Declassified files show the note to former MP John Spellar also said the republican party had ignored the “visceral component of sectarianism” in responding to a new government good relations strategy. Mr Spellar, then a Northern Ireland Office minister, had launched a consultation on the “A Shared Future” document, an attempt to address community divisions, segregation and sectarianism in the region at a time when the devolved powersharing institutions were suspended. A file at the Public Record Office in Belfast shows that OFMDFM official Chris Stewart wrote to the minister in July about a response to the document from Sinn Fein representative Bairbre de Brun. Mr Stewart told Mr Spellar that Ms de Brun’s letter had been critical of the document and was clearly intended to “mark your card”. He said among a number of points raised by de Brun was that “the promotion of equality is the key to improving community relations”. His memo adds: “Sinn Fein is clearly seeking to position or align the issue of community relations within its equality and human rights agenda. “This general Sinn Fein position has resulted in a simplistic analysis of community relations, which is flawed in its description of the causes and necessary policy response. “There is of course, no doubt that a lack of equality has been a contributing factor to poor community relations. “However, Sinn Fein ignores the many other factors, not least the violent conflict that resulted in over 3,000 deaths. “Sinn Fein also portrays poor community relations (for nationalists) as being a purely rational response to the political situation. “This ignores the more visceral component of sectarianism, which is all too prevalent in both communities.” Mr Stewart continues: “To suggest, as Sinn Fein does, that the promotion of equality should be the key component of good relations policy is to ignore the key message in A Shared Future, that indirect approaches alone are insufficient to deal with sectarianism and the abnormal relationship between sections of the Northern Ireland community.” The official recommended the minister invite representatives of Sinn Fein to a meeting to discuss the policy. The file also contains a note about Mr Spellar’s meeting with DUP representatives Maurice Morrow and Peter Weir the following month to discuss the document. The note says: “Morrow said he had no problem with sharing the future and suggested that the first step to that would be an election to decide who spoke for whom – though he was quick to say he didn’t want politics to dominate the meeting.” It adds: “Weir said that the biggest step towards improving community relations would be the creation of a political environment that had the broad support of both unionism and nationalism, and the GFA (Good Friday Agreement) could not create that environment.”Stormont minister Maurice Morrow told an official he would not raise the issue with the Northern Ireland Executive, despite similar measures being considered in England and Wales. A file on planning arrangements for the jubilee celebrations reveals a series of civil service correspondences on how Northern Ireland would mark the occasion. It includes a letter sent on January 11 2001 from an official in the Office of the First Minister/Deputy First Minister (OFMDFM) to the Department of Social Development, advising that a committee had been set up in London to consider a programme of celebrations. The correspondence says: “One of the issues the committee is currently considering is the possibility of deregulating liquor licensing laws during the golden jubilee celebrations on the same lines as the arrangements made for the millennium. “It is felt that the golden jubilee bank holiday on Monday 3 June 2002 is likely to be an occasion on which many public houses and similar licensed premises would wish to stay open beyond normal closing time.” The letter said a paper had been prepared on the issue of extending opening hours. It adds: “You will note that paragraph seven of the paper indicates that the devolved administrations ‘would need to consider deregulation separately within their own jurisdictions’. “I thought that you would wish to be aware that this issue is receiving active consideration for England and Wales and to consider whether anything needs to be done for Northern Ireland.” Some months later a “progress report” was sent between officials in OFMDFM, which again raised the issue of licensing laws. It says: “I spoke to Gordon Gibson, DSD, about Terry Smith’s letter of 12 January 2001 about licensing laws: the matter was put to their minister Maurice Morrow (DUP) who indicated that he would not be asking the NIE (Northern Ireland Executive) to approve any change to current licensing laws in NI to allow for either 24 hour opening (as at the millennium) nor a blanket approval for extended opening hours as is being considered in GB. “In both cases, primary legislation would be required here and would necessitate consultation and the minister has ruled out any consultation process.” The correspondence says individual licensees could still apply for an extension to opening hours on an ad hoc basis, adding “there the matter rests”. It goes on: “DSD await further pronouncements from the Home Office and Gibson and I have agreed to notify each other of any developments we become aware of and he will copy me to any (existing) relevant papers. “Ministers may well come under pressure in due course for a relaxation and/or parity with GB.” The document concludes “That’s it so far...making haste slowly?” Emails sent between officials in the department the same month said that lord lieutenants in Northern Ireland had been approached about local events to mark the jubilee. One message says: “Lord lieutenants have not shown any enthusiasm for encouraging GJ celebrations at a local level. “Lady Carswell in particular believes that it would be difficult for LLs to encourage such activities without appearing political.”
