Israeli hospital says Netanyahu has undergone successful prostate surgery
Fox News Flash top sports headlines are here. Check out what's clicking on Foxnews.com. Novak Djokovic and Andy Murray became rivals as they played against each other on some of tennis’s biggest stages . Now, Djokovic and Murray will be working together. The pair announced on social media that Murray will be Djokovic’s coach during the offseason and at least through the Australian Open . "We played each other since we were boys — 25 years of being rivals, of pushing each other beyond our limits. We had some of the most epic battles in our sport. They called us game-changers, risk-takers, history-makers," Djokovic said on a video he posted to social media. CLICK HERE FOR MORE SPORTS COVERAGE ON FOXNEWS.COM Serbia's Novak Djokovic, right, and Britain's Andy Murray pose for a picture at the net prior to their match in the final of the French Open tennis tournament at the Roland Garros stadium in Paris, France, Sunday, June 5, 2016. (AP Photo/Christophe Ena, File) "I thought our story may be over. Turns out, it has one final chapter. It’s time for one of my toughest opponents to step into my corner. Welcome on board, Coach — Andy Murray." In March, after winning 12 Grand Slam titles in six years with coach Goran Ivaniseiv, Djokovic split from his longtime coach and has not hired anyone permanently since. The 24-time Grand Slam champion had a down season in 2024, not winning a Grand Slam or any tour-level tournament. Djokovic’s crowning achievement was winning a gold medal for Serbia at the 2024 Paris Olympic Games . TENNIS CHANNEL ANALYST SUSPENDED INDEFINITELY AFTER HOT-MIC COMMENTS MADE ABOUT 2024 WIMBLEDON CHAMP Serbias Novak Djokovic, left, and Britains Andy Murray hold their trophies after their final match of the French Open tennis tournament at the Roland Garros stadium, Sunday, June 5, 2016, in Paris. (AP Photo/Alastair Grant, File) Murray, 37, retired from competitive play after the Olympics in July and is looking forward to beginning his next chapter in tennis. "I’m going to be joining Novak’s team in the offseason, helping him to prepare for the Australian Open," Murray said in a statement released by his management team. "I’m really excited for it and looking forward to spending time on the same side of the net as Novak for a change, helping him to achieve his goals." Djokovic, also 37, and Murray were born a week apart in May 1987 and faced off 36 times in their professional career. Djokovic holds a 25-11 record over Murray, including Djokovic holding an 11-8 in finals, and 8-2 in Grand Slam tournaments. CLICK HERE TO GET THE FOX NEWS APP Britain's Andy Murray, left, and Serbia's Novak Djokovic attend a press conference ahead of the Laver Cup tennis tournament at the O2 in London, Thursday, Sept. 22, 2022. (AP Photo/Kin Cheung, File) Djokovic beat Murray in the Australian Open four times; in 2011, 2013, 2015, and 2016. Murray won two of three of his Grand Slams with Djokovic as his opponent, the 2012 U.S. Open and the 2013 Wimbledon final, when Murray became the first British man in 77 years to win the singles championship at the All England Club. Next year’s Australian Open starts on Jan. 12. The Associated Press contributed to this report. Follow Fox News Digital’s sports coverage on X , and subscribe to the Fox News Sports Huddle newsletter . Ryan Canfield is a digital production assistant for Fox News Digital.Jimmy Carter, a peanut farmer and little-known Georgia governor who became the 39th president of the United States, promising “honest and decent” government to Watergate-weary Americans, and later returned to the world stage as an influential human rights advocate and Nobel Peace Prize winner, has died. He was 100. When his turbulent presidency ended after a stinging reelection loss in 1980, Carter retreated to Plains, his political career over. Over the four decades that followed, though, he forged a legacy of public service, building homes for the needy, monitoring elections around the globe and emerging as a fearless and sometimes controversial critic of governments that mistreated their citizens. He lived longer than any U.S. president in history and was still regularly teaching Bible classes at his hometown Maranatha Baptist Church well into his 90s. During his post-presidency, he also wrote more than 30 books, including fiction, poetry, deeply personal reflections on his faith, and commentaries on Middle East strife. Though slowed by battles with brain and liver cancer and a series of falls and hip replacement in recent years, he returned again and again to his charity work and continued to offer occasional political commentary, including in support of mail-in voting ahead of the 2020 presidential election. Carter was in his first term as Georgia governor when he launched his campaign to unseat President Gerald Ford in the 1976 election. At the time, the nation was still shaken by President Richard Nixon’s resignation in the Watergate scandal and by the messy end of the Vietnam War. As a moderate Southern Democrat, a standard-bearer of what was then regarded as a more racially tolerant “new South,” Carter promised a government “as good and honest and decent and competent and compassionate and as filled with love as are the American people.” But some of the traits that had helped get Carter elected — his willingness to take on the Washington establishment and his preference for practicality over ideology — didn’t serve him as well in the White House. He showed a deep understanding of policy, and a refreshing modesty and disregard for the ceremonial trappings of the office, but he was unable to make the legislative deals expected of a president. Even though his Democratic Party had a majority in Congress throughout his presidency, he was impatient with the legislative give-and-take and struggled to mobilize party leaders behind his policy initiatives. His presidency also was buffeted by domestic crises — rampant inflation and high unemployment, as well as interminable lines at gas stations triggered by a decline in the global oil supply exacerbated by Iran’s Islamic Revolution. “Looking back, I am struck by how many unpopular objectives we pursued,” Carter acknowledged in his 2010 book, “White House Diary.” “I was sometimes accused of ‘micromanaging’ the affairs of government and being excessively autocratic,” he continued, “and I must admit that my critics probably had a valid point.” Carter’s signature achievements as president were primarily on the international front, and included personally brokering the Camp David peace accords between