa Gorbachev at the Carter Center to discuss forming the Gorbachev Foundation. — June 1994: Carter plays a key role in North Korea nuclear disarmament talks. — September 1994: Carter leads a delegation to Haiti, arranging terms to avoid a U.S. invasion and return President Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power. — December 1994: Carter negotiates tentative cease-fire in Bosnia. — March 1995: Carter mediates cease-fire in Sudan’s war with southern rebels. — September 1995: Carter travels to Africa to advance the peace process in more troubled areas. — December 1998: Carter receives U.N. Human Rights Prize on 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. — August 1999: President Bill Clinton awards Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter the Presidential Medal of Freedom. — September 2001: Carter joins former Presidents Ford, Bush and Clinton at a prayer service at the National Cathedral in Washington after Sept. 11 attacks. — April 2002: Carter’s book “An Hour Before Daylight: Memories of a Rural Boyhood” chosen as finalist for Pulitzer Prize in biography. — May 2002: Carter visits Cuba and addresses the communist nation on television. He is the highest-ranking American to visit in decades. — Dec. 10, 2002: Carter is awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” — July 2007: Carter joins The Elders, a group of international leaders brought together by Nelson Mandela to focus on global issues. — Spring 2008: Carter remains officially neutral as Sens. Barack Obama and Hillary Rodham Clinton battle each other for the Democratic presidential nomination. — April 2008: Carter stirs controversy by meeting with the Islamic militant group Hamas. — August 2010: Carter travels to North Korea as the Carter Center negotiates the release of an imprisoned American teacher. — August 2013: Carter joins President Barack Obama and former President Bill Clinton at the 50th anniversary of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have A Dream” speech and the March on Washington. — Oct. 1, 2014: Carter celebrates his 90th birthday. — December 2014: Carter is nominated for a Grammy in the best spoken word album category, for his book “A Call To Action.” — May 2015: Carter returns early from an election observation visit in Guyana — the Carter Center’s 100th — after feeling unwell. — August 2015: Carter has a small cancerous mass removed from his liver. He plans to receive treatment at Emory Healthcare in Atlanta. — August 2015: Carter announces that his grandson Jason Carter will chair the Carter Center governing board. — March 6, 2016: Carter says an experimental drug has eliminated any sign of his cancer, and that he needs no further treatment. — May 25, 2016: Carter steps back from a “front-line” role with The Elders to become an emeritus member. — July 2016: Carter is treated for dehydration during a Habitat for Humanity build in Canada. — Spring 2018: Carter publishes “Faith: A Journey for All,” the last of 32 books. — March 22, 2019: Carter becomes the longest-lived U.S. president, surpassing President George H.W. Bush, who died in 2018. — September 18, 2019: Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter deliver their final in-person annual report at the Carter Center. — October 2019: At 95, still recovering from a fall, Carter joins the Work Project with Habitat for Humanity in Nashville, Tennessee. It’s the last time he works personally on the annual project. — Fall 2019-early 2020: Democratic presidential hopefuls visit, publicly embracing Carter as a party elder, a first for his post-presidency. — November 2020:The Carter Center monitors an audit of presidential election results in the state of Georgia, marking a new era of democracy advocacy within the U.S. — Jan. 20, 2021: The Carters miss President Joe Biden’s swearing-in, the first presidential inauguration they don’t attend since Carter’s own ceremony in 1977. The Bidens later visit the Carters in Plains on April 29. — Feb. 19, 2023: Carter enters home hospice care after a series of short hospital stays. — July 7, 2023: The Carters celebrate their 77th and final wedding anniversary. — Nov. 19, 2023: Rosalynn Carter dies at home, two days after the family announced that she had joined the former president in receiving hospice care. — Oct. 1, 2024 — Carter becomes the first former U.S. president to reach 100 years of age , celebrating at home with extended family and close friends. — Oct. 16, 2024 — Carter casts a Georgia mail ballot for Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris, having told his family he wanted to live long enough to vote for her. It marks his 21st presidential election as a voter. — Dec. 29, 2024: Carter dies at home.PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.Prospera Financial Services Inc lowered its holdings in iShares U.S. Real Estate ETF ( NYSEARCA:IYR – Free Report ) by 4.6% in the 3rd quarter, HoldingsChannel reports. The firm owned 5,645 