By Anna Helhoski, NerdWallet The battle to get here was certainly an uphill one, but people are generally feeling better about the economy and their finances than they once did. On top of that, the economy has been easing into an ideal, Goldilocks-like position — not running too hot or cooling too quickly. Throughout 2024, consumer sentiment data showed people were fairly positive about the economy and their own finances, even if there’s remaining frustration over elevated prices compared to four years ago. Looking ahead, households are feeling more optimistic about their personal finances in the next year, as the share of those expecting to be in a better financial situation a year from now hit its highest level since February 2020. Combine positive personal vibes with a strong economic picture and it looks like 2024 wasn’t so bad for consumers, after all. But that doesn’t mean there weren’t bumps in the road or potential roadblocks ahead. To cap off the year, NerdWallet writers reflect on the top trends in personal finance and the economy this year — and what they think might be ahead in 2025. Elizabeth Renter, NerdWallet’s economist What happened: In 2024, U.S. consumers have proven resilient following a period of high inflation and ongoing high interest rates. Wage growth has been strong, owing in part to rising productivity. This has driven robust spending throughout the year, which has kept the economy growing at a healthy pace. The labor market has remained steady, though cooler than 2023, and price growth continues to moderate towards the Federal Reserve’s 2% inflation goal. What’s ahead: Barring significant changes to economic policy and significant shocks, the U.S. economy is expected to grow at a moderate rate in the coming year. Inflation will continue to moderate and the labor market will remain relatively healthy, all due in part to continued slow and deliberate rate cuts from the Fed. However, there are risks to this path. Higher tariffs and tighter immigration policies are likely, but the extent of these changes are yet unclear. The potential policy scenarios are many, and the economic outcomes complex. Increased tariffs are generally inflationary, and stricter immigration policies could impact the labor supply and economic growth. Consumers and small business owners with their eyes to the new year should focus on the things within their control. Margarette Burnette, consumer banking and savings writer What happened: High-yield savings accounts and certificates of deposit offered elevated rates in 2024, rewarding savers with strong returns. Following the Federal Reserve rate cuts in the second half of the year, high-yield accounts had modest rate decreases, but they continued to outperform traditional savings accounts and CDs. What’s ahead: We’re watching for further Federal Reserve rate cuts, which could lead to more decreases in savings rates. Sara Rathner, credit cards writer What happened: Credit card debt levels hit record highs, with consumers turning to credit cards to pay for necessities. While the economy is doing well, many individuals have struggled to make ends meet, as incomes haven’t kept up with certain costs. What’s ahead: We may see some policy and regulation changes with the incoming administration that could affect folks when it comes to credit cards, debt and consumer protections. Ryan Brady, small business writer What happened : New businesses continued to blossom in 2024 as business applications remained well above pre-pandemic levels. Confidence in the future state of the U.S. economy also spiked after the presidential election, but that optimism was tempered by concerns over rising costs and labor quality. What’s ahead: All eyes are on the incoming administration as small-business owners brace for turbulence resulting from potential tariffs, tax policy changes and dismantled government regulations. We’re also watching the possibility of interest rate cuts in 2025 and small-business owners’ growing reliance on new technologies, such as AI. Holden Lewis, mortgages writer What happened: Home buyers struggled with elevated mortgage rates, rising house prices and a shortage of homes for sale. On top of that, a new rule required buyers to negotiate their agents’ commissions. What’s ahead: The Federal Reserve is expected to cut short-term interest rates, but mortgage rates might not necessarily fall by a similar amount. Buyers will probably have more properties to choose from, and the greater supply should keep prices from rising a lot. Interest rates on home equity loans and lines of credit should fall, making it less expensive to borrow to fix up homes — either to sell, or to make the home more comfortable and efficient. Sam Taube, investing writer What happened: The stock market had a great year. The S&P 500 is up more than 25% due to falling interest rates, fading recession fears, AI hype, and the possibility of lighter taxes and regulations under the new administration. Cryptocurrency also saw big gains in 2024; the price of Bitcoin crossed the $100,000 mark for the first time in December. What’s ahead: A lot depends on how fast the Fed reduces rates in 2025. Another key unknown is Trump’s second term. Regulatory rollbacks, such as those he has proposed for the banking industry, could juice stock prices — but they also could create systemic risks in the economy. His proposed tariffs could also hurt economic growth (and therefore stock prices). Finally, it remains to be seen whether trendy AI stocks, such as NVIDIA, can continue their momentum into next year. It’s the same story with crypto: How long will this bull market last? Caitlin Constantine, assistant assigning editor, insurance