Egypt and Israel, which have endured for more than 40 years. But it was another international crisis — the storming of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran by Iranian revolutionaries and the government’s inability to win the release of 52 Americans taken hostage — that would cast a long shadow on his presidency and his bid for reelection. Carter authorized a secret military mission to rescue the hostages in April 1980, but it was aborted at the desert staging area; during the withdrawal, eight servicemen were killed when a helicopter crashed into a transport aircraft. The hostages were held for 444 days, a period that spanned Carter’s final 15 months in the White House. They were finally freed the day his successor, Ronald Reagan, took the oath of office. Near the end of Carter’s presidency, one poll put his job approval rating at 21% — lower than Nixon’s when he resigned in disgrace and among the lowest of any White House occupant since World War II. In a rarity for an incumbent president, Carter faced a formidable primary challenge in 1980 from Sen. Edward M. Kennedy, a favorite of the Democratic Party’s liberal wing. Although Carter prevailed, his nomination was in doubt until the party’s August convention. The enmity between Carter and Kennedy, two of the most important Democratic political figures of their generation, continued throughout their lives. In Kennedy’s memoir, published shortly after his death in 2009, he called Carter petty and guilty of “a failure to listen.” While promoting the publication of “White House Diary,” Carter said Kennedy had “deliberately” blocked Carter’s comprehensive healthcare proposals in the late 1970s in hopes of defeating the president in the primary. In the 1980 general election, Carter faced Reagan, then 69, who campaigned on a promise to increase military spending and rescue the economy by cutting taxes and decreasing regulation. Carter lost in a 51% to 41% thumping — he won just six states and the District of Columbia — that devastated the man known for his toothy smile and sent him back to his hometown, an ex-president at 56. A year later, he and Rosalynn founded the Carter Center, which pressed for peaceful solutions to world conflicts, promoted human rights and worked to eradicate disease in the poorest nations. The center, based in Atlanta, launched a new phase of Carter’s public life, one that would move the same historians who called Carter a weak president to label him one of America’s greatest former leaders. His post-presidential years were both “historic and polarizing,” as Princeton University historian Julian E. Zelizer put it in a 2010 biography of Carter. Zelizer said Carter “refused to be constrained politically when pursuing his international agenda” as an ex-president, and became “an enormously powerful figure on the international stage.” When Carter appeared on “The Colbert Report” in 2014, host Stephen Colbert asked him, “You invented the idea of the post-presidency. What inspired you to do that?” “I didn’t have anything else to do,” Carter replied. He traveled widely to mediate conflicts and monitor elections around the world, joined Habitat for Humanity to promote “sweat equity” for low-income homeownership, and became a blunt critic of human rights abuses. He angered conservatives and some liberals by advocating negotiations with autocrats — and his criticism of Israeli leaders and support for Palestinian self-determination angered many Jews. A prolific author, Carter covered a range of topics, including the Middle East crisis and the virtues of aging and religion. He penned a memoir on growing up in the rural South as well as a book of poems, and he was the first president to write a novel — “The Hornet’s Nest,” about the South during the Revolutionary War. He won three Grammy Awards as well for best spoken-word album, most recently in 2019 for “Faith: A Journey For All.” As with many former presidents, Carter’s popularity rose in the years after he left office. He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 for “decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts” and to advance democracy and human rights. By then, two-thirds of Americans said they approved of his presidency. “Jimmy Carter may never be rated a great president,” wrote Charles O. Jones, a University of Wisconsin political scientist, in his chronicle of the Carter presidency. “Yet it will be difficult in the long run to sustain censure of a president motivated to do what is right.” :::: The journey for James Earl Carter Jr. began on Oct. 1, 1924, in the tiny Sumter County, Georgia, town of Plains, home to fewer than 600 people in 2020. He was the first president born in a hospital, but he lived in a house without electricity or indoor plumbing until he was a teenager. His ancestors had been in Georgia for more than two centuries, and he was the fifth generation to own and farm the same land. His father, James Earl Carter Sr., known as Mr. Earl, was a strict disciplinarian and a conservative businessman of some means. His mother, known as Miss Lillian, had more liberal views — she was known for her charity work and for taking in transients and treating Black residents with kindness. (At the age of 70, she joined the Peace Corps, working in India.) Inspired by an uncle who was in the Navy, Carter decided as a first-grader that he wanted to go to the Naval Academy in Annapolis, Md. He became the first member of his family to finish high school, then attended Georgia Tech before heading for the academy, where he studied engineering and graduated in 1946, 59th in a class of 820. Before his last year in Annapolis, while home for the summer, he met Eleanor Rosalynn Smith, a friend of his sister Ruth’s. He and a friend invited the two young women to the movies, and when he returned home that night, he told his mother he had met “the girl I want to marry.” He proposed that Christmas, but Rosalynn declined because she felt she was too young (she was 18 and a sophomore in college). Several weeks later, while she was visiting Carter at the academy, he asked again. This time she said yes. Carter applied to America’s new nuclear-powered submarine program under the command of the icy and demanding Capt. (later Adm.) Hyman Rickover. During Carter’s interview, Rickover asked whether he had done his best at Annapolis. “I started to say, ‘Yes, sir,’ but ... I recalled several of the many times at the Academy when I could have learned more about our allies, our enemies, weapons, strategy and so forth,” Carter wrote in his autobiography. “... I finally gulped and said, ‘No, sir, I didn’t always