PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.Iowa moves on without injured quarterback Brendan Sullivan when the Hawkeyes visit Maryland for a Big Ten Conference contest on Saturday afternoon. Former starter Cade McNamara is not ready to return from a concussion, so Iowa (6-4, 4-3) turns to former walk-on and fourth-stringer Jackson Stratton to lead the offense in College Park, Md. "Confident that he'll do a great job," Iowa coach Kirk Ferentz said of Stratton on his weekly radio show. "He stepped in, did a really nice job in our last ballgame. And he's got a good ability to throw the football, and he's learning every day. ... We'll go with him and see what we can do." Iowa had been on an upswing with Sullivan, who had sparked the Hawkeyes to convincing wins over Northwestern and Wisconsin before suffering an ankle injury in a 20-17 loss at UCLA on Nov. 8. Stratton came on in relief against the Bruins and completed 3 of 6 passes for 28 yards. Another storyline for Saturday is that Ferentz will be opposing his son, Brian Ferentz, an assistant at Maryland. Brian Ferentz was Iowa's offensive coordinator from 2017-23. "We've all got business to take care of on Saturday," Kirk Ferentz said. "I think his experience has been good and everything I know about it. As a parent, I'm glad he's with good people." Maryland (4-6, 1-6) needs a win to keep its hopes alive for a fourth straight bowl appearance under Mike Locksley. The Terrapins have dropped five of their last six games, all by at least 14 points, including a 31-17 loss at home to Rutgers last weekend. "It's been a challenging last few weeks to say the least," Locksley said. The challenge this week will be to stop Iowa running back Kaleb Johnson, who leads the Big Ten in rushing yards (1,328) and touchdowns (20), averaging 7.1 yards per carry. "With running backs, it's not always about speed. It's about power, vision and the ability to make something out of nothing," Locksley said. "This guy is a load and runs behind his pads." Maryland answers with quarterback Billy Edwards Jr., who leads the Big Ten in passing yards per game (285.5) and completions (268). His top target is Tai Felton, who leads the conference in catches (86) and receiving yards (1,040). --Field Level Media
Financing electric vehicle (EV) purchases is no longer risky compared to about five years ago, as more established players are now manufacturing such vehicles and the zero-emission mobility ecosystem has grown in the country, Shriram Finance's executive vice-chairman Umesh Revankar said. "I do not see a risk in lending for electric vehicles now because I feel technology is getting established and becoming more reliable because of the presence of large and established manufacturers. Once large entities come and build technology, reliability and infrastructure, then automatically that industry goes for a big change. This is happening in the two-wheeler segment. Similarly, that is happening in three-wheeler. Now we can see that it will happen in four-wheeler also," Revankar told Mint in an interview. He emphasized that five years ago, he wouldn't have thought of lending for EVs, but feels comfortable doing so now because green mobility is viable to individuals today. Also Read: "I do not see a big risk in lending for electric or any other alternative fuel vehicle as long as it is viable to the individual buyer who buys it. Five years ago, I would not have thought about financing electric vehicles at all. And now things are established, there are generally accepted standards, battery charging infrastructure," Revankar stressed. Product viability is justified when the cost of owning that product is less than its alternatives, he said. "For businesses to adopt electric vehicles, the product must be superior, and the overall cost of acquisition must be more favourable than diesel or other alternatives. The technology needs to be advanced enough to justify ownership," he said. Expanding EV funding To be sure, leading automakers such as Bajaj Auto and TVS Motor announced their foray into the EV segment in 2020, while Mahindra & Mahindra launched electric three-wheelers in 2018, indicating the growing presence of large automobile manufacturers in the EV sector over recent years. Tata Motors is already India's largest electric vehicles manufacturer. Revankar's assessment of the sector followed Shriram Finance's announcement of a specialized green vertical to cater to electric mobility and green projects. Shriram Green Finance will raise global and domestic funds over the next 3-4 years with a target of having assets under management (AUM) worth 5,000 crore, Revankar said. These assets will be used to fund green projects such as financing EVs, battery charging stations, renewable energy products and solutions, and energy-efficient machinery, Shriram Finance, a non-bank lender, had said in a press release on 20 December. Also Read: "I am trying to build a focus in the company, in the employees, to focus on electric and alternative fuels as a way of going forward and also trying to reach out to that set of a customer. We are trying to show that this team will continuously think, plan and look for an opportunity to serve, look for a viable product, and meet a similar kind of customers who are looking for a change," he said. Under the Shriram Green Finance vertical, Shriram Finance will provide support to entrepreneurs and individual consumers who want to purchase green vehicles, set up EV chargers, or engage in any other green projects. Government action key to EV growth A crucial hurdle for EV financing, however, is the absence of a long-term strategy towards boosting manufacturing scale, said Revankar. If there is lack of scale in manufacturing for green mobility, generating demand for funding green mobility acquisitions automatically becomes a challenge, he said. "I do not see a long-term strategy. We are talking about net zero by 2070, but what is the long-term strategy we have? That is not known. Every two or three years, the government introduces new subsidy schemes for EVs, but this is not going to really help the public ownership. The public needs certainty going forward for individuals to make a move," said Revankar. He said that the government should generate demand in the sector by electrifying public transport to expedite the green transition. "I believe all state government undertakings have facilities such as garages, depots, and bus stands that are public places. They can build infrastructure and electrify these locations and provide charging stations for everyone. It is easier for the government to take this step and establish infrastructure than to offer subsidies for individuals to buy electric vehicles. Therefore, I think both state and central governments need to collaborate and plan effectively, which will help in the transition," he said. Also Read: To be sure, the government's flagship subsidy scheme for electric vehicles -- PM E-drive -- has an overall outlay of 10,900 crore, of which 4,391 crore will be used to subsidize public transport, and 2,000 crore will be spent on supporting public EV charging infrastructure. The scheme is used to provide demand-side incentives. To provide supply-side incentives and boost indigenous manufacturing, the government also runs the production-linked incentive scheme for automobiles and auto components (PLI-Auto), specifically geared towards zero-emission vehicles. Both these schemes, however, will run for short durations. The PM E-drive scheme will work till FY26, and manufacturers will only receive benefits under the PLI-Auto scheme till FY28.Cost of King's Australia tour was less than half of that of late Queen
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