OpenSea Phishers Aim to Drain Crypto Wallets of NFT EnthusiastsThe departure of Gelsinger, whose career spanned more than 40 years, underscores the turmoil at Intel. Intel chief executive Pat Gelsinger has been forced out less than four years after taking the helm of the company, handing control to two lieutenants as the faltering United States chipmaking icon searches for a permanent replacement. Gelsinger resigned on December 1, according to a statement from the company on Monday. The resignation came after a board meeting last week during which directors felt Gelsinger’s costly and ambitious plan to turn Intel around was not working and the progress of change was not fast enough, the Reuters news agency reported, citing a person familiar with the matter. The board told Gelsinger he could retire or be removed, and he chose to step down, according to the source. His departure comes well before the completion of his four-year roadmap to restore the company’s lead in making the fastest and smallest computer chips, a crown it lost to Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co, which makes chips for Intel rivals such as Nvidia. Under Gelsinger’s watch, Intel, which was founded in 1968 and for decades formed the bedrock of Silicon Valley’s global dominance in chips, has withered to a market value more than 30 times smaller than Nvidia, the leader in artificial intelligence chips. Earlier this month, Nvidia replaced Intel on the Dow Jones Industrial Average. Gelsinger, 63, has assured investors and US officials, who are subsidising Intel’s turnaround, that his manufacturing plans remain on track. The full results, however, will not be known until next year, when the company aims to bring a flagship laptop chip back into its factories. Interim replacements Two company executives, David Zinsner and Michelle Johnston Holthaus, will act as interim co-CEOs while the company searches for a replacement for Gelsinger, who has also stepped down from the board, Intel said on Monday. Gelsinger started at Intel in 1979 and was its first chief technology officer. He returned to the company as chief executive in 2021. Gelsinger said in a statement that his exit was “bittersweet as this company has been my life for the bulk of my working career”. “I can look back with pride at all that we have accomplished together. It has been a challenging year for all of us as we have made tough but necessary decisions to position Intel for the current market dynamics,” he said. Zinsner is the executive vice president and chief financial officer at Intel. Holthaus was appointed to the newly created position of CEO of Intel Products, which includes the client computing, data centre and AI groups. Frank Yeary, the independent chair of Intel’s board, will become the interim executive chair. “Pat spent his formative years at Intel, then returned at a critical time for the company in 2021,” Yeary said in a statement. “As a leader, Pat helped launch and revitalize process manufacturing by investing in state-of-the-art semiconductor manufacturing, while working tirelessly to drive innovation throughout the company.” Gelsinger’s departure comes as Intel’s financial woes have been piling up. The company posted a $16.6bn loss and halted its dividend in the most recent quarter. Its shares have fallen by about 60 percent since he took over as CEO. Gelsinger announced plans in August to slash 15 percent of Intel’s huge workforce – about 15,000 jobs – as part of cost-cutting efforts to save $10bn in 2025. Unlike some rivals, Intel manufactures chips in addition to designing them. Under Gelsinger, the company has been working to build up its foundry business, making semiconductors in the US designed by other firms, in a bid to compete with rivals such as market leader Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co or TSMC. Intel has benefited from tens of billions of dollars that the administration of President Joe Biden has pledged to support the construction of US chip foundries and reduce reliance on Asian suppliers, which Washington sees as a security weakness. After taking over as CEO, Gelsinger unveiled plans to build a $20bn chipmaking facility in central Ohio and poured billions more into expanding in Europe, where leaders were also worried about dependence on Asia.Analysis: Protecting QBs from violent late hits like the one that leveled Trevor Lawrence isn't easy