do my best.’” To which Rickover replied: “Why not?” Carter got the job, and would later make “Why not the best?” his campaign slogan. The Carters had three sons, who all go by nicknames — John William “Jack,” James Earl “Chip” and Donnel Jeffrey “Jeff.” Carter and Rosalynn had wanted to have more children, but an obstetrician said that surgery Rosalynn had to remove a tumor on her uterus would make that impossible. Fifteen years after Jeffrey was born, the Carters had a daughter, Amy, who “made us young again,” Carter would later write. While in the Navy, Carter took graduate courses in nuclear physics and served as a submariner on the USS Pomfret. But his military career was cut short when his father died, and he moved back to Georgia in 1953 to help run the family business, which was in disarray. In his first year back on the farm, Carter turned a profit of less than $200, the equivalent of about $2,200 today. But with Rosalynn’s help, he expanded the business. In addition to farming 3,100 acres, the family soon operated a seed and fertilizer business, warehouses, a peanut-shelling plant and a cotton gin. By the time he began his campaign for the White House 20 years later, Carter had a net worth of about $800,000, and the revenue from his enterprises was more than $2 million a year. Carter entered electoral politics in 1962, and asked voters to call him “Jimmy.” He ran for a seat in the Georgia Senate against an incumbent backed by a local political boss who stuffed the ballot box. Trailing by 139 votes after the primary, Carter waged a furious legal battle, which he described years later in his book “Turning Point.” Carter got a recount, the primary result was reversed, and he went on to win the general election. The victory was a defining moment for Carter, the outsider committed to fairness and honesty who had successfully battled establishment politicians corrupted by their ties to special interests. In two terms in the Georgia Senate, Carter established a legislative record that was socially progressive and fiscally conservative. He first ran for governor in 1966, but finished third in the primary. Over the next four years, he made 1,800 speeches and shook hands with an estimated 600,000 people — a style of campaigning that paid off in the 1970 gubernatorial election and later in his bid for the White House. In his inaugural address as governor in 1971, Carter made national news by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” He had a portrait of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. hung in a hall at the Capitol in Atlanta. But when Carter launched his official campaign for the White House in December 1974, he was still so little-known outside Georgia that a celebrity panel on the TV show “What’s My Line?” couldn’t identify him. In the beginning, many scoffed at the temerity of a peanut farmer and one-term governor running for the highest office in the land. After Carter met with House Speaker Thomas P. “Tip” O’Neill Jr., the speaker was asked whom he had been talking to. “Some fellow named Jimmy Carter from Georgia. Says he’s running for president,” O’Neill replied. In a meeting with editors of the Los Angeles Times in 1975, Carter said he planned to gain the presidency by building a network of supporters and by giving his candidacy an early boost by winning the Iowa caucuses. Until then, Iowa had been a bit player in the nominating process, mostly ignored by strategists. But Carter’s victory there vaulted him to front-runner status — and Iowa into a major role in presidential nominations. His emergence from the pack of Democratic hopefuls was helped by the release of his well-reviewed autobiography “Why Not the Best?” in which he described his upbringing on the farm and his traditional moral values. On the campaign trail, Carter came across as refreshingly candid and even innocent — an antidote to the atmosphere of scandal that had eroded confidence in public officials since the events leading to Nixon’s resignation on Aug. 9, 1974. A Baptist Sunday school teacher, Carter was among the first presidential candidates to embrace the label of born-again Christian. That was underscored when, in an interview with Playboy magazine, he made headlines by admitting, “I’ve looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times. God knows I will do this and forgives me.” Carter had emerged from the Democratic National Convention in July with a wide lead over Ford, Nixon’s vice president and successor, but by the time of the Playboy interview in September, his numbers were tumbling. By election day, the contest was a dead heat. Carter, running on a ticket with Walter F. Mondale for his vice president, eked out a victory with one of the narrower margins in U.S. presidential history, winning 50.1% to 48% of the popular vote and 297 electoral votes, 27 more than needed. Many of Carter’s supporters hoped he would usher in a new era of liberal policies. But he saw his role as more of a problem-solver than a politician, and as an outsider who promised to shake things up in Washington, he often acted unilaterally. A few weeks into his term, Carter announced that he was cutting off federal funding to 18 water projects around the country to save money and protect the environment. Lawmakers, surprised by the assault on their pet projects, were livid. He ultimately backed down on some of the cuts. But his relationship with Congress never fully healed. Members often complained that they couldn’t get in to see him, and that when they did he was in a rush to show them the door. His relationship with the media, as he acknowledged later in life, was similarly fraught. Carter’s image as a reformer also took a hit early in his presidency after he appointed Bert Lance, a longtime confidant, to head the Office of Management and Budget. Within months of the appointment, questions were raised about Lance’s personal financial affairs as a Georgia banker. Adamant that Lance had done nothing wrong, Carter dug in his heels and publicly told his friend, “Bert, I’m proud of you.” Still, Lance resigned under pressure, and although he was later acquitted of criminal charges, the damage to Carter had been done. As Mondale later put it: “It made people realize that we were no different than anybody else.” When Carter did score legislative victories, the cost was high. In 1978, he pushed the Senate to ratify the Panama Canal treaties to eventually hand control of the canal over to Panama. But conservatives criticized the move as a diminution of U.S. strength, and even the Democratic National Committee declined to endorse it. Carter’s most