What happened: Many people saw their home and auto insurance premiums skyrocket in 2024. In some states, homeowners are finding it harder to even find policies in the first place. Meanwhile, life insurance rates have started to decrease post-pandemic. We also saw more insurers offering online-only policies that don’t require a medical exam. What’s ahead: Auto and home insurance costs will likely continue to rise, although auto premiums may not rise as dramatically as they have over the past few years. And if you’re in the market for life insurance, expect to see competitive life insurance quotes and more customizable policies. Eliza Haverstock, student loans writer What happened: Borrowers received historic student loan relief, but lawsuits derailed an income-driven repayment plan used by 8 million whose payments are indefinitely paused. Uncertainty will carry into 2025 as a result of the presidential administration change. What’s ahead: Trump has pledged to overhaul higher education and rein in student loan relief. The fate of the SAVE repayment plan, student loan forgiveness options, FAFSA processing and more remain in the balance. Meghan Coyle, assistant assigning editor, travel What happened: People are willing to pay more for big and small luxuries while traveling, and airlines and hotels are taking note. Many airlines raised checked bag fees early in 2024, credit card issuers and airlines invested in renovated airport lounges, and major hotel companies continued to add luxury properties and brands to their loyalty programs. What’s ahead: Southwest will say goodbye to its open seating policy and introduce new extra-legroom seats, a major departure for the airline. Alaska Airlines and Hawaiian Airlines will unveil a unified loyalty program in 2025. Spirit Airlines may attempt to merge with another airline again after its 2024 bankruptcy filing and two failed mergers under President Biden’s administration. Travelers will find that they’ll have to pay a premium to enjoy most of the upgrades airlines and hotels are making. Laura McMullen, assistant assigning editor, personal finance What happened: This year, dynamic pricing expanded beyond concerts and travel to online retailers and even fast-food restaurants. This practice of prices changing based on real-time supply and demand received plenty of backlash from consumers and prompted the Federal Trade Commission to investigate how companies use consumers’ data to set prices. What’s ahead: Beyond an expansion of dynamic pricing — perhaps with added oversight — expect subscription models to become more prevalent and demand for sustainable products to grow. Shannon Bradley, autos writer What happened: New-car prices held steady in 2024 but remained high after a few years of sharp increases — the average new car now sells for about $48,000, and for the first time ever the price gap between new and used cars surpassed $20,000 (average used-car prices are now slightly more than $25,000). Overall, the car market returned to being in the buyer’s favor, as new-car inventories reached pre-pandemic levels, manufacturer incentives began making a comeback and auto loan interest rates started to decline. What’s ahead: The future of the car market is uncertain and depends on policies implemented by the incoming administration. Questions surround the impact of possible tariffs on car prices, whether auto loan rates will continue to drop, and if federal tax credits will still be available for electric vehicle buyers. Jackie Veling, personal loans writer What happened: Buy now, pay later continued to be a popular payment choice for U.S. shoppers, even while facing headwinds, like an interpretive ruling from the CFPB (which determined BNPL should be regulated the same as credit cards) and Apple’s discontinuation of its popular Apple Pay Later product. Large players like Affirm, Klarna and Afterpay continued to offer interest-free, pay-in-four plans at most major retailers, along with long-term plans for larger purchases. What’s ahead: Though more regulation had been widely anticipated in 2025, the change in administration suggests the CFPB will play a less active role in regulating BNPL products. For this reason, and its continued strength in the market, BNPL will likely keep growing. Taryn Phaneuf, news writer What happened: Easing inflation was a bright spot in 2024. In June, the consumer price index fell below 3% for the first time in three years. Consumers saw prices level off or decline for many goods, including for groceries, gas and new and used vehicles. But prices haven’t fallen far enough or broadly enough to relieve the pinch many households feel. What’s ahead: The new and higher tariffs proposed by the Trump administration could reignite inflation on a wide range of goods. Taryn Phaneuf, news writer What happened: Rent prices remain high, but annual rent inflation slowed significantly compared to recent years, staying around 3.5% for much of 2024, according to Zillow, a real estate website that tracks rents. A wave of newly constructed rental units on the market seems to be helping ease competition among renters and forcing landlords to offer better incentives for signing a lease. What’s ahead: If it continues, a softening rental market could work in renters’ favor. But construction is one of several industries that could see a shortage of workers if the Trump administration follows through on its promise to deport undocumented immigrants. A shortage of workers would mean fewer houses and apartments could be built. Anna Helhoski, news writer What happened: After a contentious presidential campaign, former President Donald Trump declared victory over Vice President Kamala Harris. While on the campaign trail, Trump promised to lower inflation, cut taxes, enact tariffs, weaken the power of the Federal