shares of the real estate investment trust’s stock after selling 270 shares during the quarter. Prospera Financial Services Inc’s holdings in iShares U.S. Real Estate ETF were worth $575,000 as of its most recent SEC filing. Other large investors have also modified their holdings of the company. Allspring Global Investments Holdings LLC bought a new stake in shares of iShares U.S. Real Estate ETF in the 3rd quarter valued at about $69,000. Capstone Triton Financial Group LLC grew its position in shares of iShares U.S. Real Estate ETF by 2.2% in the 2nd quarter. Capstone Triton Financial Group LLC now owns 8,097 shares of the real estate investment trust’s stock worth $710,000 after buying an additional 174 shares during the last quarter. Sanctuary Advisors LLC purchased a new position in shares of iShares U.S. Real Estate ETF in the 2nd quarter worth approximately $385,000. Cetera Investment Advisers grew its position in shares of iShares U.S. Real Estate ETF by 404.7% in the 1st quarter. Cetera Investment Advisers now owns 31,207 shares of the real estate investment trust’s stock worth $2,806,000 after buying an additional 25,024 shares during the last quarter. Finally, Raymond James & Associates grew its position in shares of iShares U.S. Real Estate ETF by 2.0% in the 2nd quarter. Raymond James & Associates now owns 107,971 shares of the real estate investment trust’s stock worth $9,473,000 after buying an additional 2,110 shares during the last quarter. iShares U.S. Real Estate ETF Stock Up 0.7 % Shares of iShares U.S. Real Estate ETF stock opened at $100.36 on Friday. The firm’s 50 day moving average price is $100.10 and its 200-day moving average price is $94.49. iShares U.S. Real Estate ETF has a 52-week low of $81.25 and a 52-week high of $104.04. The company has a market cap of $3.39 billion, a P/E ratio of 26.05 and a beta of 0.98. iShares U.S. Real Estate ETF Profile iShares U.S. Real Estate ETF, formerly iShares Dow Jones U.S. Real Estate Index Fund (the Fund), is a non-diversified fund. The Fund seeks investment results that correspond generally to the price and yield performance of the Dow Jones U.S. Real Estate Index (the Index). The Index measures the performance of the real estate sector of the United States equity market, and includes companies in the industry groups, such as real estate holding and development and real estate investment trusts (REITs). Featured Stories Want to see what other hedge funds are holding IYR? Visit HoldingsChannel.com to get the latest 13F filings and insider trades for iShares U.S. Real Estate ETF ( NYSEARCA:IYR – Free Report ). 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Advisors Asset Management Inc. Sells 622 Shares of Genmab A/S (NASDAQ:GMAB)For James Tonkin, success isn't just measured in milestones or profits - it's about creating a positive impact. or signup to continue reading That philosophy is at the heart of his business, Raised in Albury, Mr Tonkin loves his community. He attended Lavington Public and Murray High schools, where he credits great teachers with shaping his early years. After finishing year 12, he took a gap year in England, sparking a love for travel. Mr Tonkin said no matter where life had taken him, the Border has always held a special place. "We all talk about 'Small-bury," he said with a smile. "But it's because we all know each other, even if just by association. It's a tight-knit community, but we support each other and have pride, and everyone has the chance to make an impact if they want to." For Mr Tonkin, outside of work, family and friends are paramount. "I'm a dad to two sons, and it's important to set the values and grow resilience," he said. "I also want to show them what it means to live with integrity and have a fulfilled life. "I love spending time with the kids and family and being active." He said he tries to have a good work-life balance, so finding "purpose and taking on challenges" are important to him. "While I might not be happy every day, I can find joy in little things and, in the process, become a better person, husband, dad, and CEO," he said. for his work in the community and with the Movember fundraiser for men's mental health. "For this year's fundraiser, we raised more than $26,000, which is great," he said. "At Tonkin, by fostering an environment where they feel respected, appreciated, and valued by colleagues and clients every day," he said. "We have a commitment to making a tangible impact on men's health." Mr Tonkin said he was "blessed" to have a great network of people around him. "People close to me would likely say I'm reliable, loyal, and respectful," he said. "I am a little headstrong though, a quality that can be both an advantage and a challenge." He chooses to live by his company's core values. "They are more than work values for me but more a way of life - professional, passionate and proud". He never expected to be where he is today, but "my motivation is intrinsic." "I'm