significant foreign policy accomplishment was the 1978 Camp David agreement, a peace pact between Israel and Egypt. But he followed that with several unpopular moves, including his decree that the United States would not participate in the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow, as a protest against the Soviet Union’s invasion of Afghanistan. It was the only time in Olympic history that the United States had boycotted an Olympics; the Soviets responded by boycotting the 1984 Summer Games in Los Angeles. Carter had taken a series of largely symbolic steps to dispel the imperial image of the presidency. After he took the oath of office on a wintry day, he and the new first lady emerged from their motorcade and walked part of the way from the Capitol to the White House. He ended chauffeur-driven cars for top staff members, sold the presidential yacht, went to the White House mess hall for lunch with the staff and conducted town meetings around the country. He suspended the playing of “Hail to the Chief” whenever he arrived at an event, though he later allowed the practice to resume. On the domestic front, he was saddled with a country in crisis. Inflation galloped at rates up to 14%, and global gasoline shortages closed service stations and created high prices and long lines. Interest rates for home mortgages soared above 14%. In his first televised fireside chat, he wore a cardigan sweater and encouraged Americans to conserve energy during the winter by keeping their thermostats at 65 degrees in the daytime and 55 degrees at night. He also proposed a string of legislative initiatives to deal with the crisis, but many were blocked by Congress. In what would become a seminal moment in his presidency, Carter addressed the nation — and a television audience of more than 60 million — on a Sunday evening in 1979, saying the country had been seized by a “crisis of confidence ... that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will.” He outlined a series of proposals to develop new sources of energy. The address, widely known as the “malaise speech” even though Carter never used that word, was generally well-received at the time, though some bristled at the implication that Americans were to blame for the country’s problems. Any positive glow disappeared two days later, when Carter fired five of his top officials, including the Energy, Treasury and Transportation secretaries and his attorney general. The value of the dollar sank and the stock market tumbled. Sensing that Carter was politically vulnerable, Kennedy moved to present himself as an alternative for the 1980 Democratic nomination, publicly criticizing the president’s agenda. But Kennedy damaged his own candidacy in a prime-time interview with CBS’ Roger Mudd: Asked why he was running for president, Kennedy fumbled his answer, and critics cited it as evidence that the senator didn’t want the job so much as he felt obligated to seek it. A few months after the malaise speech, in late 1979, revolutionaries loyal to Iran’s spiritual leader, the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, seized the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, taking 52 Americans hostage. Weeks stretched into months, with Iran refusing all efforts to negotiate a hostage release. In April 1980, Carter approved Operation Eagle Claw, a secret Delta Force rescue mission. But it ended in disaster — mechanical trouble sidelined three helicopters and, after the mission was aborted, one of the remaining helicopters collided with a transport plane on the ground, killing eight soldiers. Secretary of State Cyrus R. Vance resigned before the mission, believing the plan too risky. Negotiations to free the hostages resumed, and Carter desperately tried to win their release before the November election. But the Iranians prolonged the talks and the hostages weren’t released until Jan. 20, 1981, moments after Carter watched Reagan being sworn in. The journey home for Carter was painful. Of those who voted for Reagan in 1980, nearly 1 in 4 said they were primarily motivated by their dissatisfaction with Carter. :::: Carter faced “an altogether new, unwanted and potentially empty life,” as he later put it. He sold the family farm-supply business, which had been placed in a blind trust during his presidency and was by then deeply in debt. Then, as Rosalynn later recalled, Carter awoke one night with an idea to build not just a presidential library but a place to resolve global conflicts. Together, they founded the nonprofit, nonpartisan Carter Center. His skill as a mediator made Carter a ready choice for future presidents seeking envoys to navigate crises. Republican President George H.W. Bush sent him on peace missions to Ethiopia and Sudan, and President Bill Clinton, a fellow Democrat, dispatched him to North Korea, Haiti and what then was Yugoslavia. Carter described his relationship with President Barack Obama as chilly, however, in part because he had openly criticized the administration’s policies toward Israel. He felt Obama did not strongly enough support a separate Palestinian state. “Every president has been a very powerful factor here in advocating this two-state solution,” Carter told the New York Times in 2012. “That is now not apparent.” As an election observer, he called them as he saw them. After monitoring presidential voting in Panama in 1989, he declared that Manuel Noriega had rigged the election. He also began building houses worldwide for Habitat for Humanity, and he wrote prodigiously. The Nobel committee awarded Carter the Peace Prize in 2002, more than two decades after he left the White House, praising him for standing by “the principles that conflicts must as far as possible be resolved through mediation and international cooperation.” During his 70s, 80s and even into his 90s, the former president showed an energy that never failed to impress those around him. In his 1998 book “The Virtues of Aging,” he urged retirees to remain active and engaged, and he followed his own advice, continuing to jog, play tennis and go fly-fishing well into his 80s. When his “White House Diary” was published in 2010, he embarked on a nationwide book tour at 85, as he did in 2015 with the publication of “A Full Life: Reflections at 90.” When he told America he had cancer that had spread to his liver and brain, it was vintage Carter. Wearing a coat and tie and a pair of blue jeans, he stared into the television cameras and was unflinchingly blunt about his prognosis. “Hope for the best; accept what comes,” he said. “I think I have been as blessed as any human being in the world.”