Reserve, deport undocumented immigrants and more. Many economists have said Trump’s proposals, if enacted, would likely be inflationary. In Congress, Republicans earned enough seats to control both houses. What’s ahead: It’s unclear which campaign promises Trump will fulfill on his own and with the support of the new Congress. He has promised a slew of “day one” actions that could lead to higher prices, including across-the-board tariffs and mass deportations. Most recently, Trump pledged to enact 20% tariffs on Canada and Mexico, as well as an additional 10% tariff on China. He has also promised to extend or make permanent the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act; many of its provisions expire by the end of 2025. Anna Helhoski, news writer What happened: Fiscal year 2023-2024’s funding saga finally came to an end in March, then six months later, the battle to fund the fiscal year 2024-2025 began. The Biden Administration waged its own war against junk fees . Antitrust enforcers pushed back against tech giants like Amazon, Apple, Google, and Meta; prevented the Kroger-Albertsons merger; nixed the Jet Blue-Spirit Airlines merger; and moved to ban noncompete agreements. The Supreme Court rejected a challenge to the constitutionality of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, as well as a challenge to abortion pill access. SCOTUS also overruled its landmark Chevron case, which means every federal regulatory agency’s power to set and enforce its own rules are now weaker. What’s ahead: The election’s red sweep means the GOP will control the executive and legislative branches of government. They’ll face the threat of at least one more potential government shutdown; a debt ceiling drama comeback; and the beginning of the debate over extending or making permanent provisions of the expiring 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act. Anna Helhoski writes for NerdWallet. Email: anna@nerdwallet.com. Twitter: @AnnaHelhoski. The article What Trended in Personal Finance in 2024? originally appeared on NerdWallet .
Stock market today: Wall Street gains ground as it heads for a winning week
Already widespread before, climate despair has likely reached new levels following former President Donald Trump’s reelection. With good reason: Trump is committed to policies that are projected to kill tens of millions of people and unleash unprecedented chaos everywhere. But the climate war isn’t an all-or-nothing affair. Each fraction of a degree of heating that we can prevent will save many lives. Similarly, everything we do to build a more equitable world will provide some insulation against the heating that we fail to prevent. Furthermore, the fossil fuel industry is much more vulnerable than most people realize, its current profits notwithstanding. This was true in Trump’s first term and will remain true in his second. We can exploit its vulnerabilities. To do so, we need strategies that don’t require majority support at the national level. Though the United States public overwhelmingly supports environmental protections, clean energy and climate justice, most people don’t grasp the magnitude of the emergency and obviously don’t prioritize the climate when voting. What we do have is tens of millions of potential activists, including millions in many individual states. According to a 2024 Yale/George Mason University survey, large minorities say they feel angry (38 percent), fearful (38 percent) and anxious (36 percent) about the climate. In polls from the past five years, between 13 and 20 percent say they would definitely or probably “engage in nonviolent civil disobedience (e.g. sit-ins, blockades or trespassing) against corporate or government activities that make global warming worse” if someone they “like and respect” recruited them. About twice as many say they would visit politicians’ offices to pressure them. It’s these millions whom organizers should target. Drawing from the recent history of the climate movement, here’s a nonexhaustive list of ideas for organizers. My focus is on the U.S. since that’s the context I know best. None of the following require us to persuade a majority of voters or politicians at the national level. Public protests, from rallies to civil disobedience, are essential for generating public scrutiny of fossil fuel projects. Building large coalitions of stakeholders can increase their potency. Some confrontations, like the campaign against the Dakota Access Pipeline, can galvanize broader public consciousness and action. This is especially true when they intertwine with related fights for Indigenous sovereignty, racial equity and economic justice, which the climate movement has also prioritized in recent years. This type of protest is getting riskier almost everywhere, including in the United States. In the past decade 21 U.S. states have passed 56 new laws to criminalize or more harshly punish nonviolent protesters. Amid this authoritarian turn organizers must proceed carefully. In some cases, they will choose to defy those laws, and we should support them however possible. In other cases, they may choose disruptive forms of protest that are not (yet) illegal. Some of the most disruptive tactics are not very flashy. Leafletting against a company, if persistent and widespread, is potentially more disruptive than blockading a pipeline. Legal filings against companies or regulators can be highly disruptive. As industry spokespeople warn , more lawsuits can mean “further capital cost increases and longer overall pipeline approval and construction timelines.” A gas industry executive recently complained that “the number of lawsuits being filed to challenge pipeline construction” has added “costs and time to the development of a pipeline, which in some cases has just forced the pipelines to throw up their