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This article was originally published on The Conversation, an independent and nonprofit source of news, analysis and commentary from academic experts. Disclosure information is available on the original site. Read this article for free: Already have an account? To continue reading, please subscribe: * This article was originally published on The Conversation, an independent and nonprofit source of news, analysis and commentary from academic experts. Disclosure information is available on the original site. Read unlimited articles for free today: Already have an account? This article was originally published on The Conversation, an independent and nonprofit source of news, analysis and commentary from academic experts. Disclosure information is available on the original site. ___ Author: Anmol Dutta, PhD Candidate and Lecturer, Western University Indian filmmaker Payal Kapadia’s new film, All We Imagine as Light, won the prestigious Grand Prix award at the 2024 Cannes Film Festival in May. The film exhibits an Indianness that is distinctive from the one most frequently represented globally. Within mainstream Hindi cinema, India is often presented as a homogenous Hindu, upper-caste, middle-class Hindi-speaking nation. In western popular imaginations, on the other hand, India is often seen as exotic and over-the-top, or poor and backward. All We Imagine as Light tells a story of two migrant women from the southern Indian state of Kerala, Prabha (Kani Kusruti) and Anu (Divya Prabha) as they struggle to build a life in Mumbai. The kind of Mumbai shown in the film is one that has almost never been explored in Indian cinema. In the film, we see its characters contend with cultural and social isolation, gender inequalities and the challenges of Hindu-Muslim love in India. In this sense, the film does not try to appeal to the non-Indian, western gaze. Instead, All We Imagine as Light depicts a nuanced, complex migrant reality that touches on issues of gender, religion, caste, class, language and access. The refreshing portrayal of Mumbai, and largely of India, reveals an aspect of the nation’s cultural identity that has not been explored within the global space. Disrupting the ‘city of dreams’ All We Imagine as Light premiered at the Toronto International Film Festival in September. It then played at the South Asian Day celebrations at the Forest City Film Festival in London, Ont., where I was a guest speaker for a live Q&A following the screening. The lyrical, almost lulling pace of the film offers the unfamiliar viewer the time needed to adjust to the foreignness of this world. While it remains foreign to the viewer, it is the politics of the every day — the human yearning for light — that affords the film a humanistic vision, making it cross-culturally accessible. One of the primary themes in All We Imagine as Light is disrupting the trite romanticism of Mumbai as a city of dreams. Migrants from across India who come to Mumbai to live a better life experience a kind of disillusionment that is rarely, if ever, addressed in Indian popular culture. Instead, it shows Mumbai as what one of the migrant voice-overs in the film calls a “city of illusions.” All We Imagine as Light starts with disembodied migrant voices in different regional languages such as Tamil, Marathi, Gujarati and Bengali, among others. A montage of the city plays on-screen as viewers hear a voiceover of migrant workers expressing their disenchantment and the “otherness” experienced in Mumbai. A man says how, after living in Mumbai for 23 years, he still can’t call it his home. This feeling of un-homed in Mumbai is experienced through Prabha and Anu, who work as nurses in a hospital and are also roommates. The idea of being un-homed is most sharply portrayed when Prabha’s colleague and friend, Parvaty, is evicted from her house. As a widow, Parvaty has no paperwork to prove ownership of the shack she has lived in for years. In another scene, we see a billboard that promises a “new Mumbai” featuring a light-skinned, hence presumably upper-caste, upper-class, heterosexual couple photographed next to a luxury tower. Parvaty and Prabha helplessly stare at this billboard, eventually hurling stones at it, thus physically resisting everything that the billboard is representative of. As two women navigating life without husbands or any other male counterpart, this scene is significant. It becomes an active distortion of societal expectations and heteronormative ideals. Kapadia also uses Mumbai as a site to engage with the challenges of interfaith relationships in India. The panned shots of Mumbai’s busy streets show Muslim Shiaz following Hindu Anu through crowded streets until the couple find a space where they are not at risk of being seen together. The expectations and limitations the couple must navigate showcase the societal surveillance