A woman has been urged not to co-sign her sister's mortgage application. In a viral Reddit post with 13,000 upvotes at the time of writing, user fancyapanda explained that she has been saving for years for her own house. "I work in software, so I make decent money, but it still takes forever to build up a good down payment," said the 28-year-old. "Meanwhile, my younger sister (25F) is in grad school with barely any credit." According to data firm Statista , obtaining a mortgage loan in the United States has become increasingly difficult. Young adults are the most affected, with about 25 percent of respondents aged 18 to 34 saying it would be easy to get a mortgage as of August 2024. "Except for the oldest generation, respondents of all age groups were overall more positive about their chances of being approved for home financing before the second half of 2021, when the monetary policy started tightening and interest rates rising," wrote Statista. In some cases, lenders may require a guarantor to co-sign a loan, taking on legal responsibility if the borrower can't repay it. This means that if the homeowner fails to make a payment, the co-signer will be responsible for the debt. For people with bad credit, like the younger sister, co-signing may be the only way to get mortgage approval. The user wrote: "Our parents (both mid-50s) found a house near them and decided she needs it. They made an offer— without telling me —and now the deal only goes through if I co-sign. "The problem? I had no clue they'd do this. My parents basically dropped a bomb: 'You have the best credit score—co-sign so your sister can get the house!' They also hinted I should chip in for the down payment because 'you've got the money.' "If I co-sign, I'll be on the hook if my sister can't pay. She's still in school, has debt, and zero backup plan. The bank might also reject my future mortgage application since they'll see I'm already tied to another loan. But my parents say I'm 'selfish' and 'forgetting family values.' My sister's calling me a monster for leaving her 'stranded,' and my mom threatened to cut off any future financial help (like wedding money) if I don't help right now." She concluded the post by stating that she feels guilty. She later updated the December 26 post to reveal that she was adopted as her parents were struggling to conceive, but a few years later, they had a "miracle baby." "Ever since, it's felt like my role in the family became 'the older, adopted one,' while she was the golden child who could do no wrong. Growing up, I was expected to pitch in more, be more responsible, and generally look out for my sister," she wrote. Expert Insight Newsweek previously spoke to Jennifer Kelman , a family therapist, licensed clinical social worker, and parenting expert at JustAnswer, an online Q&A service connecting users with experts. She said: "Money conflicts with family members are a common experience and can cause a lot of tension if not addressed properly or in advance. Often, if one family member has a better financial situation, it may be seen that they should be responsible for the bulk of the cost of activities, vacations, etc. "This alone can cause tension because the family members that may have a better financial situation may feel taken advantage of, while the other family members may feel that since they can afford more, they should help out." To resolve money arguments, Kelman suggests sitting in a quiet moment and communicating your own feelings around the issue. Reddit Reacts So far, the popular post has over 4,000 comments. "Absolutely do NOT co-sign. NTA if you refuse. Let your mom not pay for the wedding. If she's threatening now, she will again. In the end, she probably won't. But that's not the main reason not to co-sign. The main reason is there is a huge chance you will be in debt for a house that is not yours," said one comment with 10,000 upvotes. "If they can't co-sign on the house themselves, they have already blown their retirement. There is no wedding money; this is just more emotional manipulation," said another user. A third commenter wrote: "Never ever co-sign for anything for anyone. I don't care who they are. NTA for following basic common sense. Your parents' demands are ridiculously unreasonable." Newsweek reached out to u/fancyapanda for comment. We could not verify the details of the case. Do you have a monetary dilemma? Let us know via life@newsweek.com. We can ask experts for advice, and your story could be featured on Newsweek .
As the year winds down, IMOLEAYO OYEDEYI captures some of the most dominant events that shaped political discourse and challenged the effectiveness of government policies for the masses Ibadan Explosion A series of explosions in Ibadan, the capital of Oyo State, shattered the early excitement of 2024, raising concerns about the escalating menace of illegal mining across the country. The blasts, which dominated public discourse for weeks, claimed two lives, injured several others, and caused widespread destruction of property. The explosions tore off rooftops and shattered windows, leaving many homeless for days and prompting costly government rescue operations. Binance Executive Detention In February, one of the most contentious issues in the country was the arrest and detention of Binance executive, Tigran Gambaryan, on charges of money laundering and operating without a licence. However, his detention was short-lived, as he was eventually released due to deteriorating health and diplomatic interventions. Kano Emirate Tussle The first half of the year witnessed significant political drama in Kano, triggered by the state assembly’s repeal of the law that had divided the city into five emirates. Governor Abba Yusuf swiftly signed a new law, resulting in the removal of five prominent emirs: Aminu Ado Bayero of Kano, Nasir Ado Bayero of Bichi, Kabiru Muhammad Inuwa of Rano, Ibrahim Abubakar II of Karaye, and Aliyu Ibrahim Abdulkadir of Gaya. In a dramatic turn of events, former Central Bank Governor, Muhammadu Sanusi, who had been dethroned by the previous administration, was reinstated. However, Ado Bayero rejected the decision and moved to the Nasarawa palace. The two emirs, locked in a parallel leadership battle, continue to fuel tensions in Kano, making the emirate tussle one of the year’s most prominent issues. Cabinet reshuffle Amid months of intense speculation, President Bola Tinubu enacted a significant reshuffle of his 45-member cabinet on October 23, appointing seven new ministers, dismissing five, and reassigning 10 others to new roles. Notably, the ministers of finance, defence, and national planning, and two junior energy ministers