hands and walk away from projects.” Lawsuits against polluters for past damages are also important, both for the compensation they can deliver and for the potential long-term impact on the industry. The efficacy of litigation will partly depend on future legislative and judicial changes. Reforms to the permitting process , which could simultaneously facilitate fossil fuel infrastructure and renewables projects, would make it harder for the movement to obstruct polluters through the courts. Oil and gas companies may never reallocate their investments to other sectors, but financial institutions like banks, insurers and large institutional investors may. They could do so without jeopardizing their returns (fossil fuel financing comprises just over 1 percent of total assets at Bank of America, Chase and Citigroup), and their long-term financial stability would be more secure if they did. Public pension funds are potentially more vulnerable to our pressures, since they have a mandate to protect the long-term viability of their investments. These campaigns can take various forms. The most effective involve tying financial institutions to specific frontline struggles and getting institutions — city councils, universities, faith institutions, labor unions, and so on — to close their accounts or demand that their money managers reallocate investments. For instance, in 2017 the city of Seattle voted to close its $3 billion account with Wells Fargo due to the bank’s financing of the Dakota Access Pipeline. Divestment campaigns have traditionally targeted only stock holdings, but recent years have seen more action targeting banks, insurers and asset managers . Banks were also central targets in the South Africa divestment campaigns of the 1970s and 1980s. As always, polluters are finding ways to fight back. Some state governments have penalized financial institutions that “discriminate” against fossil fuels. This backlash only makes it more urgent that we build up a counterweight that imposes costs of our own on financial institutions. States have tremendous power to promote renewables, slash demand for fossil fuels, and even directly limit fossil fuel production. One climate expert estimates that “three-quarters of the country’s Paris Climate commitments can be achieved by state and local policy.” Recent state laws have mandated public investment in renewables , the phaseout of gas-powered vehicles , corporate pollution disclosures and “make-polluters-pay” penalties linked to climate disasters. All these laws stand to have powerful national impacts by altering corporate investments, as state legislation has often done . The prospects for building electoral coalitions around climate are far greater at the subnational levels. The Yale Program on Climate Change Communication provides detailed opinion data by county, state and congressional district . Since some of the most progressive states are also among the most important economically, reforms in those places can have outsized impacts at higher levels. A rare bright spot in the 2024 election was a referendum in Washington State, where 60 percent of voters rejected an effort to repeal the state’s climate legislation. That win followed a coalitional mobilization by almost 600 organizations. Also important are local-level laws that ban new gas hookups , improve energy efficiency standards, build community solar and otherwise cut fossil fuel demand. Those projects face challenges , particularly since this type of initiative is still new in the U.S. But they are clearly worrisome to gas companies for the signal they send investors about the industry’s long-term outlook. Predictably, polluters have directed their proxies in friendly courts and state governments to prohibit local restrictions on fossil fuels. For those who work, study, travel, or otherwise participate in institutions that consume lots of dirty energy, decarbonizing them is an important contribution to the climate fight. When universities replace gas boilers with heat pumps and solar panels, they deprive gas companies of some of their biggest customers. When school districts or local transportation authorities switch to electric buses, they do the same to the oil industry. Republicans will cut federal funding for many of these projects as soon as they can, so state, local and private sources of funding will become more important. Boycott campaigns could take various additional forms beyond divesting from dirty financiers and phasing out fossil fuel use. They might target specific companies that rely on sales to household consumers, such as a meat or dairy corporation linked to deforestation. They might involve the targeted punishment of companies that operate in political jurisdictions where governments allow polluters free rein, potentially including global penalties on U.S. companies. They might target businesses that operate in our towns and cities but oppose climate measures. (These municipal-level boycotts were another crucial piece of the South Africa campaign.) Any campaign with a national or global scope would need buy-in from major organizations. Serious boycotts campaigns are rare today but their potential remains great . We could muster the numbers necessary to win. Even without outreach, 26 percent of U.S. consumers already try to “punish” companies with the worst environmental records. An organized campaign by just 26 percent could wipe out many companies’ profit margins. In addition to investors and consumers, polluters need a workforce. As many progressive analysts have stressed, the movement needs to build bridges with fossil fuel workers, namely by fighting for reforms that properly compensate laid-off workers with money, retraining and/or new jobs. In the more immediate future, the movement could dedicate more energy to countering the