over Hindu-Muslim relationships in India. The politics of language in Indian cinema Cinema in India is considered to be one of the most significant political and socio-cultural spaces. While multiple regional cinemas exist within the nation, the most popular domain continues to be mainstream Hindi cinema, or Bollywood, which problematically assumes the universality of Hindi within the nation. Whenever most Indian films gain international attention, the implicit assumption is that they are a part of Bollywood, the mainstream cinema in Hindi. A recent example of such assumptions that every Indian film is a Bollywood film or in Hindi was seen when Rajamouli’s Telegu-language blockbuster, RRR, won an Oscar in 2023. The implicit language expectation when watching an Indian film is that it is in Hindi. It is important to note that while Hindi is one of the most widely spoken languages in India, there is no national language. Mumbai is home to Bollywood cinema, and therefore oftentimes presents Hindi as the chosen language. Kapadia does not conform to these mainstream expectations of language. She instead showcases the politics of speaking different regional languages in Mumbai. Malayalam, which is widely spoken in Kerela, is the film’s foremost language. Prabha, Anu and her boyfriend, Shiaz, speak Malayalam. Kapadia uses language as an effective tool to further convey the feeling of un-homed in Mumbai. In a conversation with Prabha, a doctor at the hospital, who is also from Kerala, addresses the discomfort that speaking in Hindi causes him; Malayalam, he says, offers him refuge. Viewers see how most characters are compelled to speak Hindi within the public space, furthering their alienation to the city. Speaking in Malayalam thus becomes a safe harbour for Prabha and Anu in All We Imagine as Light. Kapadia skillfully employs Hindi to denote the characters’ alienation. Malayalam, on the other hand, becomes emblematic of home. All We Imagine as Light is an example of a different kind of Indian cinema: one that goes beyond mainstream narratives, and offers viewers an insight into an India they often don’t get to see. The film’s success indicates that there is potential for an alternate cinema that tells a variety of stories, in a way that is attentive to cultural nuances, and still able to serve as a cultural ambassador around the world. ___ Anmol Dutta does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment. ___ This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Disclosure information is available on the original site. Read the original article: https://theconversation.com/payal-kapadias-all-we-imagine-as-light-disrupts-popular-narratives-of-mumbai-242579 Advertisement AdvertisementThousands of people took to the streets of the Slovakia capital Thursday to protest against Culture Minister Martina Simkovicova who has dismissed several heads of major cultural institutions and halted projects steered by LGBT+ associations under the pretext of promoting "Slovak culture". Simkovicova, a 53-year-old former television anchor, has been a controversial figure since taking office in October 2023. "I am frustrated and very angry about the way culture is being destroyed and organizations are falling apart," Svetlana Fialova, a 39-year-old visual artist and lecturer, told AFP. "What is happening in Slovakia is ... what is happening in Georgia, Hungary and other countries, where people who collaborate and play to Russian tunes are coming to power and trying to suppress democracy and culture," she said. "The culture of the Slovaks should be Slovak -- Slovak and none else," Simkovicova said in one early speech. Nominated by the nationalist Slovak National Party (SNS), she has also slammed "LGBT+ ideology" for causing Europe to "die out". Her views have appealed to Prime Minister Robert Fico from the centrist Smer party, whose objections to liberal values echo Viktor Orban, the prime minister of neighbouring Hungary. Simkovicova had worked notably for the Slovan TV channel, known for spreading conspiracy theories, xenophobia and pro-Russian views. Slovak National Gallery director Alexandra Kusa lost her job in August in what opponents said was part of Simkovicova's purge. "Culture ministry staff accompanied by a lawyer showed up in my office one day with a bunch of flowers and a notice," she told AFP. Kusa, who has been reduced to the post of exhibition curator, said the ministry had launched a derogatory campaign against her. She says she was punished for backing Matej Drlicka, the National Theatre director, who was sacked a day earlier. The head of the country's heritage institute was dismissed this week. "We are not compatible with the ministry. Their idea of culture is completely different from ours," Kusa said. She accuses the ministry of launching "an era of bullying and intimidation". "It's pure destruction and demonstration of power. It's terrible." The