retained their positions. The reshuffle also saw the Ministry of Niger Delta Development renamed the Ministry of Regional Development, the Ministry of Sports dissolved, and the Ministries of Tourism and Arts and Culture merged. The reshuffle sparked mixed reactions across Nigeria, with many questioning why some underperforming ministers were retained while others were dismissed. The public discourse surrounding these changes made it one of the year’s most debated political topics. Tax Reform Controversy Since Tinubu introduced his tax reform bills to the National Assembly in October, the proposals have become a major point of contention. The bills—comprising the Joint Revenue Board of Nigeria (Establishment) Bill, the Nigerian Revenue Service (Establishment) Bill, the Nigeria Tax Administration Bill, and the Nigeria Tax Bill—have sparked nationwide debate. Supporters argue that the reforms will ease the tax burden on 90 per cent of Nigerian workers, streamline tax procedures, support small businesses, and enhance tax collection efficiency. However, opposition from Northern lawmakers and leaders, including Senator Ali Ndume and Borno State Governor Babagana Zulum, has been vocal. Critics contend that the bills could disrupt business operations and negatively impact state government revenue, particularly in the Northern region. National Grid Collapses A persistent issue throughout 2024 was the frequent collapse of the national grid, occurring no fewer than 12 times. These grid failures caused widespread blackouts across some of Nigeria’s largest cities, including Abuja, Lagos, and Kano, severely disrupting daily life and economic activities. The outages paralysed businesses in affected regions, resulting in staggering financial losses. Northern electricity distribution companies alone reported losses exceeding N74 billion, underscoring the urgent need for reforms in the country’s power sector. Prison Break in Suleja On the night of Wednesday, April 24, 2024, a heavy downpour flooded the Medium Security Custodial Centre in Suleja, Niger State, sparking a dramatic prison break. The flood destroyed critical sections of the facility, including its perimeter fence, enabling the escape of 118 inmates. Although authorities later reported recapturing some fugitives, the incident raised serious concerns about prison security and disaster preparedness in Nigeria. The escape dominated the news for weeks, with many calling for urgent reforms in the country’s correctional system. Flooding in Northern Nigeria/Alau Dam Collapse A major humanitarian disaster in 2024 was the collapse of the Alau Dam in Borno State. On September 10, the dam’s embankment gave way, releasing an overwhelming 112 billion litres of water into low-lying areas in the Maiduguri metropolis and Jere Local Government Area. The resulting flood submerged entire towns and villages, displacing over one million people and affecting 414,000 residents. The catastrophe left hundreds homeless, prompting widespread sympathy and a swift response. Business tycoons and state governors donated over N13 billion to aid flood victims, highlighting the disaster’s devastating impact. Ondo and Edo Governorship Elections The off-cycle governorship elections in Ondo and Edo States were among the year’s most significant political events. In both contests, the Independent National Electoral Commission declared candidates from the All Progressives Congress—Lucky Aiyedatiwa in Ondo and Monday Okpebholo in Edo—as winners. In Ondo, Aiyedatiwa secured 366,781 votes, defeating the Peoples Democratic Party candidate, Agboola Ajayi, who polled 117,845 votes. Similarly, in Edo, Okpebholo garnered 291,667 votes to beat PDP’s Asue Ighodalo, who received 247,274 votes. However, the opposition rejected the results, citing allegations of widespread electoral fraud. Both cases are now before election petition tribunals, with hearings expected to gain momentum in the early part of 2025. #EndBadGovernance protest One of the most defining events of the outgoing year was the eruption of the #EndBadGovernance protests, also known as #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria. Between August 1 and 10, thousands of young Nigerians, frustrated by the soaring cost of living, took to the streets in mass demonstrations across all six geopolitical zones of the country. The protests quickly became a focal point in national discourse as they were met with brutal repression. Scores of protesters were killed, and over 1,000 were arrested across major protest grounds in cities such as Abuja, Lagos, Niger, Kano, Kaduna, and Katsina. These demonstrations marked one of the most significant political movements of the year. Detention of minors over protest A controversial event that dominated political discourse this year was the arraignment of at least 76 detained #EndBadGovernance protesters at the Federal High Court in Abuja. They faced ten counts of charges related to alleged treason and conspiracy to destabilise Nigeria, contrary to sections 96 and 97 of the Penal Code Act. Among those detained were 32 minors, aged between 14 and 17. Their court arraignment sparked nationwide outrage, especially when national television broadcasts showed clips of the minors, appearing malnourished and sickly, writhing in pain on the floor of the courtroom. Four of the minors collapsed before proceedings began, further igniting public anger. Amid growing controversy, the court eventually granted the minors bail at N10m each, with stringent conditions. The Arewa Consultative Forum condemned the Federal Government for its treatment of the minors, calling the trial a blatant attempt to intimidate citizens and stifle their constitutional rights to protest and voice grievances. Rise in killings, kidnappings, and terror attacks Year 2024 saw a chilling rise in cases of kidnappings, banditry, killings, and terror attacks across Nigeria, making it one of the deadliest years in recent memory. From mass kidnappings to village assaults, the year was marked by shocking brutality. High-profile kidnappings included the abduction of at least 61 people from Kajuru village in Kaduna State by bandits disguised in military uniforms on March 12, and the kidnapping of 80 people, mostly women and children, by bandits in Zamfara State on April 19. In a particularly brutal attack on May 24, suspected Boko Haram militants abducted 160 people in Kuchi village, Niger State, while at least 100 more were kidnapped in Maidabino village, Katsina State, on June 22. Related News Iconic moments of 2024 in style Falana blames Police for deaths in stampedes across Nigeria Stampedes won’t halt palliative distribution – FG The year