IOWA CITY — Antics at the pregame coin toss, two Husker fumbles and an explosive play will be the lasting images of Iowa’s 13-10 win over Nebraska on Friday. The Hawkeyes (8-4, 6-3 Big Ten) needed a last-second field goal to beat the Huskers (6-6, 3-6 Big Ten), but also needed these four turning points to earn the victory. First Quarter — Prior to the start of Friday’s contest, when Hawkeye captains Jay Higgins, Quinn Schulte, Luke Lachey and Logan Jones met the Huskers captains at midfield, the Nebraska captains refused to shake hands with Iowa’s quartet. “They did not reach out their hands,” Higgins said. “So, that was a little weird ... The moment they did not shake our hands, I knew we won.” The decision by the Huskers to refuse the traditional midfield exchange of pleasantries fueled the Hawkeyes’ star linebacker for the remainder of the game. Higgins added he stewed on it as Iowa trailed 10-0 at halftime. “How good did they feel at halftime?” Higgins said. “Did not shake our hands, up 10, they were probably in that locker room going crazy. “During the first series, we were on their sideline and I got a little close to their head coach. I said, ‘It probably was not a good idea to not shake our hands.’ He goes, ‘Who are you?’” Higgins led Iowa with 12 total tackles. He also recorded two quarterback hurries and one tackle for loss in the win. Third Quarter — The Hawkeyes caught a break to start the third quarter as Nebraska kicker John Hohl missed a 34-yard field goal at the end of the Huskers’ first drive of the second half. Despite the break, Iowa stalled out at midfield during their first possession of the third quarter following a 25-yard run from Kaleb Johnson on the second play. Despite their field position, the Hawkeyes elected to punt and play the field position battle. The decision paid off for Iowa as the Nebraska punt return unit failed to secure Rhys Dakin’s 47-yard kick. Defensive back John Nestor pounced on the muffed kick, setting up the Hawkeyes with the ball at the Nebraska 4-yard line. Drew Stevens connected on a 20-yard kick three plays later to trim the lead to 10-3. Fourth Quarter — 15:00 — Second-and-13 — Iowa 28 After struggling offensively through the first three quarters of play, amassing 65 total yards in 45 minutes of action, Iowa struck for an explosive play on the first snap of the fourth quarter. Quarterback Jackson Stratton threw a short swing pass to running back Kaleb Johnson in the backfield. It was not a perfect pass. “I did not hit him in stride,” Stratton said. “I kind of put it a little behind him. I have to put that a little bit in front of him, but, hey, he took off.” Though Stratton’s pass momentarily brought Johnson to a stop, the back managed to turn up field, step through one tackle, drive another Nebraska defender back and spin free of a cloud of Huskers to race 72 yards for a touchdown. “Once he hit that second level, we all know what we have seen,” Stratton said. “Once he started really moving, got past that second guy, I was like, ‘Oh, he is gone.’ “Then, I was just chasing him after that.” The explosive play knotted the game at 10-10 and gave Iowa all the momentum for the rest of the contest. Fourth Quarter — Looking to drive into field goal range to set up a walk-off kick, Nebraska managed to move just shy of midfield with 22 seconds remaining on the clock. Out of a timeout, Nebraska quarterback Dylan Raiola dropped back for a pass. Iowa defensive end Max Llewellyn came screaming off edge to Raiola’s right, beating the Huskers’ right tackle and ripped the ball away from Raiola at the Nebraska 36. “I came around the corner and the ball was right down by his hip,” Llewellyn said. “I reached over and I had the ball in my hand. “Throughout the game, I was consistently beating being around the edge with speed. The ball just happened to be out. I just trusted it.” The Hawkeyes previously forced fumbles on two prior sacks of Raiola but failed to recover the loose ball. The third time was the charm for Iowa as Llewellyn came out of the maw with the ball. The strip gave Iowa the ball inside Stevens’ field goal range and allowed the junior to hit a walk-field goal for the Hawkeyes’ ninth win over the Huskers in 10 meetings. Get local news delivered to your inbox!Vanquishing Bears, Thanksgiving losing streak tops Lions' holiday list
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BOSTON (AP) — A Massachusetts judge dismissed criminal charges Monday against a backer of Karen Read who admitted placing dozens of yellow rubber ducks and fake $100 bills around town in support of Read. Richard Schiffer Jr. had argued in Stoughton District Court that he had a First Amendment right to support the defense theory that Read — accused of ramming into her boyfriend John O’Keefe with her SUV and leaving the Boston police officer to die in a snowstorm — has been framed in the polarizing murder case. Schiffer’s attorney Timothy Bradl said Monday that the judge made the right call by quickly tossing the felony witness intimidation and criminal harassment charges against Schiffer. The ruling comes as another judge decided Monday to push back Read’s retrial to April after a mistrial was declared in July when jurors couldn’t reach an agreement. Read was facing second-degree murder charges and two other charges. Her attorneys have argued that other law enforcement officers were responsible for O’Keefe’s death. Regarding Schiffer’s charges, Bradl said, “There wasn’t a leg to stand on.” “Hats off to the judge. He didn’t make everyone wait and ruled from the bench. Everything was completely protected by the First Amendment. This was political speech,” Bradl said. The Norfolk District Attorney’s office declined to comment. Schiffer has said he got the ducks idea after thinking about a defense lawyer’s closing argument that Read was