ministry did not respond to AFP's request to comment. More from this section Simkovicova also targets public media. In June, she pushed through a law reforming the state-run RTVS broadcaster into a new company, STVR, which is under her control. Analyst Pavol Hardos told AFP that wielding political influence over cultural institutions had a precedent in Slovakia. "This is something we experienced in the 1990s during the illiberal regime of Vladimir Meciar, when there were ideological tests and tests ... of who is a good nationalist, a good Slovak, and who isn't," he said. What is new is the government's "commitment to purge cultural institutions from anyone who is in any way perceived as potentially a political enemy", Hardos said. Open-minded and liberal people are "being targeted as a potential troublemaker, and people who are often enough real experts in their areas are being sidelined or thrown out," he added. Hardos said that while it was premature to talk about "an illiberal regime", Fico is walking in Orban's footsteps. The government is also targeting LGBT+ rights organisations. Early this year, Simkovicova said they would not get "a cent" from her ministry. She has recently curbed public subsidies for LGBT+ groups. "This concerns any project with links to LGBT+," said Martin Macko, head of the Iniciativa Inakost NGO. He said attacks on the minority were growing, as were the number of people being treated by the NGO's therapists. The situation has incited protests among artists, cultural institution staff and the public, who turn their backs on directors named by Simkovicova or read protest statements on theatre stages. Large rallies were held this year, mobilising tens of thousands of people. Two petitions written by artists have solicited 400,000 signatures in the EU member country of 5.4 million people. In the Slovak parliament, the opposition initiated a vote to dismiss Simkovicova, but the attempt fell through. "No culture ministry employee prevents anyone from being creative or expressing themselves," Simkovicova told the press. sc-anb-frj-kym/twsports images 。

Korean crisis in abeyance - now let's hope Trump goes easy with the tariffs, says ALEX BRUMMER By ALEX BRUMMER FOR THE DAILY MAIL Updated: 22:00 GMT, 4 December 2024 e-mail View comments South Korea is often cited by the World Bank as a poster child for economic development. Since the Korean war ended in 1953 it has advanced rapidly from an underdeveloped nation to the Western ‘premier league’. It is Asia’s fourth-largest economy, the 12th largest in the world with output of £1.5trillion (half the UK’s), and part of an economic and cultural elite which has given us Samsung, the Gangnam craze, Squid Game and Spurs footballer Son Heung-Min. On a trip to Seoul some years ago for an International Monetary Fund meeting, the protests against visiting bankers were among the most elegant I’ve witnessed. Well-organised protesters in white judo-style costumes jogged through the city in neat crocodile style. It came as a shock when directly elected president Yoon Suk Yeol suddenly declared martial law on Monday, sparking street protests and opposition in the legislature. Yoon now faces impeachment. Some might see echoes of events in Washington on January 6, 2020, when defeated US president Donald Trump gave succour to followers who invaded the US Capitol seeking to annul the election. Demonstration: Protesters demanding for the resignation of South Korean president Yoon Suk Yeol gather outside the National Assembly Building, in Seoul Global economic decision makers are always on alert for the next disruption hard on the heels of the great financial crisis, Covid and Russia’s war on Ukraine. No one predicted it would come from South Korea. The trigger was a stand-off over a budget which would have increased funding to Yoon’s office, the police and other public bodies. Yoon sought to blame North Korean influencers in the legislature for the need to restore order. For a few hours markets wobbled. The South Korean currency, the won, tumbled to a two-year low. A bid by a private equity behemoth for HD Marine Solution was pulled. Korean stocks plunged. South Korea lives by exports. This writer is a user of a Samsung TV, mobile phone and watch. Seoul is vulnerable to Trump-era tariffs. Citibank estimates that the tariffs will lower output from 1.8 per cent to 1.6 per cent in 2025. RELATED ARTICLES Previous 1 Next Boost for FTSE as investors pile into UK shares: But £317m... Police investigating reports that Boohoo bosses were stalked... Share this article Share HOW THIS IS MONEY CAN HELP How to choose the best (and cheapest) stocks and shares Isa and the right DIY investing account One suspects that, given South Korea’s exposure to authoritarian crazies in North Korea, even Trump might go easy. Hopefully, this is a catastrophe averted. Mind the gap Closer to home, our new Transport Secretary