also witnessed some of the most horrific fatal attacks. Bandits killed 40 people during an assault on Zurak village, Plateau State, on May 24. On the same day, Boko Haram terrorists killed 10 people in Kuchi village. A few weeks later, on June 10, unknown gunmen killed at least 50 residents of Yargoje village in Katsina State. The killing spree reached a devastating peak on March 14, when 17 Nigerian Army officers were massacred during a peace-keeping mission in Okuama, Delta State. Among the fallen were the Commanding Officer of the 181 Amphibious Battalion, Lt Col Ah Ali, and several other military personnel. Students were also not spared, as the year saw numerous abductions. Nine students from the Confluence University of Science and Technology in Osara, Kogi State, were abducted on May 10, and 20 medical and dental students were taken from Otukpo, Benue State, on August 15. Northern Nigeria, especially Borno and Zamfara States, endured a wave of bombings that left over 18 people dead and more than 30 injured in different explosions. In response, the military launched major counter-terrorism operations. On May 21, Nigerian troops rescued 350 Boko Haram hostages, primarily women and children, from the Sambisa Forest in Borno State. Additionally, 974 terrorists were killed, 466 hostages were freed, and 1,157 terrorists from Boko Haram and ISWAP surrendered in February. Spiking inflation, naira devaluation, and CBN interest rate hikes A persistent trend throughout the outgoing year was the alarming spike in both nominal and food inflation, which stood at 34.60 per cent and 39.93 per cent respectively in November. The surge in inflation was largely driven by the soaring cost of food, which placed an immense strain on Nigerian households across the country. Similarly, the Naira endured frequent devaluations, becoming the third most devalued currency in Sub-Saharan Africa in 2024. According to the Dataviz Economic Explorer, from November 2023 to November 2024, the naira depreciated by a staggering 51.79 per cent against the US dollar, based on the official exchange rate. This devaluation significantly increased Nigeria’s external debt, which rose by approximately N30.03 trillion from 2023 to June 2024 when evaluated in Naira terms. In response to this economic turmoil and to combat the mounting inflation, the Central Bank of Nigeria raised the interest rate six times throughout the year, eventually placing it at 27.25 per cent. This represented a cumulative increase of 875 basis points by November. National Anthem Change On May 29, Tinubu signed into law a controversial change to Nigeria’s national anthem, returning to the old version titled “Nigeria, We Hail Thee,” which had been in use since the country’s independence in 1960. This replaced the version “Arise, O Compatriots,” which had been adopted in 1978. The decision to revert to the old anthem sparked mixed reactions across the country, particularly due to the swift pace at which the legislation was debated and passed by the National Assembly. The lawmakers’ performance further fueled public debate when they sang the chorus “On your mandate we shall stand” in unison before the president in the Red Chamber, intensifying perceptions of their rubber-stamp nature. Bobrisky and Simon Ekpa’s detention One of the year’s most talked-about stories centred on the imprisonment of controversial social media personality and cross-dresser, Idris Okuneye, popularly known as Bobrisky, as well as pro-Biafran activist, Simon Ekpa. Bobrisky’s trouble began on April 3, 2024, when he was arrested and detained by the Lagos Command of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission. He faced accusations of mutilating naira notes worth N490,000 and engaging in money laundering. This arrest followed the viral circulation of a video showing Bobrisky spraying naira notes at the premiere of the movie Ajakaju at Film One Circle Mall in Lekki, Lagos, on March 24, 2024. After being arraigned on six counts at the Federal High Court in Lagos, Bobrisky was sentenced to six months in prison without the option of a fine for abuse of the naira. However, his imprisonment became even more controversial when, upon his release on August 5, he appeared at a celebratory party just hours after walking out of jail. Many Nigerians were shocked to see him looking more radiant than ever, sparking suspicions about whether he had truly served his time in a custodial facility. This episode spiralled into heated exchanges involving Bobrisky, social media activist Martins Otse (also known as VeryDarkMan), the EFCC, and renowned lawyer Femi Falana over allegations of unpaid debts. This saga remained one of the year’s most divisive topics. In another high-profile case, Simon Ekpa was arrested on November 21 in Finland, alongside four others, on charges related to terrorism, including inciting violence and financing terrorism. According to Finnish media outlet Yle, Ekpa was remanded in custody by the Päijät-Häme District Court, facing charges of incitement to commit crimes with terrorist intent. He was accused of orchestrating violent actions in Nigeria’s South-East region through social media from Finland. The Federal Government sought Ekpa’s extradition to Nigeria, but the Finnish District Court has set May 2025 for the hearing of his case. Dele Farotimi and Afe Babalola saga The dramatic feud between elder statesman Chief Afe Babalola and civil rights activist Mr Dele Farotimi dominated national discourse in the outgoing year. Babalola took Farotimi to court in both the Federal High Court in Ekiti State and the Ekiti State Magistrate Court, accusing him of defamation and cyberbullying. The revered legal icon claimed that Farotimi had besmirched his character in his book Nigeria’s Criminal Justice System. The case sparked widespread public outrage, with many questioning why Farotimi was being prosecuted in Ekiti, rather than Lagos, where he resides. The Ekiti Magistrate Court eventually granted Farotimi bail in the sum of N30m, with two sureties, but the controversy surrounding the trial continued to fuel heated debates across the nation. Fatal stampedes In just four days, a series of tragic stampedes across Nigeria claimed the lives of at least 70 people in Ibadan (Oyo State), Okija (Anambra), and Abuja. These fatal incidents sparked political outrage, with opposition parties accusing the current administration of failing its citizens. They described the stampedes as glaring signs of leadership failures and widespread poverty, drawing further attention to the nation’s deepening socio-economic crisis. Labour Unions Strike In June, the leadership of the Nigerian Labour Congress