framed . Alan Jackson told jurors that “if it walks like a duck and talks like a duck, it’s a duck.” Schiffer’s actions did not rise to the level of witness intimidation and criminal harassment “nor does his speech, or in this case his written word on fake currency and use of rubber toys, which are afforded the protections of the First Amendment,” Judge Brian Walsh wrote. “It is the view of this Court that the defendant’s conduct and speech, though a rather sophomoric expression of his opinion, is nonetheless protected speech,” he wrote. Walsh concluded the two-page ruling with quotes from Indiana poet James Whitcomb Riley, believed to have coined the “walks like a duck” phrase, and Robert McCloskey, author of the children’s book “Make Way For Ducklings.” The defense alleged that O’Keefe was actually killed inside the home of his fellow Boston officer Brian Albert and then dragged outside. They argued that investigators focused on Read because she was a “convenient outsider” who saved them from having to consider law enforcement officers as suspects. Schiffer has been among the dozens of Read supporters who accuse state and local law enforcement of a widespread cover-up. Their demonstrations have led to confrontations, especially in the town of Canton where the murder happened, between those who support Read and others who believe she is guilty. Schiffer, who owns Canton Fence and has said that he knows practically everyone in town through his contracting work, was accused of placing some of the ducks outside a pizza shop run by Brian Albert’s brother, Canton Selectman Chris Albert. Other ducks appeared in O’Keefe’s neighborhood. More articles from the BDN
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Four members of Congress unveiled a bipartisan bill Friday that would spark changes at the U.S. Center for SafeSport, placing a time limit on resolving cases that can sometimes take years and improving communication between the center and abuse survivors. The Safer Sports for Athletes Act looks to address some of the bigger concerns that have opened the center to criticism since it was established in 2017 to handle sex-abuse cases in Olympic sports and their grassroots cousins. The bill has potential for a fivefold increase of an existing grant to the center, bringing it to $10 million a year. But even if the full amount were approved, it wouldn't solve all of the problems. As before, that grant can only be used for training and education , not investigations and enforcement, which are the focus of complaints about the center , and also of the reforms the lawmakers are seeking. “We’re hoping the combination of appropriations for other activities will free up money for investigations, as well as the streamlining,” said one of the bill's sponsors, Rep. Deborah Ross, D-North Carolina. The center estimates the reforms in the bill could cost more than $4.5 million. It currently operates on a budget of around $21 million a year, most of which comes from the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee and its sports affiliates, known as national governing bodies, or NGBs. “It's really unclear, and I don't think that some parts of the bill jibe with other parts of the bill," SafeSport CEO Ju'Riese Colon said. "We're going to need some more conversation to suss out some of this stuff. Right now, it just doesn't really add up for us.” The center's critics, meanwhile, have long been skeptical about giving more resources to an agency they feel is missing the mark. The bill would also mandate that investigations be concluded within 180 days after a report is made, with possibilities to extend them. Some of the most egregious complaints about the center have come from people who say it has taken years for their cases to be resolved. The center currently receives about 155 reports a week, which comes to more than 8,000 a year. When fully staffed, it has 77 people on its response and resolution team. “Too many other survivors have also been left waiting for years for SafeSport to investigate or have their cases closed without action,” said soccer player Mana Shim, who helped lawmakers draft the bill. Shim's own case, involving sexual harassment and coercion by her coach, took more than two years for the center to resolve and led to investigations and reforms across American soccer. Other reforms include a requirement for the center to provide victim advocates at no cost for those needing them — a move already underway as part of a menu of changes the center announced earlier this year — and to assign case managers who can give timely updates to victims and the accused. “I have questions around, if the center were to hire and staff the advocates, there might be some conflict of interest with us doing this internally," Colon said. The center was also concerned with one provision that would redefine how arbitration works and another that would change the dynamics of information sharing between the center and the USOPC and NGBs. The other bill sponsors were Reps. Dave Joyce, R-Ohio; Don Bacon, R-Nebraska; and Kathy Castor, D-Florida. The lawmakers positioned the bill as one that will help the Denver-based center, while making clear they are not satisfied with the results so far. “We're going to make sure the center has the resources it needs to effectively respond to thousands of reports it handles annually,” Castor said. “It has unfortunately fallen short." Ross conceded this bill will probably get pushed to the next Congress, which convenes Jan. 3, “but we needed to set the stage as soon as possible.” ___ AP Summer Olympics: https://apnews.com/hub/2024-paris-olympic-games Eddie Pells, The Associated Press