recruitment of workers, particularly on college campuses. Companies’ fear of becoming less attractive to talented young graduates could become a significant force for internal change. Recent trends suggest the potential. Between 2017 and 2022, graduation from U.S. petroleum engineering programs plunged by 83 percent . This happened even as oil prices were rising, as Trump was trying to prop up the industry, and as other engineering programs were flourishing. Whether their concerns are moral or pragmatic, it appears few students see a future in the industry. More powerful, perhaps, would be a counterrecruitment campaign targeting one or more of the financial institutions that invest in fossil fuels. Again, those companies are more likely to abandon dirty energy than companies that specialize in it. There are growing hints of climate discontent among bank employees, which could be nurtured by organizers. Building a bigger, more combative labor movement is important to the climate struggle for at least two reasons. First, strikes are the most potent weapon for forcing the transformations we need. Climate strikes on a large scale aren’t yet plausible, but in the meantime, workers can fight for immediate workplace improvements like air-conditioning, water breaks and better ventilation. They can refuse to work in unsafe temperatures. This can be done by unionized and nonunionized workers alike, as recent workplace walkouts have shown. More ambitiously, they can force employers to reduce their own carbon pollution and to put pressure on dirty financial institutions. These actions also make employers more likely to demand policy reforms from government, including ones that restrain the fossil fuel industry. Second, labor organizing can also protect workers against the austerity and inflation that the ruling class will try to impose as the economic costs of climate destruction explode. Forcing capitalists to absorb more of those costs may also push them into political confrontation with the fossil fuel industry. The Hitlerian rhetoric of Trump’s 2024 campaign — undocumented immigrants are “poisoning the blood of our country” — is but a glimpse of the cruelty we’ll see as more fossil fuel refugees flee unlivable tropics and coastlines. Racist scapegoating will be central to the effort to shield polluters from accountability. And it will find fertile ground: Thirty-four percent of U.S. residents explicitly agree with Trump’s statement about “poisoning,” and over half now say they want more restrictions on immigration (nearly double from just a few years ago). In addition to organizing sanctuary campaigns , we’ll have to work constantly to redirect popular hatred onto the capitalist culprits while cultivating empathy for their victims. Standing with refugees is part of the larger imperative of international solidarity. Stabilizing the climate is impossible unless the Global South gets the resources it needs to decarbonize and adapt. The rich countries, led by the United States, have refused to offer adequate compensation for their carbon pollution, a stance they reaffirmed at the November 2024 COP29 meeting in Azerbaijan. On this count U.S. public opinion is more sympathetic, with most respondents supporting “aid to developing nations” for those purposes. That support would be much stronger if the public knew the true gravity of the crisis or the miserly stance of the U.S. government. (The public drastically overestimates the generosity of U.S. foreign aid, but also supports far more aid than what the government actually gives.) Climate disasters are already a significant source of inflation, including for food . We’ll see more dramatic spikes as climate breakdown causes more crop failures. Developing sustainable local agriculture and mutual aid projects of all kinds can cushion the working class while also fostering stronger community cohesion. The movement should also demand that governments create international reserves of essential commodities like food. These “buffer stocks” would buy up goods when they’re available in excess and sell them off at noninflated prices in times of shortage, thereby cushioning both producers and consumers against price shocks. We have to talk about our climate reality much more, with everyone we know and meet. Biblical hurricanes, droughts and wildfires simply have not made the climate crisis a topic of daily conversation for most U.S. residents. Two-thirds “rarely or never” discuss climate with friends or family. While some people have severe climate anxiety, most aren’t nearly anxious enough : Only 28 percent are “alarmed” by the crisis. (The rest range from “concerned” to “dismissive.”) In this context politicians find it easier to ignore the emergency or label it just another “issue.” For the minority who suffer high anxiety about the unfolding crisis, offer them ideas for collective action. For the majority who aren’t freaked out enough, urge them to tune in, and show them how the solutions will benefit them and their children. Republicans will do whatever they can to crush resistance. Protesters will be met with greater state violence. Refugees will face new levels of state terror. Public officials and employees will be fired. New laws and regulations will further criminalize “discrimination” against fossil fuels by lower levels of government. Yet two reminders are in order. First, conditions won’t be one-tenth as bad for U.S. citizens as they have been for foreign peoples, from Vietnam to El Salvador to Palestine, who have heroically resisted (and sometimes defeated) U.S. empire. Second, Trump will remain subservient to capital, and capital depends on our labor, our consumption and our quiescence. That gives us power. We will continue to have power, in 2025 and beyond, if we organize ourselves and use it.The military's on his gravity-defying sweep across the globe will carry on this Christmas Eve, , officials said Friday. Each year, at least 100,000 kids call into the North American Aerospace Defense Command to inquire about Santa’s location. — in nine languages — as St. Nick swoops along the earth's meridians. “We fully expect for Santa to take flight on Dec. 24 and NORAD will track him," the U.S.