Heidi Alexander has been celebrating the renationalisation of South Western Railway, saying we can look forward to better service and lower fares. How, is less clear. She argues axing the management fees paid by Government to the rail firms will help. Maybe, but the Government will need to employ new managers. Neither Network Rail nor Transport for London are known for frugal pay. Similarly, Alexander cited industrial peace by settling with the unions. But that is likely to lead to higher fares given that the big giveaway lacked any productivity requirement. If real improvements are to be made then it will mean modernisation. That requires money. When it comes to the next public spending round in June rail will compete with the NHS, education, social care and much else. Commuters will be low on the priority list. DIY INVESTING PLATFORMS AJ Bell AJ Bell Easy investing and ready-made portfolios Learn More Learn More Hargreaves Lansdown Hargreaves Lansdown Free fund dealing and investment ideas Learn More Learn More interactive investor interactive investor Flat-fee investing from £4.99 per month Learn More Learn More Saxo Saxo Get £200 back in trading fees Learn More Learn More Trading 212 Trading 212 Free dealing and no account fee Learn More Learn More Affiliate links: If you take out a product This is Money may earn a commission. These deals are chosen by our editorial team, as we think they are worth highlighting. This does not affect our editorial independence. Compare the best investing account for you Share or comment on this article: Korean crisis in abeyance - now let's hope Trump goes easy with the tariffs, says ALEX BRUMMER e-mail Add comment Some links in this article may be affiliate links. If you click on them we may earn a small commission. That helps us fund This Is Money, and keep it free to use. We do not write articles to promote products. We do not allow any commercial relationship to affect our editorial independence.Friend of Quebec man killed in Florida boat explosion says his sister also injured

COLUMBUS, Ohio — Ohio State athletic director Ross Bjork said Thursday that he is "absolutely" confident that Ryan Day will be back as football coach in 2025. Calls to fire the sixth-year coach rose among Ohio State fans after the Buckeyes lost to Michigan for the fourth straight year. Bjork, in an interview on 97.1 The Fan, said Day is the man for the job, regardless of how the Buckeyes perform in the College Football Playoff. They host Tennessee in a first-round game Dec. 21. "Coach Day is awesome," said Bjork, who came from Texas A&M to replace the retiring Gene Smith last summer. "He's great to work with. He totally gets it. He loves being a Buckeye. So, we're going to support him at the highest level." The 13-10 loss to Michigan followed by an ugly melee between the teams put the coach in a precarious spot. He and his team were booed off the field by the home fans. Bjork ended up releasing a statement expressing his support for the coach. "The reason we had to say something after (the Michigan) game is, we're still breathing, we're still alive," Bjork said. "The season's not over. The book is not closed." Thanks to the playoff, Day has a chance to redeem himself with Ohio State's huge fanbase with a win against the Volunteers — and perhaps more in the 12-team tournament. Regardless of what happens, Day will be back next year, according to Bjork. "Coach Day and I just hit it off so well," Bjork said. "I've been really, really impressed. Every single time I talked to him, I learn something. He's innovative. He recruits at the highest level. He's got a great staff." Day wouldn't directly address his job status last weekend. "When you first come off those types of things, there's a lot of emotion," he said, referring to the Michigan loss. "And then as time goes on, you've got to get refocused because you know what you've done in the past does not affect what's going on moving forward. Everything is out in front of us." Failing to consistently beat Michigan is one of the few flaws in Day's coaching record. Hired as a member of coach Urban Meyer's staff in 2017, Day was the hand-picked successor when Meyer retired after the 2018 season. Compiling an overall 66-10 record, he is widely admired in the coaching community. "Great respect for what he's done in his coaching career, what he's done there at Ohio State and the success that they've had year-in and year-out," Tennessee coach Josh Heupel said. Day is in trouble now because losing The Game is considered an unforgiveable sin by Buckeyes fans. "What we have to do is this whole 'championship or bust' mentality, you want that as the goal, but it has to be about the process," Bjork said. "To me, we've got to maybe change some conversations a little bit. I think we need to maybe just approach things a little bit differently." Be the first to know Get local news delivered to your inbox!