and the Trade Union Congress (TUC) declared a nationwide strike due to the government’s failure to raise the federal minimum wage following an increase in electricity tariffs. The unions demanded an increase in the national minimum wage from 30,000 naira to 494,000 naira, but the presidency dismissed these demands as “unreasonable.” The strike dominated national discourse for weeks, plunging the country into darkness as union workers shut down the national grid and the nation’s power supply, according to the Transmission Company of Nigeria. However, after a prolonged battle, both the labour leadership and the Federal Government reached an agreement on a N70,000 national minimum wage. Opposition Verbal War with APC Over 2027 Presidency Another major issue in the outgoing year was the series of verbal clashes between the All Progressives Congress and opposition parties, particularly the Peoples Democratic Party, regarding the 2027 presidency. The verbal war began when the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Dr. George Akume, declared that there would be no vacancy in the presidential villa in 2027, claiming that the current administration had exceeded expectations. In response, the PDP and prominent Northern politicians, such as former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, condemned Akume’s assertion, arguing that the poor performance of President Tinubu’s administration would lead to its ousting in the next presidential election. Miss Universe Nigeria In August, Chidimma Adetshina, who represented Taraba State, was crowned Miss Universe Nigeria 2024. Her journey to the title was considered remarkable by many Nigerians, reflecting resilience and grace, reminiscent of the Miss Universe South Africa incident, where she was disqualified. While she will be representing Nigeria on the global stage in Mexico, her victory was undoubtedly one of the most talked-about events of the outgoing year.
Dallas Mavericks star Luka Doncic is latest pro athlete whose home was burglarized
Aliyu Assents to 2025 Appropriation Bill
Jimmy Carter, the 39th President of the United States, and his wife Rosalynn shared an extraordinary love story that spanned nearly eight decades. Their journey together began in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where their lives intertwined long before romance blossomed. Their enduring partnership, which weathered personal challenges, political triumphs, and a lifetime of public service, stands as a testament to their unwavering devotion. The couple's story started when Jimmy and Rosalynn were children. Rosalynn Smith was born in 1927, two years after Jimmy. Their families were neighbours, and Rosalynn became close friends with Jimmy's sister, Ruth. Remarkably, Jimmy's mother, Lillian, assisted in Rosalynn's birth, further cementing the connection between the two families. It wasn't until 1945, during Jimmy's summer leave from the U.S. Naval Academy, that romance sparked between them. A 20-year-old Jimmy invited 17-year-old Rosalynn on a date to the movies, where he stole a kiss. The very next morning, he confidently told his mother: 'She's the one I'm going to marry.' Despite initially rejecting his first proposal to honour a promise to her father to finish college, Rosalynn eventually accepted Jimmy's proposal, and they married on 7 July 1946. Their wedding, held in their hometown, marked the beginning of what would become the longest marriage in U.S. presidential history. The Carters quickly settled into life as a military family, moving between assignments in Virginia, California, Hawaii, and Connecticut. Rosalynn's resilience and adaptability became evident early in their marriage, traits that would later define her role as a political partner. In 1953, following the death of Jimmy's father, the Carters returned to Plains to take over the family peanut farm. Although Rosalynn initially resented uprooting their lives, she soon found herself playing a vital role in the farm's operations. This collaboration laid the foundation for their enduring partnership, which extended to Jimmy's burgeoning political career. Jimmy's rise in politics saw him serve as a Georgia State Senator, Governor, and ultimately President of the United States. Rosalynn was instrumental in these successes, tirelessly campaigning for her husband and advocating for mental health awareness and women's rights. Following Jimmy's presidency, the couple dedicated their lives to humanitarian efforts. They co-founded The Carter Center, an organisation focused on global human rights and disease eradication. Their work with Habitat for Humanity saw them build and renovate over 4,300 affordable homes worldwide, cementing their reputation as champions of public service. Jimmy credited Rosalynn as his greatest partner, often writing poetry about her and highlighting her critical role in his accomplishments. Their ability to balance individual interests with shared goals strengthened their bond over the decades. In their later years, the Carters remained committed to one another despite health challenges. Rosalynn passed away peacefully on 19 November 2023, at the age of 96. Jimmy followed just over a year later, on 29 December 2024, at the age of 100.
OREM, Utah (AP) — Tanner Toolson had 21 points in Utah Valley's 119-59 victory over Bethesda (CA) on Saturday night. Toolson added five rebounds for the Wolverines (8-6). Ethan Potter scored 19 points and added eight rebounds and three steals. Hayden Welling shot 6 of 11 from the field and 3 for 3 from the line to finish with 15 points. Kameron Mayhan led the way for the Flames with 22 points and six rebounds. Cameron Durr added 10 points for Bethesda. Taeo Thomas also had 10 points and two steals. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .Croatia's incumbent president gains most votes for re-election, but not enough to avoid a runoffATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said in posting about his death on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A president from Plains A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. And then, the world Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” ‘An epic American life’ Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. A small-town start James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. 'Jimmy Who?' His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Accomplishments, and ‘malaise’ Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. 'A wonderful life' At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” ___ Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.
No. 16 Cincinnati tests efficient offense vs. Alabama State