Judge dismisses charges against Karen Read supporter who scattered rubber ducks and fake $100 billsAt first glance, President-elect Donald Trump’s most controversial Cabinet nominees are an odd list of ideologues and eccentrics chosen for political loyalty more than any substantive qualifications. But a more important and potentially dangerous factor ties their nominations together: They are foot soldiers in a power grab that, if it succeeds, would weaken the institutional guardrails that limit the president’s powers and concentrate more authority in Trump’s hands. Pete Hegseth, the Fox News host who could become defense secretary, has proposed purging military officers he sees as too committed to diversity, including Gen. C.Q. Brown Jr., the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. “The Pentagon likes to say our diversity is our strength,” Hegseth said in June. “What a bunch of garbage.” (“Pete’s a leader,” former Trump aide Steve Bannon said. “He’s kind of a madman — but hey, you need that.”) People are also reading... Former Rep. Tulsi Gabbard, who as director of national intelligence would oversee the CIA and 17 other agencies, has criticized the Biden administration’s support for Ukraine so fervently that a Russian state television host once called her “our girlfriend.” Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the anti-vaccine activist who is Trump’s nominee for Health and Human Services, has said he wants to fire hundreds of senior officials in the Food and Drug Administration and the National Institutes of Health on “day one.” Trump has encouraged him to “go wild.” Former Rep. Matt Gaetz, Trump’s nominee for attorney general, didn’t last long. He withdrew his name from consideration amid allegations of sexual misconduct. Gaetz had promised to purge the Justice Department and FBI of anyone who might get in the president’s way. Their pledges are all in keeping with Trump’s broader promise to dismantle much of the federal bureaucracy and bring what remains under his personal control. During his first term, Trump often expressed frustration at the legal and political limits on what he could do as president. In 2018, he expressed an expansive view of his powers under the Constitution: “I have an Article II, where I have the right to do whatever I want.” But in practice, he found himself hemmed in by experienced Cabinet officials, White House lawyers and military officers, some of whom dubbed themselves “the adults in the room.” His attorneys general, Jeff Sessions and Bill Barr, quietly sidelined his demands that they prosecute Hillary Clinton and other top Democrats. His last defense secretary, Mark Esper, resisted his proposal to invoke the Insurrection Act and deploy active-duty troops against demonstrators in Washington and other cities. So it’s no surprise that he wants to bring those national security agencies to heel. But Trump’s plans to expand his personal authority extend much further. He has vowed to weaken civil service rules that protect federal bureaucrats from being fired if they disagree with their bosses’ decisions. “We will pass critical reforms making every executive branch employee fireable by the president,” he said last year, adding: “I will wield that power very aggressively.” Trump also has proposed weakening Congress’ power to direct spending. He plans to revive the practice of “impounding” funds — blocking agencies from spending money that Congress has appropriated for programs he doesn’t like. A 1974 law made impoundment illegal, but Trump has suggested he will ignore the prohibition and challenge it in court. And Trump warned the Senate that if it refuses to confirm any of his Cabinet nominees, he may put them in office anyway — by using “recess appointments,” which allow a president to fill top jobs when Congress isn’t in session. And if the Congress doesn’t recess, Trump threatened to adjourn both chambers under a presidential power laid out in the Constitution for “extraordinary occasions.” That makes it all the more important that Republicans in the Senate preserve their constitutional powers, subject Trump’s nominees to searching scrutiny and reject any that are unqualified, dangerous or both. They will help determine whether Trump can undo the checks and balances the Founders wrote into the Constitution and turn the executive branch into an instrument of a would-be autocrat’s will. McManus is a columnist for the Los Angeles Times. Be the first to know Get local news delivered to your inbox!
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