-Canadian agency said in a statement. On any other night, NORAD is scanning the heavens , such as last year's . But on Christmas Eve, volunteers in Colorado Springs, Colorado, are fielding questions like, “When is Santa coming to my house?” and, “Am I on the naughty or nice list?” The endeavor is supported by local and corporate sponsors, who also help shield the tradition from Washington dysfunction. Bob Sommers, 63, a civilian contractor and NORAD volunteer, told The Associated Press that there are "screams and giggles and laughter” when families call in, usually on speakerphone. Sommers often says on the call that everyone must be asleep before Santa arrives, prompting parents to say, "Do you hear what he said? We got to go to bed early." NORAD's annual tracking of Santa has endured since , predating and . Here's how it began and why the phones keep ringing. The origin story is Hollywood-esque It started with a child's accidental phone call in 1955. The Colorado Springs newspaper printed a Sears advertisement that encouraged children to call Santa, listing a phone number. A boy called. But he reached the Continental Air Defense Command, now NORAD, a joint U.S. and Canadian effort to spot potential enemy attacks. Tensions were growing with the Soviet Union, along with anxieties about nuclear war. Air Force Col. Harry W. Shoup picked up an emergency-only “red phone” and was greeted by a tiny voice that began to recite a Christmas wish list. “He went on a little bit, and he takes a breath, then says, ‘Hey, you’re not Santa,’” Shoup told The Associated Press in 1999. Realizing an explanation would be lost on the youngster, Shoup summoned a deep, jolly voice and replied, “Ho, ho, ho! Yes, I am Santa Claus. Have you been a good boy?” Shoup said he learned from the boy's mother that Sears mistakenly printed the top-secret number. He hung up, but the phone soon rang again with a young girl reciting her Christmas list. Fifty calls a day followed, he said. In the pre-digital age, the agency used a 60-by-80-foot (18-by-24-meter) plexiglass map of North America to track unidentified objects. A staff member jokingly drew Santa and his sleigh over the North Pole. The tradition was born. “Note to the kiddies,” began an AP story from Colorado Springs on Dec. 23, 1955. “Santa Claus Friday was assured safe passage into the United States by the Continental Air Defense Command.” In a likely reference to the Soviets, the article noted that Santa was guarded against possible attack from "those who do not believe in Christmas.” Is the origin story humbug? Some grinchy journalists have nitpicked Shoup's story, questioning whether a misprint or a misdial prompted the boy's call. In 2014, tech news site Gizmodo from Dec. 1, 1955, about a child's call to Shoup. Published in the Pasadena Independent, the article said the child reversed two digits in the Sears number. "When a childish voice asked COC commander Col. Harry Shoup, if there was a Santa Claus at the North Pole, he answered much more roughly than he should — considering the season: ‘There may be a guy called Santa Claus at the North Pole, but he’s not the one I worry about coming from that direction,'" Shoup said in the brief piece. In 2015, The Atlantic magazine to the secret line, while noting that Shoup had a flair for public relations. Phone calls aside, Shoup was indeed media savvy. In 1986, he told the Scripps Howard News Service that he recognized an opportunity when a staff member drew Santa on the glass map in 1955. A lieutenant colonel promised to have it erased. But Shoup said, “You leave it right there,” and summoned public affairs. Shoup wanted to boost morale for the troops and public alike. “Why, it made the military look good — like we’re not all a bunch of snobs who don’t care about Santa Claus,” he said. Shoup died in 2009. His children that it was a misprinted Sears ad that prompted the phone calls. “And later in life he got letters from all over the world,” said Terri Van Keuren, a daughter. "People saying ‘Thank you, Colonel, for having, you know, this sense of humor.’” A rare addition to Santa's story NORAD's tradition is one of the few modern additions to the centuries-old Santa story that have endured, according to Gerry Bowler, a Canadian historian who spoke to the AP in 2010. Ad campaigns or movies try to “kidnap” Santa for commercial purposes, said Bowler, who wrote “Santa Claus: A Biography.” NORAD, by contrast, takes an essential element of Santa's story and views it through a technological lens. In a recent interview with the AP, Air Force Lt. Gen. Case Cunningham explained that NORAD radars in Alaska and Canada — known as the northern warning system — are the first to detect Santa. He leaves the North Pole and typically heads for the international dateline in the Pacific Ocean. From there he moves west, following the night. “That's when the satellite systems we use to track and identify targets of interest every single day start to kick in,” Cunningham said. “A probably little-known fact is that Rudolph’s nose that glows red emanates a lot of heat. And so those satellites track (Santa) through that heat source.” NORAD has an app and website, , that will track Santa on Christmas Eve from 4 a.m. to midnight, mountain standard time. People can call 1-877-HI-NORAD to ask live operators about Santa’s location from 6 a.m. to midnight, mountain time.Finding the can be daunting. The only way to truly ensure you get it right