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Amritsar: Recent violent incidents in Amritsar, including attacks on political figures and explosions near police stations, have raised concerns among security experts about potential unrest in Punjab. On Nov 24, police seized a suspicious bomb-like object outside Ajnala police station. It was followed by a bomb blast at an abandoned police post in Gurbaksh Nagar on Nov 29. This was followed by Wednesday’s attack on SAD leader Sukhbir Singh Badal . Just 13 hours later, a suspected explosion took place at the holy city’s Majithia police post. Amritsar and Tarn Taran had remained the epicentre of militancy during the 1980s and 1990s. “Is this not the commencement of something grave, perhaps even militancy? How else do militants operate? They have started functioning in a manner similar to the early 1980s, beginning with the murder of Lala Jagat Narayan on Sep 9, 1981,” said a retired police officer, who served across Punjab during the days of militancy. The failure of law and order in the border city of Amritsar, coupled with indifferent police and security agencies, posed a substantial risk to the state’s security, he said. “If authorities continue to neglect their responsibilities and are not decisive, consequences could be severe,” he added. He said the attacks on a police post and police station suggested a calculated attempt to undermine law enforcement and create an atmosphere of fear and instability. He said with a weakened SAD, traditional panthic (Sikh) segment of Punjab’s population was finding itself lacking a formidable leader, such as late Parkash Singh Badal or Gurcharan Singh Tohra. “Sukhbir has not been able to fill this leadership vacuum. On the other hand, SAD itself is not only weak, but also a divided house. This lack of cohesive leadership is paving the way for anti-national Khalistani elements to re-emerge,” he observed. According to panthic observers, Akalis have positioned themselves as defenders of Punjab’s interests, particularly in context of managing Sikh identity and autonomy. The surge in violence plays into this narrative, as the party might seek to project itself as the sole party capable of controlling the influence of anti-national elements in Punjab. We also published the following articles recently Man opens fire at SAD leader Sukhbir Singh Badal at Golden Temple in Amritsar A man fired shots at Shiromani Akali Dal leader Sukhbir Singh Badal at the Golden Temple entrance in Amritsar. Badal, performing seva due to a religious punishment, escaped unharmed. Police swiftly apprehended the shooter, Narayan Singh Chaura, but the motive remains unclear. 'Wash utensils, clean bathrooms': Why Sikh high priests have punished SAD leader Sukhbir Singh Badal Sukhbir Singh Badal, former Punjab deputy CM, performed public penance at the Golden Temple after being declared guilty of religious misconduct. He carried a spear and wore a placard displaying Gurbani verses. The punishment, pronounced by Sikh high priests, relates to decisions made during SAD's rule from 2007-2017, including the handling of sacrilege incidents and pardoning Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh. Attack on former Punjab deputy CM Sukhbir Singh Badal shows rise of radical fringe A pro-Khalistan extremist attempted to assassinate Shiromani Akali Dal chief Sukhbir Singh Badal outside the Golden Temple. An alert police officer and a volunteer thwarted the attack, pushing the gunman's hand as he fired. Badal was unharmed. The incident highlights rising radical extremism within the Sikh diaspora, fueled by online propaganda and support from Pakistan-based terrorist groups. Stay updated with the latest news on Times of India . Don't miss daily games like Crossword , Sudoku , and Mini Crossword .