very determined and persistent," he said. "My stubbornness is probably my greatest asset... although my colleagues may disagree." He said the trade industry was " ." "I was just filling in some time before I started university after school and I've never really looked back," he said. He said the industry didn't come without its setbacks. "I am sure most successful people would all say they experience imposter syndrome on a frequent basis throughout their careers," he said. "I have learned to overcome feelings of inadequacy by focusing on continually growing and improving and making progress." When in doubt, Mr Tonkin suggests finding a supportive mentor, coach, or network. "Celebrate wins together and try not to focus too much on self-validation," he said. DAILY Today's top stories curated by our news team. WEEKDAYS Grab a quick bite of today's latest news from around the region and the nation. WEEKLY The latest news, results & expert analysis. WEEKDAYS Catch up on the news of the day and unwind with great reading for your evening. WEEKLY Get the editor's insights: what's happening & why it matters. WEEKLY Love footy? We've got all the action covered. WEEKLY Every Saturday and Tuesday, explore destinations deals, tips & travel writing to transport you around the globe. WEEKLY Going out or staying in? Find out what's on. WEEKDAYS Sharp. Close to the ground. Digging deep. Your weekday morning newsletter on national affairs, politics and more. TWICE WEEKLY Your essential national news digest: all the big issues on Wednesday and great reading every Saturday. WEEKLY Get news, reviews and expert insights every Thursday from CarExpert, ACM's exclusive motoring partner. TWICE WEEKLY Get real, Australia! Let the ACM network's editors and journalists bring you news and views from all over. AS IT HAPPENS Be the first to know when news breaks. DAILY Your digital replica of Today's Paper. Ready to read from 5am! DAILY Test your skills with interactive crosswords, sudoku & trivia. Fresh daily! Advertisement Advertisement
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By Hayden Bird Patriots rookie quarterback Drake Maye processed the disappointing 34-15 loss to the Dolphins on Sunday with honesty in his postgame press conference. On a day when New England was uncompetitive for large tracts of the game, the 22-year-old Maye noted that a lack of execution underpinned his team’s underachievement. “Penalties set us back and kind of put us behind the eight-ball,” Maye said . “You just can’t do that in this league.” The Patriots finished with 10 penalties for 75 yards, including several at critical junctures in the first half that helped shape the trajectory of the game. Though he disagreed with any assessment that the team is regressing, Maye acknowledged the frustration of committing self-inflicted errors. “I don’t think it’s something where we’re just getting beat and out-talented,” he explained. “I think it’s just something where we’re hurting ourselves.” After a series of performances in which he showed his potential and shined in isolated moments, Maye mostly struggled in Miami on Sunday. He finished 22-of-37 for 222 yards passing (including a highlight-worthy touchdown pass ), but also committed two turnovers. One, a third quarter fumble caused by a sack from Dolphins lineman Zach Sieler, led to a quick Miami touchdown to make the score 31-0. It would prove to be an insurmountable lead. Reflecting on the fumble, Maye called it “just bad” on his part to not manage the circumstances better. “Just find a way to protect the football and go down, or find a way to get it out,” Maye said of turnover. The other mistake, a fourth-quarter interception near the line of scrimmage, was one he put less focus on. “The interception, just trying to check it down and it happened to get tipped, so I’m not too worried about that.” New England is now 3-9 on the season, struggling once again on third downs (going just 3-of-14 in the game). “It’s tough. It’s frustrating,” Maye said of the outcome. “I know we’ve got better football ahead of us. This wasn’t our best product today.” As he continues to grind through the Patriots’ rebuilding effort, the 2024 first-round pick said he encouraged teammates to bottle up the feeling they had in the aftermath of Sunday’s demoralizing defeat. “Yeah it’s tough,” said Maye. “I think like I’ve always said, I hate losing more than I really like to win. Losing sucks. I told some of the guys on the sideline, ‘Just remember this feeling. Remember this feeling of really getting our butts whipped today.’ I think it’s only up from here. We’ve got a bright future and a lot of bright players in there that can make some plays for the Patriots.” Hayden Bird Hayden Bird is a sports staff writer for Boston.com, where he has worked since 2016. He covers all things sports in New England. Sign up for Patriots updates🏈 Get breaking news and analysis delivered to your inbox during football season. Be civil. Be kind.