would be to ask the recipient what they want, but that wouldn’t be much fun for either of you. Luckily, there’s another tactic to help you earn a “gift whisperer” reputation: seeking out unique, practical, game-changing gifts that will truly surprise and delight. But that’s about as easy as it sounds, which is to say it’s not easy at all. So, we’ve done the legwork for you. Start making your list with this compilation of some of the most innovative, functional and fun gifts of 2024. There’s something for every budget. A pepper grinder, really? Bear with me: The new set elevates the pedestrian pepper and spice mill in both function and style. Available in three colors (Sangria Red, Midnight Black and Soft Cream), the rechargeable-battery unit grinds with a light touch rather than hand-tiring twists. That’s easier for everyone and especially helpful for those experiencing hand or wrist issues such as arthritis, carpal tunnel syndrome or tendinitis. And it’s fun to use. The set includes a stackable storage tray and four pods that can be easily swapped as needed: The GT microplane grater for hard spices, nuts and chocolate; the MAX for large spices and dried herbs; the ProPlus for smaller and oily spices; and the Pepper Pod for, well, pepper. $110. To build a fire Campers and backyard firepit lovers who have experienced the heartbreak of wet wood will appreciate having a three-pack of on hand. Made of 89% recycled materials, including sanding dust, wax and flint, the food-safe, eco-friendly, 3-by-2-by-1-inch fire starters will light a fire quickly without matches, lighters or kindling. Just loop the attached green string around a log, incorporate it into a wood stack, and pull the attached red string to ignite. Each windproof, rainproof block burns for 30 minutes. $29.99. The place for a ladle is on the pot The , a company known for its portioned, silicone freezer trays, lives up to its name. The utensils — a serving spoon and a ladle — have innovative, S-shaped handles designed to rest on the edge of a pot, keeping them upright so they won’t slip in. The design also eliminates the need for a spoon rest or, worse, placing dirty utensils on the kitchen counter or stovetop between stirs. A silicone coating in a choice of Aqua, Charcoal, Cranberry or Blueberry keeps handles cool to the touch. $24.99. Up your birdwatching with this feeder The could turn anyone into an avid birdwatcher. Equipped with an HD camera, the dual-chamber feeder enables up-close livestreaming of avian visitors, as well as species-logging via the free mobile app. An optional premium subscription ($59.99 annually or $6.99 monthly) includes unlimited photo and video storage, AI identification with species-specific details, and the opportunity to earn badges for logging new visitors. Turn on notifications to get alerts sent to your phone whenever there’s activity at the feeder. $179.99. Printing old-fashioned photos via Bluetooth Fujifilm's smartphone printer offers a touch of nostalgia without sacrificing technology. Just load the 4.9-by-3.5-by-1.3-inch printer with Instax Mini instant film and connect it to your Android or iOS device via Bluetooth to print wallet-size photos. If you want to get fancy, you can adjust brightness, contrast and saturation, or apply filters, including 3D augmented-reality effects, via the free Instax Mini Link app. It can also make collages of up to six images, or animate photos to share on social media. Available in Rose Pink, Clay White and Sage Green. $99.95. Houseplants don't get much easier than this The appropriately named is one of the best gifts you can give your houseplant-loving friends, regardless of their experience level. Select a pot color, size and plant (or get recommendations based on sunlight requirements, pet friendliness and other attributes) and fill the self-watering container’s built-in reservoir roughly once a month. Moisture will permeate the soil from the bottom as needed, eliminating the often-fatal consequences of over- or under-watering. It’s also a literal lifesaver come vacation time. $49-$259. Making your own (plant-based) milk If you’ve got a no-dairy friend on your list, a plant-based milk maker could save them money while allowing them to avoid sugar, stabilizers, thickeners and preservatives. The both blends and strains ingredients, converting nuts, seeds, grains or oats into velvety-smooth milk in just one minute, with zero grit. And for zero waste, the pasty leftover pulp can be used in other recipes for added nutrients. The device also makes infused oils, flavored waters and soups. And, importantly, cleanup is easy. Available in white and black. $400. The perfect temperature for 350,000-plus wines For friends who prefer stronger beverages, the uses “smart” technology to ensure wine is served at its ideal temperature. Unlike traditional wine refrigerators, this device doesn’t take up any floor space. It also doesn’t chill wine to just one or two temperatures based on its color. Instead — paired with the free QelviQ app — the tabletop chiller relies on a database of more than 350,000 wines to bring a bottle to its specific recommended serving temperature in as little as 20 minutes. It also suggests food-wine and wine-food pairings. Plus, the appliance serves as a great icebreaker to inspire dinnertime conversation. Available in Exciting Red, Dashing Black and Dreamy White. $495. Casting light on the grill after dark Grilling food after dark — and ascertaining its doneness — can prove challenging without outdoor lighting, and it’s nearly impossible to cook while holding a flashlight. But as is often the case, the simplest of solutions can make the biggest of impacts: puts illumination into the handles of its stainless-steel spatula and tongs. After use, the lights can be removed and the utensils run through the dishwasher. $40.