Elon Musk Accuses Jeff Bezos Of Manipulating Stocks: Here’s How The Amazon Founder RespondedAmritsar: Recent violent incidents in Amritsar, including attacks on political figures and explosions near police stations, have raised concerns among security experts about potential unrest in Punjab. On Nov 24, police seized a suspicious bomb-like object outside Ajnala police station. It was followed by a bomb blast at an abandoned police post in Gurbaksh Nagar on Nov 29. This was followed by Wednesday’s attack on SAD leader Sukhbir Singh Badal . Just 13 hours later, a suspected explosion took place at the holy city’s Majithia police post. Amritsar and Tarn Taran had remained the epicentre of militancy during the 1980s and 1990s. “Is this not the commencement of something grave, perhaps even militancy? How else do militants operate? They have started functioning in a manner similar to the early 1980s, beginning with the murder of Lala Jagat Narayan on Sep 9, 1981,” said a retired police officer, who served across Punjab during the days of militancy. The failure of law and order in the border city of Amritsar, coupled with indifferent police and security agencies, posed a substantial risk to the state’s security, he said. “If authorities continue to neglect their responsibilities and are not decisive, consequences could be severe,” he added. He said the attacks on a police post and police station suggested a calculated attempt to undermine law enforcement and create an atmosphere of fear and instability. He said with a weakened SAD, traditional panthic (Sikh) segment of Punjab’s population was finding itself lacking a formidable leader, such as late Parkash Singh Badal or Gurcharan Singh Tohra. “Sukhbir has not been able to fill this leadership vacuum. On the other hand, SAD itself is not only weak, but also a divided house. This lack of cohesive leadership is paving the way for anti-national Khalistani elements to re-emerge,” he observed. According to panthic observers, Akalis have positioned themselves as defenders of Punjab’s interests, particularly in context of managing Sikh identity and autonomy. The surge in violence plays into this narrative, as the party might seek to project itself as the sole party capable of controlling the influence of anti-national elements in Punjab. We also published the following articles recently Man opens fire at SAD leader Sukhbir Singh Badal at Golden Temple in Amritsar A man fired shots at Shiromani Akali Dal leader Sukhbir Singh Badal at the Golden Temple entrance in Amritsar. Badal, performing seva due to a religious punishment, escaped unharmed. Police swiftly apprehended the shooter, Narayan Singh Chaura, but the motive remains unclear. 'Wash utensils, clean bathrooms': Why Sikh high priests have punished SAD leader Sukhbir Singh Badal Sukhbir Singh Badal, former Punjab deputy CM, performed public penance at the Golden Temple after being declared guilty of religious misconduct. He carried a spear and wore a placard displaying Gurbani verses. The punishment, pronounced by Sikh high priests, relates to decisions made during SAD's rule from 2007-2017, including the handling of sacrilege incidents and pardoning Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh. Attack on former Punjab deputy CM Sukhbir Singh Badal shows rise of radical fringe A pro-Khalistan extremist attempted to assassinate Shiromani Akali Dal chief Sukhbir Singh Badal outside the Golden Temple. An alert police officer and a volunteer thwarted the attack, pushing the gunman's hand as he fired. Badal was unharmed. The incident highlights rising radical extremism within the Sikh diaspora, fueled by online propaganda and support from Pakistan-based terrorist groups. Stay updated with the latest news on Times of India . Don't miss daily games like Crossword , Sudoku , and Mini Crossword .ARC Group Worldwide (OTCMKTS:ARCW) Share Price Passes Below Fifty Day Moving Average – Here’s What Happened